The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

Postby admin » Fri Nov 09, 2018 4:00 am

Part 1 of 2


CHAPTER TWELVE: "The Silent Experiment in Group Psychology"


WE HAVE SEEN how the Society for Psychoanalytic Endeavors, which was created in Zurich in February 1912, formed the first foundation of a charismatic cult centered on the Lebensphilosophie of psychoanalysis and on the person of Jung. We have also seen how Jung grew into his role as a leader or prophet of a cultural revitalization movement that was anti-Christian in focus and that therefore sought to fireplace religion with religion." Jung lost many disciples in Zurich after his 1913 break with Freud, but those that remained continued to seek psychoanalytic treatment from Jung and his associates, recommended this form of treatment to others, and attended his lectures and seminars during the years of the Great War.

Insulated from the storm that raged all around Switzerland, the small group of current and former patients of the analysts of the Zurich School formed interwoven social networks that extended far beyond the borders of Zurich. The sanctuary that Switzerland provided from the war probably served to intensify the feeling of social cohesion among the Jungians and no doubt convinced them that their program for a spiritual revitalization of a mad society was exactly what the world needed. When the war ended, they would provide the leadership for a new spiritual awakening, with a physician and noted man of science as their prophet and pater pneumatikos ("spiritual father"). The social upheaval that always follows such conflagrations would even perhaps provide an opening for the Jungians to step in and grab the world's attention, indeed to enact what the ancestors told them was "the Law of what is to come." As Jung was to say first in 1916 and then over and over again throughout his life, "only a few are capable of individuating," and it was those disciples in Jung's innermost circle who were therefore the vanguard of this new nobility or spiritual elite. [1]

The formal governing organ of this new spiritual elite was to be the group of current and former patients and their analysts who blurred the boundaries of their relationships by participating in the Psychological Club after its formation in 1916. Fortunately, we have what appears to be a summary transcript of a talk Jung gave in 1916 at the meeting at which the Psychological Club was founded. It has been found among the papers of Fanny Bowditch Katz, an American patient of Jung's and Jung's Dutch associate, Maria Moltzer, who underwent analysis with the two of them in 1912 and 1913. Moltzer, however, remained her primary analyst, and as is apparent from their mutual correspondence, they remained in touch long after Katz's return to America. The document concerning the Psychological Club is probably an original English transcript typed by Moltzer in Zurich and, it is assumed, mailed to Katz in America. In the upper right-hand corner of the document "Frl. Moltzer" is written in an unknown hand.

What follows, then, is the heretofore unpublished talk, thought to be by Jung. It will be obvious immediately to the reader that it is spiritual redemption that is the focus of interest among this group of people and that this is not -- nor was it ever -- a professional psychiatric or medical association of any sort. In 1959 -- with obvious reference to alchemy and the relationship of the medieval or renaissance alchemist or "adept" to his female assistant, the soror mystica ("mystical sister") -- Jung would mention in his introduction to a posthumously published collections of the writings of Toni Wolff that "she also helped me to carry out, over a period of forty years, a 'silent experiment' in group psychology, an experiment which constitutes the life of the Psychological Club in Zurich." [2] Indeed, it may very well be argued that this document acknowledges that the "silent experiment" was the Jung cult of redemption and rebirth that was formalized on the day that Jung made the following remarks:

In the symbol of Christ lies an identification of the personality with the progressive tendency of the collective soul. I purposely say the progressive tendency of the collective soul in order to indicate that the collective soul has various aspects. One is a tendency which is represented by the Terrible Mother, but there is another which contains the symbols of redemption for suffering humanity. This side of the collective soul is symbolized by Christ.

In Christ the human and the divine in man are one -- for which reason Christ is also the God-man.

Through the death of Christ, His personality and His Imago living in mankind became separated. Christ died, and His Imago arose among men -- and the collective soul of mankind was accepted in the symbol of Christ. Thus a new ideal arose, an ideal so strong that its power still holds mankind today.

The identification with the progressive tendency of the collective soul is characterized by the intuitive type. This type cannot live in the existing functions, and is forced to maintain his intuition until he has found his adaptation to life. For this reason he follows mainly the progressive tendency of the libido. This identification of the personality with the collective unconscious manifests itself always in the phenomenon of self-deification -- be it an identification with the function of intuition, with the function of extraversion, or with the function of introversion. It is a self-deification according to the function, but the phenomenon always remains the same. It is therefore a question of the overcoming of self-deification, which might also be compared with the Death of Christ, a death of the greatest agony.

Perhaps the freeing of the personality from the progressive tendency of the unconscious belongs to one of the most painful tasks to be accomplished on the road to development to full individuality. Through the freeing of the personality from the progressive tendency arises a chaos, a darkness and a doubt of all that exists, and of all that may be. The opposite tendency of the progressive is activated, and the whole Hell of the overcome past opens, and hurls itself upon the newly gained present demanding its rights, and threatens to overpower it.

This moment brings a feeling of great danger. One is quite conscious of standing before death. The directing line, so long given one by the identification with the progressive tendency, is suddenly wiped out -- and not until one has found the continuity of the new functions created in the unconscious, can one get a feeling of the possibility to live.

The separating of the personality from the collective soul seems to disturb phylogenetically certain pictures or formations in the unconscious -- a process which we still understand very little, but which needs the greatest care in treatment. The struggle with the Dead is terrible, and I understand the instinct of mankind which protests against this great effort as long as it is possible to do so.

But we human beings have not only instinct, we have also intuition -- an insight into the inexorable which life demands of us, and so the struggle goes on between instinct and intuition, until both have been harmoniously united.

Here too the parallel with Christ continues. The struggle with the Dead and the descent into Hell are unavoidable. The Dead need much patience and the greatest care. Some must be brought to eternal rest, others have a message to bring us, for which we must prepare ourselves. These Dead need time for their highest fulfillment, only after full duty has been done to the Dead can man return slowly to his newly created personality. This new individuality thus contains all vital elements in a new constellation.

In studying Christ's Descent into Hell I was surprised to find how closely the tradition coincides with human experience. This problem is therefore not new, it is a problem of general mankind, and for this reason probably too, symbolized through Christ.

I will not mention these parallels further here, as it would carry me too far from my subject, and I hope to elucidate this problem more fully in a work on the Transcendental Function. It was a problem of the past, and is a problem of our time. The night, the chaos and the despair which appear before the Menschwerdung, has been defined by artists of not long ago. So, Goethe's Faust is enveloped in night -- he becomes blind, and dies -- only then the transfiguration. [It is] the Transcendental Function which reveals the completed human being of our time.

In Wagner's Parsifal we find the same phenomenon, only nearer to life. On Good Friday Parsifal comes back to the Gralsburg. He is entirely in black, the symbol of death, and his visor is closed. The belief in being able to fulfill the work for which he has struggled for so long has deserted him, and it is Gurnemanz and Kundry, both very much changed, who free him from his madness and show him the way to the Gralsburg.

Only after one has freed oneself from the collective soul, only after one has passed through death and the soul has been realized, can the collective problem be really solved. The further conclusion is that this problem must in principle be our problem also -- the essential element in the Collective being that it pertains to all. The Collective soul may be brought to constellation in a different way in every individual, but in principle all these manifestations are the same. When the Holy Ghost revealed Himself to the Apostles on Whitsun tide, the Apostles spoke in tongues, which means that each spoke in his own way, each had his own way of praising his own God, and yet all praised the same God.

Only after the overcoming of self-deification, only after the human being has been revealed to himself, and man recognizes the human being in mankind, can we speak of a real analytical collectivity -- a collectivity which reaches out (extends) beyond type and sex.

But we have not yet come so far, we are on the way to the Menschwerdung. The recognition that each has to fulfill his especial task, and to go his own especial way, leads to the respect for the individual and his especial path. Only those who have been forced through their own individual laws to go their own ways, and thereby have come in conflict with the prevailing traditions, come to Analysis.

An analytical collectivity can therefore only be founded on a respect for the individual and the individual path. The difficulties which arise along the individual path in relation to collectivity can only be solved analytically, and it must follow that for those who wish to build up an analytical collectivity, it must be an inevitable duty to solve such conflicts according to the principles of Analysis.

That which those who subject themselves to Analysis have in common is their striving to solve individual problems. This mutual interest suffices for a Club. A Club can be based on anyone collective element, for which reason I approve of the Club. In a Club those persons can join together who have a common road to go, and wherein they thus feel themselves strengthened in their efforts. So, small Clubs will grow up in the main Club, the so-called original groups, which again will have their own development to pass through, will be dissolved, or in time be changed into other groups. For this reason there must be an analytical Club that has perfect freedom to build an endless number of small groups, and each must respect the other. Thus the individual principle will be carried over to the collective principle, for a Club, or a small group, is, as long as it forms a unit in itself, identical with an individuality.

From which follows that I should like to have the following principles introduced into the statutes of an analytical Club:

1. Purpose of the Club: analytical collectivity.

2. Respect for the Club as a whole.

3. Respect for the small group, as such.

4. Respect for the individual and his individual purpose.

5. Where difficulties arise in the Club, in the small groups or among individuals, they must be solved according to analytical principles.

6. Where insolvable difficulties arise they must be brought before an analytical tribunal.

Nothing is new under the sun. That which I see ahead of us as an ideal analytical collectivity Goethe saw and speaks of in his "Geheimnisse." If it were not so long, I should be glad to read it to you now -- it may not be familiar to you all.

The poem was written in 1816 and no doubt was far ahead of its time. It describes a collectivity founded on the principle of the religious acceptance of the individual path, and the Menschwerdung. As a symbol this Cloister has a Cross wound with roses, symbol of the resurrected life -- the Tannhauser motif of the budding staff, the Chider, or the Tree of Life.

The ancients say of the Tree of Life, "A Noble Tree planted with rare skill grows in a garden. Its roots reach down to the bottom of Hell -- its crown touches the Throne of God, its wide spreading branches surround the Earth. The Tree stands in fullest beauty and is glorious in its foliage."

This Tree is the expression of a collective function, created by Analysis and life.


As is immediately evident to any reader of this remarkable document, it is the manifesto of a religious movement whose goal is not only the salvation of the individual, but also of the world, and it is founded on a vague utopian ideal of an "analytical collectivity." Let us examine the meaning of this text in light of the discussion that has been presented thus far.

Jung here is still incorporating themes from Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido. In doing so, he outlines a sequence of psychological experiences, a phenomenology of personal transformation, which we now know he himself underwent and then presented to his disciples as a universal pattern to be emulated by them.

Jung's phenomenological exposition goes like this: within the unconscious there is a progressive flow of libido, which if the individual personality (the ego) "identifies" with it, he or she undergoes the experience of self-deification and becomes (symbolically) Christ. As we have shown, Jung himself underwent such a deification experience in which he merged with Aion and Christ. If the individual (ego) identifies with the regressive flow of the libido, he or she suffers the pain of dismemberment and annihilation in the "realm of the Mothers" and becomes (symbolically) a victim of the Terrible Mother. If one does not heroically resurface from these depths, one then becomes permanently damaged and will then probably develop dementia praecox.

As a symbol of a successful self-deification process, Christ is exemplary for he is both divine and human. After the death of the historical Jesus, his memory image nonetheless continued to live in the collective soul and, over many generations, actually came to symbolize the collective soul of humankind. Jung differs from his old theological nemesis Ritschl in this regard, for Jung's memory image of Christ is lodged in a transcendental sphere of human nature and is not merely transmitted by cultural traditions and institutions, as Ritschl argued. [3] Jung's invocation of Christ as a symbol of the collective soul also resonates with the volkisch thought originating in the late nineteenth century with figures such as Julius Langbehn (among many others) that Mosse identifies as "another tendency in Volkish thought -- namely, to substitute the image of the Volk for the person and function of Christ." [4]

When the modern individual (ego) undergoes a transformation and begins to identify with the collective unconscious, he or she therefore becomes Christ (self-deification). Whether one is an extraverted, introverted, or intuitive type (Jung later changed this prototheory of psychological types markedly), one always becomes, in a sense, Christ. The issue then becomes how to overcome, in a Nietzschean sense, one's experience as a god.

However, if one becomes Christ, he or she must then reenact the story of Christ. After experiencing the agony of psychological death (as Christ did on the cross) and then, after fully experiencing both humanity and divinity through being a dying and suffering god, one must also reenact Christ's katabasis or descent to Hell (the "realm of the Mothers," or the collective unconscious). After the initial deification experience, and after successfully overcoming it (through analysis, as implied here by Jung), the "whole Hell of the overcome past opens" and one begins a confrontation with the collective unconscious.

Here Jung is still holding on to his phylogenetic hypothesis (if tenuously), for "the separating of the personality from the collective soul seems to disturb phylogenetically certain pictures or formations in the unconscious." Yet this is about as scientific as Jung allows himself to get, for the process he describes is more akin to the mediumistic techniques of spiritualism than anything else. Jung equates disturbing these images with disturbing the dead. While in the collective unconscious -- which then is equivalent to a transcendent land of the dead -- one has a "terrible struggle" with the dead.

It is clear that Jung views the role of the individual as a redeemer of the dead as well as of oneself and of society. Like Hermes the psychopomp, the individual has the responsibility to lead some of the dead to eternal rest. Other members of the dead have an important message of salvation to bring to humankind. Thus, the individual who undergoes Jung's brand of analysis must also become a spiritualist medium who can receive messages from the deceased for the benefit of humankind. Indeed, one must have contact with the dead before one can achieve individuality, a process that Jung here calls the Menschwerdung (the process of "becoming a human being").

After comparing the process of individuation to the death, descent, and rebirth of Christ the god-man, Jung then makes a reference to Wagner's Parsifal and its paganized Christian theme of redemption. This reference, and the cluster of references at the end of his talk to Goethe and his poem of a secret (Geheimnis) religious cloister like the Templars, to Wagner again and his Tannhiiuser, and to the Tree that is a symbol of Wotan and Wotanism, all point to Jung's merger of the image of Christ with dominant symbols of the volkisch movement. The deliberate reference to these Germanic symbols, which would resonate especially with his Germanic disciples, is very telling. One may very well argue, therefore, that -- based on the convergence of evidence we have from 1916 -- the Jung cult began as a volkisch movement devoted specifically to the spiritual revitalization of the Germanic Volk.


Jung is telling us with this document that his movement is one based on the metaphors of Nietzscheanism. Jung wants those who have already had the experience of being "forced through their own individual laws to go their own ways, and thereby have come in conflict with the prevailing traditions." These prevailing traditions are, of course, the organized Judeo-Christian faiths. There is no place with him, therefore, for those who still adhere to such ideals. Jung instead welcomes these spiritually disaffected persons in particular to analysis, through which they then can form their own personal religion and thereby, echoing Nietzsche's own words, obey only their own law.

Yet we see here the contradictions that Tonnies noticed in the Nietzsche cult of the 1890s. Jung offers the promise of truly becoming an individual after becoming a god, or rather, after learning to directly experience the god within. This is a process of self-sacrifice and struggle during which one must give up one's former image of god, indeed most effectively smashing the Judeo-Christian idol with the "hammer" of questions that is analysis. Jung's analysis helps to destroy the hold that the Judeo-Christian god has over the individual. The promise here, then, is Jung's promise of liberation, of freedom, of becoming a continually self-re-creating individual in a state of constant becoming, a perpetual revolution of the soul.

With the vital, scintillatingly intelligent, and sensitive Jung as their living model, it is no wonder that Jung's disciples could believe -- with Jung's own promises -- that they, too, could one day be as charismatic as he. This is the first contradiction that becomes apparent in Jung's Nietzschean cult doctrine, for what Jung offers to his disciples (and through them, to the world) as a process of individuation is simply his own pattern of experience. Analysis becomes, then, a ritualized reenactment of Jung's own experience as a suffering and dying god, just as Roman Catholic communion is a ritualized reenactment of the Last Supper. Paradoxically, Jung offers his own unique path as the one for his disciples to mimic. He has found the way and is imparting this vision to his tribe. Despite his urgings and promises to the contrary, Jung is offering himself as the imago of individuation.  [5] And given his personal charisma, in the eyes of these earliest disciples (and of those in the Jungian movement today who are enamored by the manufactured pseudocharisma of the deceased Jung), the way to be a unique individual is to imitate Jung.

A second contradiction in Jung's pseudoliberational Nietzschean doctrine is his paradoxical argument that a small group of individuals is "identical with an individuality" and is therefore not contrary to one's own individuality. Here is the appeal to spiritual elitism and the justification for forming a Nietzschean new nobility of the individuated. With this appeal, and the blueprint for a blossoming number of groups to spread all over the world from Zurich, Jung is in essence directly challenging the organs of Christianity and is setting up his own hierarchical religious cult with its own "analytical tribunal." Jung thus becomes the heresiarch who, through the arbitrary powers of his charismatic authority (as with all charismatic leaders, as Weber has demonstrated), can personally determine the new ethical standards and social policies of his new heresy. It is ironic that by doing so Jung simply repeats those aspects of organized religion that he and his fellow iconoclasts found so repugnant in the first place.

In 1928 Jung would again emphasize the need for an enlightened elite of the few individuated persons who are chosen to lead the rest of humanity by vocation, literally a call to follow an "inner necessity." After a discussion of the self, which Jung says "might equally well be called the 'God within us,'" [6] and then of the importance of things we may consider evil and therefore purposely ignore to our own detriment, Jung says the following:

Here I am alluding to a problem that is far more significant than these few simple words would seem to suggest: mankind is, in essentials, psychologically still in a state of childhood -- a stage that cannot be skipped. The vast majority needs authority, guidance, law. This fact cannot be overlooked. The Pauline overcoming of the law falls only to the man who knows how to put his soul in the place of conscience. Very few are capable of this ("Many are called, few are chosen."). And these few tread this path only from inner necessity, not to say suffering, for it is sharp as the edge of a razor. [7]

Thus, to be among the few individuated members of the Jung cult means one is no longer infantile and that one has a higher purpose or calling to lead those unfortunate multitudes who cannot or will not see the light. This is Jung once again appealing to the spiritual elitism that so many have found seductive.


Jung deliberately fused the symbol of Christ with potent Germanic cultural symbols because it spoke to the volkisch mystical elements within his circle and indicated his intention to redeem those of Aryan heredity. We know from his own statements that, during at least his first sixty years, Jung felt European individuals should follow European paths of spiritual development that their distant ancestors followed and not alien ones such as Buddhism, Hinduism, or, it may be argued, the "alien" faith of Christianity -- with its Semitic origins -- that was imposed as a "foreign growth" on the pagan Germanic peoples. [8] Jung toned down his rhetoric considerably after 1936 or so when he began to realize the impending disaster for humanity that Hitler and the Nazis could bring about through their racial policies. However, based on his essentially volkisch view of human nature in 1916, it is clear that Jung's proposed path of spiritual redemption could only work for those of Indo-European ancestry, or for those few extraordinary secular Jews who had lived on European soil and who therefore had souls that were imbued with the combined pagan and Christian influences that literally arose from the blood soaked into the land itself. Aryans could experience the sacrament of rebirth. Semites did not have this "image" and therefore were excluded from redemption.

This essentially Aryans-only path to redemption that Jung envisioned in 1916 is supported by a "secret appendix" to the by-laws of the Analytical Psychology Club of Zurich. According to these secret rules, Jewish membership in the club was limited to ten percent and Jewish "guest membership" to twenty-five percent of the total. This fact -- which only came to light in 1989 -- is confirmation of Jung's long-standing covert anti-Semitism, as he removed the Jewish quota only in 1950. [9]

Jung's proposal of an analytical collectivity is essentially the utopian vision that he and his cult sought to bring about. This explicit utopianism in Jung -- like most visions of utopia -- is somewhat vague, but it is very much within a long tradition of Germanic utopianism that became especially prominent in Central Europe after 1870, throughout Jung's developmental years. In order to fully understand what Jung is proposing with his "analytical collectivity," these contemporary utopian ideas that permeated the fin de siecle and beyond must be explored.

German utopianism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries almost always meant a return to pre-Christian, pagan spirituality in some form. We have seen how Goethe exemplified this trend in the Romantic movement by suggesting replacing the fairy tale of Christ-worship with sun worship. The Romantic revival of the Greek gods in Germany also led to utopian visions of a Hellenic Germany based on the best, most rational, and most aesthetically superior Apollonian aspects of ancient Greek culture.

In the 1870s, Nietzsche and Wagner unleashed a stream of utopian fantasies that reversed these notions with their appeal to a return to an irrational, organic, Dionysian community of oneness of will and expression. Nietzsche's The Birth of Tragedy argued that Bismarckian Germany should be reborn, but not on its Apollonian or arid, rational (hence patriarchical) values, but on a return to the ideals of the earliest Greek communitarian society, a prerational, pre-Socratic world of instinct and harmony with the forces of nature and its inherent tragedy. With Wagnerian opera in mind, the unifying Dionysian element was to be music. Nietzsche implores, "Let no one try to blight our faith in a yet-impending rebirth of Hellenic antiquity; for this alone gives us hope for a renovation and purification of the German spirit through the fire magic of music." [10] Nietzsche's appeal to a return to a pre-Christian utopia in which the creative forces of nature would be unleashed was a seductive one:

Yes, my friends, believe with me in Dionysian life and the rebirth of tragedy. The age of the Socratic man is over; put on wreaths of ivy, put the thyrsus in your hand, and do not be surprised when tigers and panthers lie down, fawning, at your feet. Only dare to be tragic men; for you are to be redeemed. You shall accompany the Dionysian pageant from India to Greece. Prepare yourselves for hard strife, but believe in the miracles of your god. [11]

It was just such a communitarian, Dionysian unit that Tonnies had in mind with his concept of Gemeinschaft, which is roughly translated into English as "community." Tonnies' vision of Gemeinschaft was of just such a small, blood-related, and geographically localized self-sufficient communal lifestyle that was guided by its essential or organic will toward the common good. This "organic will" was not necessarily contrary to rational thought, but was not identical with it either. Tonnies' famous book of 1887, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, which marks the beginning of modern German sociology, fatalistically predicted a decline in bourgeois-Christian civilization or Gesellschaft ("society") and a return to communal living. [12] In this immense work of scholarship, there are many references to Nietzsche and, interestingly, Bachofen. Just such a fantasy was enacted around 1900 by the various Asconan groups in Switzerland.  [13] Among those Germanic Europeans in search of their long-lost Teutonic spirituality and a return to a Golden Age of paganism, the "old dreams of a new Reich" were of a very similar Volksgemeinschaft (a mystical blood community of Volk) through a revolution led by an elite (spiritual and/ or political) or, perhaps, a fuhrer.

We have already seen how Jung was very much attracted to a philosophy of pagan regeneration based on Bachofen's ideal image of a prehistorical period of polygamous hetairism (and its psychoanalytic and Nietzschean interpretation by Gross). We may add to this Muller's vision of a prehistorical Aryan "mythopoetic age." By 1916, all of these elements were combined into Jung's own utopian fantasy of a natural analytical collectivity that too, could transcend even "type and sex."

However, the distinguishing features that make Jung's utopian fantasy a volkisch one are the concentrated references to core volkisch metaphors when proposing the idea of an analytical collectivity, especially its appeal as a secret, elite status. Goethe's poem "Die Geheimnisse" ("The Mysteries") not only conjures up images of the hierarchical ancient mystery cults of Greco-Roman antiquity (which were, partially, Goethe's models in this poem) but also the Grail-quest imagery of an elite corp of seekers (like the heretical Templars so beloved of George) who could merge their Christian cross with Wotan's Tree.

"Die Geheimnisse" was published in April 1816 during Goethe's Weimar period. As Jung correctly noted, the poem depicts the idea of a spiritual elite or fraternity (Bruderschaft) of men feeling cut off from any sense of meaning in their respective Christian faiths who then find new meaning by coming together to form a new Urreligion that encompasses all religions. The motive for such an all-encompassing religion would be the creation of a revitalized, renewed, spiritualized world. Goethe mixes Christian and pagan imagery in this poem, especially the imagery of Rosicrucianism whose literature Goethe knew well. [4] As early as 1784 Goethe had thoroughly discussed his plan to write a poem with such a utopian theme with Herder, and then later Frau von Stein. Not surprisingly, this poem was a favorite of many in volkisch circles and especially in the German Youth Movement and of course is echoed in the work of George.

In Germanic Europe these were indeed powerful symbols that could (and did) stir the souls of millions. Jung's deliberate use of them created the attractive (if vaguely outlined) fantasy of a true Volksgemeinschaft based on a deep spiritual connection between the analyzed and the primordial images of the god within, and of the ancestors of the inner world (the dead) as well as the forces of the natural world (the sun, astrological influences, the mystical influence of geography). Jung, as it must be emphasized again, wanted a spiritual reawakening in Europe through participation in his own mysteries. Other groups who also employed these potent volkisch symbols for their ability to mobilize the masses sought political ends, resulting in the tragic realization of the volkisch utopia of National Socialist Germany and its occult symbols and secret societies (like the SS) and racially based mystery-cult practices. [15]

Thus, the public Jung was, perhaps, an eccentric psychiatrist and psychoanalyst in the eyes of the academic and scientific community in 1916.The private Jung, however, within the supportive enclave of Kusnacht-Zurich and his circle of disciples, was very much the volkish prophet.


Jung's Nietzschean religion includes additional aspects that seem to vindicate the approach of his "twin brother," Otto Gross, in his obsession with using Nietzscheanism as the theory and psychoanalysis as the praxis to bring about individual and cultural rebirth. There are similarities between Nietzsche's purely theoretical idea of the ubermensch and Jung's concept of an individual or an individuated person who is brought into being through the practice of analysis.

Both the ubermensch and the individuated illustrate the epitome of a human being. Neither Jung nor Nietzsche left a fully developed description of just what, in practice, such a being would be like. Because of this lack of any clear-cut description of an individuated human being in the entire corpus of Jung's extensive written works, the idealized cult legend of Jung in Memories, Dreams, Reflections is used as the yardstick by Jungians today. Literally volumes of speculation exist on just what Nietzsche meant by an ubermensch. Perhaps Nietzsche scholar Kurt Rudolph Fischer's assessment is the best:

We undercut Nietzsche if we wish to determine what the "Ubermensch" is. Because I think it is part of the determination of the "Ubermensch" not to be determined -- that we shall have to experiment, that we shall have to create. Nietzsche puts emphasis on the creativity of man and therefore we should accentuate that the conception of the "Ubermensch" is necessarily not determined. We cannot ask whether an author has confused the issue, or has presented us with a dangerous alternative. [16]

According to Jung, one is reborn or renewed through access to the impersonal or collective unconscious that contains the accumulated wisdom and experiences of one's racial ancestors. Although Jung is paradoxical and vague on this issue, it is arguable that in 1916 -- and, certainly by the late 1920s when Wilhelm introduced him to Chinese alchemy -- contact with the collective unconscious meant one could theoretically access the wisdom and experiences of the whole human species. Becoming a true individual who follows one's own inner law and not that of the herd necessitates an initiation into this transcendent depository of the species. Jung's analysis enables the individual to transcend one's genetic heritage and draw upon the richness of all the races through the Platonic Realm of the Collective Unconscious. Throughout his life, whenever Jung referred to individuation, he resorted to just such Nietzschean metaphors.
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

Postby admin » Sat Nov 10, 2018 8:24 pm

Part 2 of 2

Nietzsche may have proposed a very similar idea. As Jung well knew, Nietzsche called such persons Ubermenschen ("supermen"), humans who have overcome themselves, who have transcended the shackles of heredity, family, society, and deity. As Kaufmann interprets it, "To Nietzsche these ubermenschen appear as symbols of the repudiation of any conformity to a single norm: antithesis to mediocrity and stagnation." [17] In quite the contrast to the Nazified legend of Nietzsche, as Kaufmann has shown us, Nietzsche the Lamarckian or Darwinian "pangeneticist" believed that the inherited characteristics of all the races, when blended in the future, would predispose an individual to draw upon the advantage of this accumulated biological capital and overcome him- or herself, and to become an ubermensch. In the posthumously published The Will to Power, according to Kaufmann's interpretation, Nietzsche envisions a master race of supermen, "a future, internationally mixed, race of philosophers and artists who cultivate iron self-control." [18]

It is important to keep in mind that the "real Nietzsche" was not the historically effective Nietzsche. My interest turns to the Nietzsche we knew before Giorgio Colli and Mazzimo Montinari prepared their critical edition. [1] The historically effective texts allowed Nazi as well as anti-Nazi readings from a Nazi standpoint as well as from an anti-Nazi standpoint! Thus from two opposite ideological points of view two opposite results were possible, and indeed existed.

In approached the problem of Nietzsche's relation to fascism, I find it necessary first to raise the question of the meaning of "fascism." There have been at least two uses of this expression: a narrower use that refers especially, and sometimes exclusively, to the movement, party, and worldview initiated by Benito Mussolini. Mussolini indeed referred explicitly to Nietzsche in a well-known speech of May 21, 1934. And there is a second use of the expression, which points to a wider meaning -- mainly employed by the Left -- which not only includes but especially refers to the Hitler movement. I am familiar with this use of the expression since my adolescence in Austria and Czechoslovakia. At that time, among others, the Austrian Christlich Soziale Partei (and later the Vaterlandische Front) as well as many radical Right movements were considered to be fascist in this wider sense of the term. [2]

It may be of interest to remark on the similarities and differences of the two main fascist movements, the German and the Italian. [3] The difference between them can hardly be overstressed. It stands out in the genocidal racism of German National Socialism that we do not find in the Italian variety of fascism, nor in Austrian or Spanish fascism. The second difference between these fascisms is perhaps of lesser significance: the difference between the unlimited power of the Fuhrer, and the power of the Duce that was limited by the king of Italy. Some of these differences can also be explained by the objective contrast in conditions under which the two nations found themselves, and under which they actually existed. The Italians, a Mediterranean people, had only 50,000 Jews in their territory; and these Jews moreover did not have to serve as scapegoats for defeat in World War I because Italy was one of the victorious powers. But there were also significant similarities, and Hitler knew about them. He admired the Duce for his merciless brutality toward his political enemies. A most important point of similarity was that both the German and the Italian fascist parties tried and succeeded in attracting workers even while fighting the trade unions, the communists, and the socialists. Both detested parliamentary democracy and desired a strong state. Both worried about the condition of Western culture, which they wished to save by the use of propaganda and terror. One is also reminded that Mussolini began his career as a socialist journalist, and that Hitler admired Social Democratic techniques of organization and their propaganda. Both Hitler and Mussolini aimed at expansion of their territory - the former wanted more Lebensraum in the East, while the latter wished to expand in the Mediterranean area and the Danube basin. Moreover, although both Nazi Germany and fascist Italy were deadly enemies of communism and of the Soviet Union -- there are strong similarities between the Third Reich and Stalinist Russia. But that similarity is not relevant to the topic of this chapter: Both the genuine and the forged Nietzsche were opposed to communism and socialism.

Nietzsche, in his posthumously published works, sketched out a four-point program containing his call for a "greater German policy":

We need an unconditional partnership with Russia, along with a new common program which will prevent Russia from coming under the influence of any English stereotypes. No American future! ... A purely European policy is intolerable, and any confinement to Christian perspectives is a great malady.

On the other side, Nietzsche's Russian counterpart Dostoevsky, who also promulgated the idea of a holy Russian race and a coming Russian world empire, wrote that "Germany does not need us for a temporary political alliance, but for an alliance lasting into eternity .... Two great peoples, we and they, are destined to change the face of the world!"

-- The Hitler Book, edited by Helga Zepp-LaRouche

I am concerned here with Nietzsche and National Socialism, and thus with one particular branch of fascism in the wider sense of the term. At the same time, I believe that the historically effective Nietzsche can be read from two opposite perspectives with two opposite results, both as a proponent and as an opponent of National Socialism. In this endeavor, I think that I am close to Nietzsche's own methodological view as expressed in the Genealogy of Morals:

There is only a perspective seeing, only a perspective "knowing"; and the more affects we allow to speak about one thing, the more eyes, different eyes, we can use to observe one thing, the more complete will our "concept" of this thing, our "objectivity, " be. [5]

The "real" Nietzsche was not too different from the contaminated and forged Nietzsche, had no historical effect, and played no role in the pro- or anti-Nazi interpretations of the respective camps. A pivotal role in those readings was played by Nietzsche's concept of the will to power. Nietzsche was first read as a radical egoist, then as someone concerned with a thorough critique of the bourgeois mind, and later still as a philosopher, through the efforts of his sister Elisabeth. She produced an edition of his posthumous writings -- irresponsibly, to be sure -- under the title Der Wille zur Macht. In addition, it is she who was responsible for an adulteration of Nietzsche's letters. Still later there were controversies over whether Nietzsche had or did not have a system. It was surmised that his illness prevented him from developing one. And there were speculations as to how to remedy the contradiction that seemed to prevail between Nietzsche's two main ideas of will to power and "eternal recurrence." It was Alfred Baumler who played down the conflict between them and degraded, so to speak, the doctrine of eternal recurrence into merely being Nietzsche's private religion. To Heidegger, on the other hand, the conflict between the two ideas seemed to be necessary, and was to be expected.

But let me return to the different perspectives with respect to Nietzsche as a "godfather" of fascism. The following assertions have become commonplace over the years:

(1) Anti-Nazis have claimed Nietzsche as part of a distinctive German intellectual tradition responsible for Nazism and two world wars. This viewpoint was expressed in the books by the liberal-minded William McGovern and the Marxist George Lukacs. [6]

(2) Nazis, too, claimed Nietzsche as their forerunner, notably the previously mentioned Alfred Baumler. Baumler, incidentally, was not as has been assumed by Hollingdale -- merely an agent of the Nazis. He was a real, convinced and committed Nazi. Nor was he an "ersatz scholar, " or, as Kaufmann put it, a "philosophical nobody." [7] In this context it suffices to point out the Baumler occupied a chair of philosophy at Dresden before the Nazis came to power and that he wrote a book that, in the words of the historian of German philosophy Lewis White Beck, "provides all the needed background for study of Kant's Third Critique." [8] This was no mean accomplishment in philosophical scholarship! Baumler's work counts as an important contribution to the history of aesthetics and as an indispensable aid in the study of Kant's aesthetics. Although there is no reason to believe that he manipulated Nietzsche's texts, Kaufmann is, however, right in pointing out that posthumously published notes have been used in Baumler's interpretation. Baumler's special claim, that the real Nietzsche can be found above all in his Nachlass, may be controversial but is certainly not absurd. In any case, the real Nietzsche is also in the Nachlass, properly or improperly edited.

(3) There were also Nazi scholars who also denied a connection between Nazism and Nietzsche. Christoph Steding, for instance, in his monumental work of 1938, entitled Das Reich und die Krankheit der europaischen Kultur, made no attempt a la Baumler to reinterpret Nietzsche's animosity to Bismarck's Reich. [9] He rather perceived in that animosity, and in Nietzsche's preoccupation with intellectual or cultural rather than with political and military history, a dangerous tendency inimical to the establishment of any state. Even though Hitler and the Nazis were less concerned with the state as such than with a Weltanschauung that was to be actualized in a political community of Aryan-German racial origin and national stock, they did reject the Nietzschean concern with states of mind and feelings -- the insistent preoccupation with higher culture and inwardness.

(4) Walter Kaufmann and some other anti-Nazi intellectuals have therefore denied that there is any connection between Nietzsche and the Nazis. [10] Their view has prevailed in the educated public, certainly in the United States, where many who followed Kaufmann's example neglected to notice Nietzsche's passion and ferocity, or turned to those aspects of his work in which the question of fascism plays no role at all.

Nietzsche has in fact been de-Nazified. Of course, if we see -- as retrospectively we must -- in the physical destruction of the Jews and in the aggressive urge to obtain Lebensraum in the East the essential features of Hitler and Nazism, then there is no connection with Nietzsche. He desired neither the one nor the other. [11] But more is involved here than simple misinterpretation or willful falsification. Nietzsche was not that unrelated to Hitler and Nazism, contrary to what the Kaufmann school has implied.

The situation is not dissimilar to defining the relationship between Nietzsche and twentieth-century philosophical trends such as existentialism or logical positivism. If Nietzsche is claimed as a most important and influential thinker, from that perspective he may appear as the precursor of much that we find in the twentieth century -- including modernistic trends in art, literature, philosophy, and psychology, as well as ideologies such as fascism or Nazism. From this viewpoint Nazism can be understood as a phenomenon of post-Nietzschean culture, more specifically as a Nietzschean "experiment." [12] In Nietzsche's posthumously published notes we find the exclamation "Wir machen einen Versuch mit der Wahrheit! Vielleicht geht die Menschheit daran zugrunde! Wohlan!" [Google translate: We make a trial with the truth! Maybe humanity will die! Well!]

Indeed, if one sees modernist culture as beginning with Nietzsche, then one is entitled to write -- as R. J. Hollingdale did -- that the twentieth century was born in the 1880s. [13] And if one sees in Hitler and Nazism a Nietzschean experiment -- as Alfred Baumler did -- one may write half a century later, in the 1930s, that the twentieth century was only just beginning. [14] In finding features of Nazism in Nietzsche, one is not claiming that Nietzsche was an incomplete Nazi. No more so, in any case, than one could claim him as an incomplete existentialist or logical positivist because some of his ideas might constitute the metaphilosophy (as it were) of existentialism, logical positivism, or even psychoanalysis. Similarly one may concede that Nietzsche is a godfather or forerunner of Nazism as he is of so much else in this century without having to maintain that he would have been a Nazi, had he lived in the Third rather than in the Second Reich. That he would have been a Nazi had he lived in the Third Reich has been argued by Baumler. [15] But that Nietzsche would have been a Nazi is no more likely than the claim that he would have been a logical positivist, an analytical philosopher, or a psychoanalyst had he been instructed in the appropriate methods and techniques. In Nietzsche's time none of the paths traced back to his influence had yet been taken. If the historical logic of his thought led him into nihilism -- as has been maintained -- such an interpretation is quite compatible with the many thought experiments that he carried out and that led in so many unforeseeable directions.

Under these circumstances, it seems proper and useful to reassert the connection between Nietzsche and Nazism in order to gain a more comprehensive view of the recent history of the human mind. A godfather need not be someone from whom only one path leads to that phenomenon of which he is said to be an originator. It is sufficient that he presents such a possibility. As Crane Brinton once put it, "Nietzsche was half a Nazi and half an anti-Nazi." [16] The intricateness of the relationship between Nietzsche and Nazism was also acknowledged many years ago, in George H. Sabine's old standard work, A History of Political Theory. [17] What Gerhard Masur called "the insoluble contradictions which Nietzsche presents to the reader," rather than the "two Nietzsches" (Crane Brinton oversimplified the matter), were ultimately responsible for "why he was claimed by power-drunk totalitarians and good Europeans alike." [18]

Nietzsche can in fact be seen as a precursor or indeed a godfather in various ways. The following familiar consideration is proposed: If God is dead and if there are no accepted values, all possibilities are open and must consequently be explored whether as an antidote to, or as an attack on, nihilism. We may and indeed we must experiment! Experimenting is not confined nor is it confining. As Walter Kaufmann himself has pointed out, Nietzsche's experimentalism includes not only thought experiments or scientific experiments but has an "'existential' quality; it is an experimenting that involves testing an answer by trying to live according to it." [19] This experimenting may take the form of an existential heroism that is to last for centuries and unambiguously points to action.

In The Gay Science, in an aphorism entitled "Something for the industrious," Nietzsche recommends all kinds of new historical investigations for the "study of moral matters," histories "of love, of avarice, of envy, of conscience, of pious respect for tradition, or of cruelty." Then, after recommending investigations "of the moral effects of different foods" and of many other matters, he concludes,

If all these jobs were done, the most insidious question of all would emerge into the foreground: whether science can further goals of action after it has proved that it can take such goals away and annihilate them; and then experimentation would be in order that would allow any kind of heroism to find satisfaction -- centuries of experimentation that might eclipse all the great projects and sacrifices of history to date. So far, science has not yet built its cyclopic buildings, but the time for that, too, will come. [20]

Nietzsche specifically connected experimenting with attacks on democracy, liberalism, and the "herd animal morality." "The democratic movement is the heir of the Christian movement," he writes in Beyond Good and Evil, leading to a "diminution of man, making him mediocre and lowering his value" (BGE, 202, 203). [21] In aphorism 477 from Human, All Too Human, entitled "War indispensable," it is asserted that the contemporary Europeans stand in need of the biggest and most terrible wars in order not to lose civilization through its own vehicles and products. Aphorism 208 of Beyond Good and Evil reads, "The time for petty politics is over: the very next century will bring the fight for the dominion of the earth -- the compulsion to large-scale politics." [22] The Nazi experiment is now permissible. In previous times, Nietzsche points out in aphorism 501 of The Dawn entitled "Mortal Souls," when we had faith in the immortality of the soul, our salvation depended upon our soul's short life on this earth. But now "we may take on tasks the grandeur of which would have appeared to former times as insanity and as a gamble with heaven and hell." [23] And in Ecce homo, in the first section of "Why I Write Such Good Books," it becomes clear that a kind of Nazi-style brutality is at least suggested, and definitely not excluded:

The word "overman," as the designation of a type of supreme achievement, as opposed to "modern" men, to "good" men, to Christians and [to] other nihilists -- a word that in the mouth of a Zarathustra, the annihilator of morality, becomes a very pensive word -- has been understood almost everywhere with the utmost innocence in the sense of those very values whose opposite Zarathustra was meant to represent -- that is, as an "idealistic" type of a higher kind of man, half "saint," half "genius." Those to whom I said in confidence that they should sooner look even for a Cesare Borgia than for a Parsifal, did not believe their own ears. [24]

Walter Kaufmann's readings of Nietzsche are invariably "gentle." [25] Two examples must suffice to show the inadequacy of such a practice. (1) When interpreting Nietzsche's "what is falling, that one should also push!" he comments, "Nietzsche is not speaking of 'mercy' killings of the crippled and insane, but of all the values that have become hollow, all needs out of which the faith has gone." [26] Yet there is nothing in the text to suggest that Nietzsche is not, or is not also, thinking of mercy killings. (2) Nietzsche's "all truths are for me soaked in blood" is cited after Kaufmann has remarked that "science and life are no longer wholly separate, science and philosophy are a way of life." [27] But if philosophy, according to Nietzsche, is to become a way of life -- an interpretation that is surely correct -- then life, and lived experience too, will become philosophy. The conceptualizations of philosophy will be absorbed by, and unified with, life, with the living body.

Nietzsche prepared a consciousness that excluded nothing that anyone might think, feel, or do, including unimaginable atrocities carried out on a gigantic order. Nor is a reading of Nietzsche as a godfather or precursor of Nazism confined to interpretations of academic scholars who have been particularly perverse or corrupt. Many a common man, many a common Nazi of Weimar Germany, must have said to himself what one of them proclaimed openly: "In Nietzsche I discovered a bit of my primal self." [28] There are more identities and similarities of content in the writings of Nietzsche and in the writings, speeches, conversations, and particularly in the actions of Hitler and the Nazis. Many of these definite parallels have been cataloged by E. Sand voss in Hitler and Nietzsche. [29] Such a catalog may not make Nietzsche an accessory but it does make him a kind of precursor to at least some of the ideas of Nazism -- perhaps even a sponsor or a part-time godfather.

-- A Godfather Too: Nazism as a Nietzschean "Experiment", by Kurt Rudolf Fischer

Nietzsche's ideal theory of the future is brought into the present through Jung's practice of analysis as initiation. Rather than wait millennia for the races to mix blood and thereby gain access through biology to the riches of the entire species, Jung promises a short-cut method that bypasses the constraints of heredity and gives his few initiates the capacity to become ubermenschen now. However, it is only those of Aryan heritage that Jung first considered capable of using such capital to achieve rebirth. The growing future analytical collectivity of human beings that follow the new paths offered by Jung would then comprise an elite "master race."


"Tell me, my brothers: what do we consider bad and worst of all? Is it not degeneration?" Nietzsche could rhetorically ask the world in Also Sprach Zarathustra. [19] In addition to the redemption of culture from Judeo-Christianity, and the freeing of the individual from this "alien growth" with his own Nietzschean religion, Jung may have also been offering the average person of his age with an intense concern about heredity a way to transform one's status from "degenerate" to "genius." [20] Indeed, because Jung and Nietzsche shared the same intellectual master -- Schopenhauer through his The World as Will and Representation -- both the Nietzschean ubermensch and the Jungian individuated resemble the Schopenhauerian ideal of genius.

Jung's familiarity with Schopenhauer's characteristics of genius from the 1844 second volume of The World as Will and Representation is evident as early as January 1899 when, in a Zofingia lecture, Jung describes Jesus of Nazareth as a "god-man" with the exact characteristics of a Schopenhauerian genius. [21] His early fascination with the relationship of genius to madness (the famous "mad genius controversy" of the nineteenth century) [22] is evident in his first publication in 1902. In the third paragraph of this document, his dissertation on his mediumistic cousin, Jung refers to the mad genius controversy, admitting that hysteria and other forms of psychopathology have features in common with "normal psychology, and even the psychology of the supernormal, that of genius." [23]

In his essay "Cryptomnesia" (1905), Jung discusses the relationship between genius and madness, perhaps with no small relevance to his own case. At the age of twenty-nine or thirty, when this essay was written, Jung seemed to have been writing in the nineteenth-century autobiographical mode of a genius, revealing his preoccupation with his own uniqueness, sensitivity, and capacity for innovation, all barely hidden behind the prose of his physician persona:

One of the commonest and most unusual marks of degeneracy is hysteria, the lack of self-control and self-criticism. Without succumbing to the pseudo-psychiatric witch-hunting of an author like Nordau, who sees fools everywhere, we can assert with confidence that unless the hysterical mentality is present to a greater or lesser degree genius is not possible. As Schopenhauer rightly says, the characteristic of the genius is great sensibility, something of a mimosa-like quality of the hysteric. Geniuses also have other qualities in common with hysterical persons. [24]

A genius, like an hysteric, puts ideas together in unconventional patterns. New combinations of memories of previously experienced events or previously learned material are the wellsprings of creativity, yet the genius mistakes their novelty as his own creation and forgets their true source, Jung argues in his essay. Thus Jung tells us that cryptomnesia is the root of all genius.

Since the late eighteenth century, the conventional wisdom was that a genius is an original, born and not made. Generations of young men in the nineteenth century (including Wagner, Nietzsche, and Jung) imitated genius using the blueprint provided by Schopenhauer in 1844: "Genius is its own reward; for the best that one is, one must necessarily be for oneself." [25] Direct perception of the realm of Platonic ideas operating in life is his gift, for as Schopenhauer tells those aspiring to greatness, "always to see the universal in the particular is precisely the fundamental character of genius." [26] The creative life of a genius stands outside convention, often even outside human society, and like the Nietzschean ubermensch he obeys only his own inner law. He is misunderstood in his own time and therefore must live "essentially alone." His creations are of eternal value and created ex nihilo, that is, without leaving footprints on the shoulders of any giants. As Pletsch observes, "The 'genius,' in other words, emerged to replace God as the guarantor of artistic and intellectual novelty and cultural innovation generally." [27]

Genius is godlikeness. Or, rather, it is making manifest the latent god within. A man becomes great, according to Schopenhauer, if his works have a superhuman quality, "and accordingly, what he produces or creates is then ascribed to a genius different from him, which takes possession of him." [28] Following this ancient Roman view of human nature, genius "indicates something foreign to the will, i.e., to the I or ego proper, a genius added from outside, so to speak, seems to become active here." The ancient Roman conception of genius was of a life-spirit living in the head, active in procreation, and was the eternal part of the individual that went to the underworld (Hades, or the realm of shades). The genius was a separate, impersonal force different from the seat of consciousness and personal identity that the Romans called animus and that was located in the chest. The genius was a force of inspiration that moved in and through the individual but that was not experienced as being moved by that individual. The Roman genius appears to have been equivalent to another Roman term for this phenomenon, the anima, or to the Greek concept of psyche. [29]

A Schopenhauerian great man, or a Nietzschean ubermensch, therefore, allows him- or herself to be possessed by the divine genius within, and thereby becomes deified. Jung, very much aware of the relationship between the average ancient Greek and his "daimon" or the average ancient Roman and his genius, added this pagan dimension to his view of the human personality.

In Jung's day, especially in the era before the Great War, most medical authorities of the day would probably say that most so-called men of genius were in fact "highly gifted degenerates." Although degeneracy was literally thought to be transmitted in the "protoplasm" of the sperm of the father to his progeny, the physical and mental stigmata were thought to worsen with each new generation, leading to idiocy, further vegetation, and eventually death. "The clearest notion of degeneracy is to regard it as a morbid deviation from an original type," the French alieniste Benedict Augustin Morel writes in 1857. [30] In German medical texts (following the morphological idealist or essentialist tradition of Goethe's Urform) this original type was known as the Urtyp. A genius would be a fluke, the result of a rare confluence of degenerative hereditary and environmental factors, and would not be preceded or followed in the family by additional genius. Severe mental or physical illness in one generation weakens the family until the line dies out.

Given Jung's "hereditary taint," his idea of individuation has an additional redemptive function for him personally and for society as a whole: individuation is the struggle to free oneself from the shameful burden of degeneracy -- and therefore it becomes a liberation. Perhaps this corresponds in part to what Jung meant by the necessity to free oneself from the clutches of the Terrible Mother, the "regressive libido," or doing battle with the dead.

It must be emphasized that Jung's reversal of degeneration theory was a means of liberation for many "nervous" persons who came to Jung for treatment and who were afraid of passing on their hereditary taint to their offspring. The frequent anxiety, fear, and dread over one's hereditary taint was a burden to the average fin-de-siecle person and Jung's ideas -- coming as they did from an eminent medical authority and a world-famous psychiatrist -- were reassuring. In a compassionate letter to Katz dated 30 July 1918, Jung responds to the recently wedded Katz's fears of passing on her emotional instability to the child she and her husband wish to have. Jung writes: "The factor of inheritance has to be considered as a serious point in the discussion of the problem, but not as an absolute counter-argument. The quality and disposition of the whole family and of the ancestors play a much greater role in the creation of the child's disposition than the individual disposition of the father or mother." [31] Here Jung not only disregards degeneracy theory, but also may be disregarding genetics itself with the reference to the role of the ancestors.

Jung found a way to expiate the guilt of his hereditary taint, and with the promise of sharing the secrets of individuation with those who would follow his new path, Jung the Nietzschean "liberator" deliberately reversed the notion of hereditary degeneration and thereby redeemed generations of his followers from the burden of original sin. Society as a whole could thus potentially be reformed, and he could lead us all into the temptations of the promised land of genius from the captivity of degeneration. The collective unconscious then indeed becomes an impersonal one: it was not dependent upon one's own recent heredity and therefore one was not enslaved by one's immediate biological ancestors. When Morel posited in 1857 that this biological principium degenerationis was passed on through "the germ" (that is, the sperm) it was soon thereafter taught as scientific dogma to subsequent generations of medical students. With his introduction of the notion of inherited dominants (1917) or archetypes (1919) using biological terms, Jung maintains that the universal potential for individuation then, too, is found in the Weismannian "embryonic germ-plasm." [32] The potential for constant renewal and rebirth is what is invariantly inherited, not degeneracy. This is the degenerating world turned upside down.

Thus, it may be argued that Jung conceived of the individuated person as one who was reborn as a genius, as one who could directly perceive the universal in the particulars of life, as Schopenhauer suggested. But this gift only developed after participation in the initiatory mystery of analysis. When Jung's early disciple and translator Beatrice M. Hinckle published one of the very first Jungian "how-to" manuals, aptly titled The Re- Creating of the Individual in 1923, she explicitly compares the mentality of the genius with that of the re-created or individuated person. [33]


Besides Jung's vigorous rejection of the Christian god and his guerilla war against the organized Judeo-Christian religions of his day, Jung also rejected the science of the early twentieth century and instead embraced the world view and methodologies of early nineteenth-century romantic conceptions of science. With the creation of his religious cult and its transcendental notions of a collective unconscious in 1916 Jung had already left the scientific world and academia, never to really return (despite later pleas for the scientific nature of his analytical psychology). The adoption of the additional theory of dominants or archetypes completed this break and formally allied Jung with Goethe, Cams, and the morphological idealists of the romantic or metaphysical schools of Naturphilosophie that reigned supreme between 1790 and 1830 in German scientific circles. [34]

This rejection of twentieth-century science had its roots in Jung's medical-school days, where he preferred the vital materialism of nineteenth-century German biology over mechanistic materialism in his study of evolutionary biology and comparative anatomy. His interest and participation in spiritualism and psychoanalysis -- two marginal fin-de-siecle movements -- led him further from the scientific mainstream. By 1916, in "The Structure of the Unconscious," Jung attacks the scientific worldview and defends the validity of occult movements like Theosophy, Christian Science, the Rosicrucians, and those who practice "folk magic" and astrology by arguing that, "No one who is concerned with psychology should blind himself to the fact that besides the relatively small number of those who pay homage to scientific principles and techniques, humanity fairly swarms with adherents of quite another principle." This other "principle" is in each of us, for Jung says that, "For if such a large percentage of the population has an insatiable need for this counterpole to the scientific spirit, we can be sure that the collective psyche in every individual -- be he never so scientific -- has this psychological requirement in equally high degree." [35] Jung, in typical fashion, removed these passages attacking the scientific establishment in later editions of this essay. Yet, given what we now know about Jung's religion-building proclivities, with this passage he was equally justifying his own movement's role in providing a therapeutic, occultist "counterpole" to the scientism and the scientific establishment. [36]

In 1917 the English-language version of "The Structure of the Unconscious," which Jung retitled "The Psychology of Unconscious Processes," appeared, in which Jung no longer refers specifically to the central organizing principles of the phylogenetic or collective unconscious as primordial images, but as dominants.  [37] The primordial image (Urbild) is no longer just an ancestor or the dead: the primordial images are now gods, although derived from "secular" processes, which is Jung's way of maintaining a minimal scientific persona by not directly offering polytheism to his readers. Furthermore, the clear link with phylogeny is broken, and the dominants now seem very much to resemble the transcendental realm of Platonic ideas. Jung writes:

The collective unconscious is the sediment of all the experience of the universe of all time, and is also the image of the universe that has been in the process of formation for untold ages. In the course of time certain features have become prominent in this image, the so-called dominants. These dominants are the ruling powers, the gods; that is, the representations resulting from dominating laws and principles, from average regularities in the issue of the images that the brain has received as a consequence of secular processes. [38]

These dominants, such as the "magical demon" that is "always met" according to Jung in this essay, are projected from the transpersonal, collective unconscious out onto other things and persons, making them either demons or gods. In 1919, Jung borrowed a term from the Romantic biological sciences of the Naturphilosophen and called these organizing principles archetypes. Jung first used this term in a talk on "Instinct and the Unconscious" at Bedford College, London University in July 1919, which was published in the same year in the British Journal of Psychology. [39]

Several points need to be addressed about Jung's archetypal theory. First, it appears to be merely a transcendental and therefore nonscientific or mystical reinterpretation of the "complex theory," which at least had a basis in the quantitative science of his day through the word-association experiments. Here Jung merely takes a commonly observed clinical phenomenon -- the operation of personal complexes based on personal memories (clusters of personal images, feelings, and thoughts organized around a core theme or motif) -- and elevates it to a cosmic scale. Behind the personal complexes are now found gods. This is a Schopenhauerian trope of genius: the universal is now to be seen in the particular.

Second, although Jung makes vague analogies to the "universality of brain structure" and even to "Mendelian units" as the biological sources of the transmission of the archetypes, his concept is clearly incompatible with these theories from the materialistic and mechanistic biological sciences. This did not stop Jung from making references to biology throughout the remainder of his career when attempting to explain how mind and body are congruent at the deepest levels of existence. His shift to a theory of the collective unconscious and the archetypes that transcends personal genetic history goes beyond science and is essentially an occult or mystical notion -- an article of faith that one either believes in uncritically or not. The evidence for the role of genetics in heredity is compelling, and Jung's theories simply cannot fit in with the wider body of twentieth-century scientific theory concerning this. This more than anything else shut him out of any opportunities for immortalization through the established medical, scientific, and academic institutions of his day. However, if viewed as a prophet of a new religion of rebirth, his continuing popularity outside of these established institutional domains allows us to comprehend the phenomenon of twentieth-century Jungism.

Third, Jung's promotion of volkisch landscape mysticism (i.e., Bodenbeschaffenheit) in his writings until at least the late 1920s presents a problem as well when trying to make any sense of the archetypes from the biological sciences. In many passages (discussed previously) Jung seems to indicate that forces from the soil or landscape can cause major physiological and especially physiognomic changes independent of biological genetic transmission -- indeed, even within a single generation. Although this concept is incongruent with twentieth-century biology, it matches the morphological idealism or Romantic Naturphilosophie of Goethe and the Romantics, whose "types" pointed to underlying organizing principles in animate and inanimate nature. If analytical psychology is a science, as Jung would continue to claim throughout the rest of his life, then it was only so in the sense of that word circa 1830. Furthermore, after 1916 Jung's psychological theory is placed squarely within the tradition of speculative or metaphysical Naturphilosophie due to their commonly shared fundamental concepts such as Einheit (unity), Stufenfolge (succession of stages of gradual development), Polaritat (polarity, or the interplay of opposing vital forces), Metamorphose (metamorphosis), Urtyp (archetype), and Analogie (analogy). Jung's psychology is a twentieth-century regression or degeneration to nineteenth-century Naturphilosophen.  [40]

Fourth, the fact that Jung's psychological theories fit within these traditions of Romantic or metaphysical Naturphilosophie is intellectually consistent with his volkisch agenda. It was precisely these schools of Naturphilosophie that maintained a long tradition of association with the conservative political ideology of the German Idealists and Romantics and had specific social and political ends that they hoped to realize, unlike the Gottingen school of transcendental Naturphilosophie, which was associated with more liberal political philosophies but maintained a narrower focus on empirical scientific goals. As Lenoir observes:

The principle elements of Volkish Ideology, which underpinned conservative culture throughout the nineteenth century, are present in the biological theories of the Idealists; and the fact that Hegel was one of the major theoreticians of both conservative political theory and the Romantic-Idealist conception of nature cannot fail to alert us to the mutual affinity of these two aspects of German intellectual culture in the early nineteenth century. [41]

Therefore, the theories of the archetypes and the collective unconscious comprise Jung's transcendental or occult religious doctrine of an extramundane reality and its forces (the dead, gods, archetypes). It is his creed, his faith. This is Jung's own version of the secret doctrine, and the metaphysical basis of his Nietzschean religion. Jung found many believers in his volkisch faith -- particularly from England and America -- and due to their efforts the Jungian movement became the most successful of all of the fin-de-siecle occult traditions.


No one who was in Jung's innermost circle in Kusnacht-Zurich circa 1916 has been alive for almost forty years, so we have no recorded interviews from anyone who could directly tell us what Jung said and how he behaved during this early period. Blinded by the evils of Hitler and Nazism, very few historians, let alone the very few persons of, say, 1950, interested in the historical development of Jung's movement would be able to see the possible volkisch elements in Jung during the first six full decades of his life. There were many successive generations of disciples in the Jungian camp, and the testimony of these early individuals is unfortunately lost to history. No interviews with his wife, Emma, or his colleague and intimate companion, Antonia Wolff, both of whom knew Jung better than anyone, can be found to shed light on these mysterious years or on the behind- the-scenes origins of analytical psychology.

The well-known disciples of Jung's last thirty years (von Franz, Jaffe, Jolande Jacobi, Maier, Lilliane Frey-Rohm, Joseph Henderson, Joseph and Jane Wheelwright, James Hillman) and the editors of his Collected Works (Sir Herbert Read, Michael Fordham, Gerhard Adler, and McGuire) all had their closest association with him in a Nazi or post-Nazi period of European history that occluded the earlier Central European world of Jung's thirties and forties (1905-1925) in which volkisch ideas permeated the learned elites and popular culture of German-speaking enclaves. [42] Almost all of the disciples that Jungians today know and read only became associated with Jung in the 1930s when Jung was in his late fifties and early sixties, after he had begun a revision of the basic metaphors of his psychology when his cult began to grow into an international movement. Indeed, since so many of them arrived from the United States and England (especially the generation of disciples that did know Jung in the 1910s and 1920s, such as Hinckle, Long, Esther Harding, Baynes, Eleanor Bertine, and Mann), as foreigners the darker volkisch nuances in Jung's transcendental theories would have bypassed them completely.

Many of these disciples would no doubt have major objections to the "volkisch Jung" image that I argue typifies his work in the first sixty years of his life. Jung's later use of metaphors from alchemy that framed the context of analytical psychology by 1940 were less nakedly volkisch, and it was largely during this period when Jung had already begun the process of revising his theory in terms of alchemical metaphors that these disciples came to know him. With Hitler's shocking assumption of power in January 1933 the world forgot this earlier, multifaceted netherworld of Germanic mysticism and occultism, partially because Hitler himself began to persecute the most apolitical of the volkisch mystics in order to establish the sole spiritual hegemony of National Socialism as the religion of the German peoples. [43]


Waage seems to have misunderstood Anthroposophy and Ecofascism as a version of the guilt by association argument: if some anthroposophists were Nazis and some Nazis were anthroposophists, this simpleminded reasoning goes, then the two groups must be identical. At the very least it should have been clear that the article dealt with one specific wing of the Nazi movement, the ecofascist tendency, a grouping which was controversial within the party as a whole. Waage’s failure to recognize this crucial distinction marks the very beginning of his reply, where he invents a “quotation” that never appeared in the article. Nowhere does the article assert “that Steiner was a Nazi,” much less that “anthroposophy is Nazism,” as Waage pretends.[28] He goes on to make several untenable claims about anthroposophy’s relationship to National Socialism: that there were no significant ideological parallels between the two worldviews, that the Nazis tried to kill Steiner in 1922 because he was a principled opponent of their political outlook, and that anthroposophist collaborators with the Third Reich were repudiated by organized anthroposophy after World War Two. Let us examine each of these claims in turn.

1. Ideological parallels. In addition to casting doubt on the article’s comparison of Steiner’s anti-French diatribes to Mein Kampf (we urge readers who share Waage’s skepticism on this point to read Hitler’s passages on France as Germany’s “mortal enemy” alongside Steiner’s passages on the same theme), Waage says that the description of similarities between the anthroposophist and the Nazi racial mythologies is “obviously unreasonable.”[29] This view is not shared by scholars of the topic. In the words of anti-fascist researcher Volkmar Wölk, “It is a short conceptual step from this position [Steiner’s root-race theory] to the racial doctrine of the Nazis.”[30] If Waage finds such politically conscious scholarship too critical, he may want to consult instead the work of historian Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, who wrote the entirely approving preface to Rudolf Steiner: Essential Writings and can hardly be suspected of harboring any bias against Steiner. Goodrick-Clarke’s respected work The Occult Roots of Nazism, one of the few books by a responsible scholar on a topic which is otherwise a playground for conspiracy theorists and amateur occultists, is a thorough analysis of ariosophy,” another turn of the century Viennese offshoot of theosophy which took the Aryan myth even further than Steiner did and which had a direct influence on Hitler.

Goodrick-Clarke notes that in the late nineteenth century Steiner was involved in the Vienna theosophist circles which were the source of “the particular kind of theosophy which the Ariosophists adopted to their völkisch ideas.” (Occult Roots of Nazism, Wellingborough 1985, p. 29) He also emphasizes that “the very structure of theosophical thought lent itself to völkisch adoption.” (ibid. p. 31) In 1908, midway through Steiner’s tenure as the head of German theosophy, a German theosophist named Harald Grävell published a significant article in the major Viennese ariosophist journal. There Grävell “outlined a thoroughly theosophical conception of race and a programme for the restoration of Aryan authority in the world. His quoted occult sources were texts by Annie Besant, Blavatsky’s successor as leader of the international Theosophical Society at London, and Rudolf Steiner, the Secretary General of its German branch in Berlin.” (ibid. p. 101) In particular Grävell cited Steiner’s 1907 text Blut ist ein ganz besonderer Saft, “which reflected the theosophical interest in racist ideas.” (ibid. p. 242; Steiner’s text is available in English under the title “The Occult Significance of Blood.”) Goodrick-Clarke also shows that the ariosophists were influenced by nineteenth century Romanticism, Haeckel and Monism, just as Steiner was.

Does all this prove that Rudolf Steiner was personally responsible for shaping Hitler’s perverse worldview? Of course not, and the article made no such argument. What Goodrick-Clarke’s painstaking research does show is that the borders between anthroposophy proper and other versions of race mysticism and occult nationalism were exceedingly porous. Many of the far-right esotericist groupings of the interwar period drew on the root race doctrine which Steiner had done so much to promote, and this obscure body of ideas had an undeniable impact on Nazi thought. This point is borne out by numerous other scholars. James Webb writes: “there is absolutely no doubt that Hitler believed in a theory of occult evolution of a Theosophical type.” (Webb, The Occult Establishment, Chicago 1976, p. 313) Webb also documents, in detail, several important areas of overlap – race theory, Atlantis, Aryans, among others – between anthroposophy and theosophy on the one hand and the belief systems of the Nazi leadership, particularly Hitler, Himmler, and Rosenberg, on the other.[31]

If such scholarship is still too “biased” for Waage, he might prefer to consult the work of Eduard Gugenberger and Roman Schweidlenka, who have many nice things to say about Steiner and in general present him as an honorable exception to the otherwise dismal political record of esotericist thinkers (see Gugenberger & Schweidlenka, Mutter Erde – Magie und Politik, Vienna 1987, pp. 135-145). But even these sympathetic commentators emphasize that “Steiner posited a strictly hierarchical evolutionary chain” based on the root race model, with “Germanic-Nordic” peoples at the top (ibid. p. 144). They go on to remark that in Steiner’s anthroposophy, his “own race and own culture appear as the currently highest stage of humanity’s spiritual development” (ibid. p. 145). Gugenberger and Schweidlenka themselves point out the obvious racism and justification of social injustice which anthroposophy thereby propagates under the guise of spiritual enlightenment. It is hence only to be expected that contemporary neo-Nazis draw substantially on Steiner’s teachings.[32]

Ignoring all of this evidence, Waage nonetheless categorically denies the ideological parallels between anthroposophy and National Socialism, particularly its esoteric and environmentalist variants. To reassure readers of Humanist that we have not cited historical sources selectively, we urge those curious about this philosophical affinity to check our interpretation against the standard historiography on the Nazi worldview and its ideological origins. Even those works which mention Steiner merely in passing, as one among many contributors to right-wing authoritarian demagoguery, will serve to correct Waage’s impression that Steiner was simply “a rational humanist.”[33]

2. The 1922 incident. Waage writes that “Steiner himself was the victim of an attempted assassination by the Nazi movement in 1922” as proof that Steiner was a conscientious opponent of Nazism. Before reviewing this very revealing 1922 event, we must remark on the peculiar logic invoked here. If Waage thinks that the identity of a public figure’s assassin tells us something definitive about the victim’s identity, then he must conclude that Trotsky was not a Bolshevik and Rabin was not a Jew. Perhaps Waage also believes that Nazi leaders Ernst Röhm and Gregor Strasser were really anti-Nazi, since Hitler had them killed in 1934. But in fact this point is moot, because Waage gets the relevant details of the 1922 incident wrong in the first place. What actually happened in Munich in May, 1922, was that a group of right-wing thugs disrupted a large public lecture by Steiner and apparently tried to physically assault him after he had finished speaking, but were beaten back by Steiner’s supporters. To call this lecture-hall brawl an “attempted assassination” is unsubstantiated hyperbole, as there is no evidence that Steiner’s attackers intended to kill him.[34] Nor was there any direct involvement by “the Nazi movement”; anthroposophist sources indicate instead that Steiner’s would-be assailants belonged to a rival far-right outfit.[35] These facts are easily available in standard anthroposophist descriptions of the incident.[36] Waage’s overwrought version of the event is also flatly contradicted by anthroposophical eyewitness accounts.[37]

Although anthroposophists frequently try to recast Steiner as an anti-Hitler martyr by pointing to the 1922 incident, the facts of the event do not support this interpretation. The confrontation took place at the Vier Jahreszeiten hotel, where Steiner chose to give his Munich speech. From 1919 onward this hotel was a notorious gathering point for Munich’s ultranationalist far right; it housed the headquarters of the Thule Society, one of the most militant völkisch groups, and was indeed owned by Thule members.[38] Some contemporary anthroposophists even claim that Steiner’s attackers belonged to the Thule Society.[39] But no matter who was in fact responsible for the aborted disruption of Steiner’s lecture, his own choice of venue is difficult to explain if one views Steiner simply as an anti-nationalist who abjured far right politics. Furthermore, several prominent Thule Society members had direct ties to Steiner and anthroposophy, including Rudolf Hess, anthroposophy’s chief ally during the Third Reich.[40]

How are we to make sense of this convoluted situation? As we have already indicated, in the interwar period the organizational outlines of the reactionary nationalist-occult spectrum were thoroughly porous, with competing groups displaying a substantial overlap in membership and ideology. Anthroposophy was a part of this spectrum, as were several of the direct precursors to the Nazis. Goodrick-Clarke offers an illuminating example of this crossover: In 1923, immediately after moving to Germany, the Russian antisemitic conspiracy theorist and occultist Gregor Schwartz-Bostunitsch “became an enthusiastic Anthroposophist” (Occult Roots of Nazism, p. 170). By the end of the decade Schwartz-Bostunitsch had turned on anthroposophy, seeing it as yet another cog in the international occult conspiracy; he later became an officer in the SS.[41]

Such examples are anything but isolated, as the literature on German esoteric politics shows. The constant intermingling of right-wing and esoteric groups is a major theme of Webb’s Occult Establishment, and the book includes a thoughtful exploration of both the overlaps and the mutual hostilities between Steiner and his followers and the militant völkisch forces. Webb concludes that “Steiner was not really alien to völkisch thought,” and shows that “the völkisch reaction [against Steiner] was an admission that both camps were operating on the same level. And a proportion of the völkisch rage came from the realization that here [in anthroposophy] was another vision of the universe which claimed to be ‘spiritual’.” (p. 290) The outbreak of hostilities between völkisch groups and anthroposophy was not due to fundamental differences between the two currents, but on the contrary to their marked ideological proximity – indeed it was precisely these basic ideological affinities which made them rivals in the first place.[42] Thus the lessons to be drawn from the 1922 incident point toward, not away from, the thesis of mutual influence by early Nazis and anthroposophists.

-- Anthroposophy and its Defenders, by Peter Staudenmaier and Peter Zegers
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

Postby admin » Sun Nov 11, 2018 1:45 am


IN HIS POSTHUMOUSLY published masterpiece, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Economy and Society) of 1922, Max Weber develops his concept of leadership in charismatic groups by dividing it into two separate sociological processes. [1] These processes resoundingly typify the development of Jung's cult into a movement, and thereby also allow us to see how appropriate it is for us to view this phenomenon as a twentieth-century religious movement that has developed in a strikingly similar fashion as the other movements analyzed by Weber in his Religionssoziologie.

This final chapter therefore departs somewhat from the exploration of the relationship of Jung's theories to history and instead ventures into a sociological analysis of Jungism as a cultural force. This is intended as a first step to understanding how Jung and his theories are used, to again quote Danzinger, not only "by but also for and about people with particular interests and preferences." Such an analysis is crucial for understanding the persistence of Jung's popularity in our culture in the absence of any concerted institutional process of immortalization by members of established scientific or academic communities. In the history of science and in the history of psychiatry and psychology, Jungism is a unique phenomenon. It would be difficult, for example, to find any comparable parallels in the important comparative historical and structural study of scientific "research schools" that historian Gerald Gieson published in the History of Science a decade ago, other than that the most successful of these schools had "charismatic leader(s)" and high levels of "social cohesion" and "discipleship." [2]

According to Weber, the first process is the establishment of charismatic authority, a period is marked by the often arbitrary rule of the charismatic leader and those within his intimate circle upon whom his (or her) halo shines inclusively. This inner circle is perceived by those at lower strata within the movement as possessing, in a sense, "divinity by association." This is also the phase of the initial excitement and high hopes that characterize new movements of this type and that attract outsiders who are seeking similar experiences of revitalization or renewal, whether spiritual, emotional, or intellectual.

The second phase is marked by what Weber refers to as the "routinization of charisma." Weber was fascinated with the ways in which the initial sparks of liberating excitement and hopes of salvation that a charismatic individual could inspire in others in all cases eventually led to a rationalization or routinization of the authority structure and intellectual system of the cult. Charismatic exuberance becomes bureaucratized, and Dionysian spontaneity is replaced by Apollonian regimentation. The process of routinization reduces dependence on the direct authority of the charismatic leader. Although the seeds of this process are almost always present while the charismatic leader is at his strongest, usually the routinization is hastened by the incapacitation of the leader through sickness, age, or death. Association with a divinely inspired charismatic leader then becomes a major vehicle for material and economic gain when the leader's charisma is institutionally, rather than supernaturally, conferred on the elect. As Weber observes:

In its pure form charismatic authority has a character specifically foreign to everyday routine structures. The social relationships directly involved are strictly personal, based on the validity and practice of charismatic personal qualities. If this is not to remain a purely transitory phenomenon, but to take on the character of a permanent relationship forming a stable community of disciples or band of followers or a party organization or any sort of political or hierarchical organization, it is necessary for the character of charismatic authority to become radically changed. Indeed, in its pure form charismatic authority may be said to exist only in the process of originating. It cannot remain stable, but becomes either traditionalized or rationalized, or a combination of both.

The following are the principal motives underlying this transformation: (a) the ideal and also the material interests of the followers in the continuation and the continual reactivation of the community; (b) the still stronger ideal and also stronger material interests of the members of the administrative staff, the disciples or other followers of the charismatic leader in continuing their relationship. [3]

With regard to bourgeois-Christian European civilization, Jung's neopagan and volkisch charismatic cult marks what Weber calls a "prophetic break" with the religious, social, and economic status quo. In Weberian terms, Jung was indeed a prophet who, through his "personal call," was both a "renewer of religion" and a "founder of religion." Weber writes:

We shall understand "prophet" to mean a purely individual bearer of charisma, who by virtue of his mission proclaims a religious doctrine or divine commandment. No radical distinction will be made between a "renewer of religion" who preaches an older revelation, actual or supposititious, and a "founder of religion" who claims to bring completely new deliverance. The two types merge into one another. In any case, the formation of a new religious community need not be the result of doctrinal preaching by prophets, since it may be produced by the activities of nonprophetic reformers. [4]

Let us now briefly examine the first stage of the development of charismatic authority in the Jungian movement from the 1920s to the 1950s, a time when the charismatic leader and prophet Jung led a cult or religious renewal from his base of operations -- his Kusnacht home where he lived with his wife and family and which was the site of his private practice, and Zurich, the site of the Psychological Club that was presided over by his intimate companion, Toni Wolff.


A book-length history of the Jungian movement could and should be written. However, this is not that volume, for this is an analysis of the intellectual and historical foundations of Jung's cult or personal religion and not of the resulting movement. Many of the various disciples that came and went in the Jungian camp have interesting stories of their own that should be told one day. The best source of historical information on Jung's disciples and his movement at present is the several short introductions to Jung's published seminars by William McGuire. What follows, therefore, is a preliminary sketch of some aspects of the early days of the Jungian movement when it existed in its most cult-like form.

The first thing that is apparent when the Jungian movement is examined historically and sociologically is that Jung deliberately kept his movement centered on his personality and on direct contact with him and his most intimate associates in Zurich for at least thirty-six years (1912-1948). This was twice the period of sole charismatic authority that Freud allowed for his movement (which formally may be said to have begun in 1902 with his Wednesday circle). By 1920 Freud allowed the formation of associations that could train new analysts in the largely intuitive methods of psychoanalysis through the oral tradition carried on by those who were indeed first analyzed by Freud and then personally approved by him. This therefore removed the necessity for all psychoanalysts to be trained by him personally.  [5] Jung did not allow this until the 1940s. Jung himself was the method, a living exemplar of individuation, and others were not allowed to practice psychotherapy in his name unless personally approved by him after extensive therapeutic contacts with him or his most intimate circle of disciples.

Michael Fordham, a British disciple and one of the editors of the Collected Works, who began his association with Jung in the 1930s, confirms this essential charismatic nature of Jung's cult when he remarks that, "How anyone became an analytic therapist in those days is vague and must be regarded as largely a matter of vocation, though there was an unwritten law that any person who wanted to be called a Jungian analyst was expected to go out to Zurich, make a relation with Jung himself, and undergo analysis with either himself or one or more of his close colleagues." [6] Like Wagner in Bayreuth, Jung presided over Kusnacht-Zurich in the continuation of the same model of a philosopher- genius who offered mysteries that could only be experienced at that one sacred place.

The second striking fact that becomes apparent when analyzing the history of the Jung cult is the prominent role played by women -- particularly American women -- in its earliest years. In this respect it mirrors the nineteenth-century occult movements of spiritualism and Theosophy, and probably for the same reason: participation in the Jung cult and the conferring of Jungian analyst status allowed for participation in roles of spiritual authority within an organized religious context, whereas women were shut out of such prominent positions of power in Christianity and Judaism. For example, at the famous 1925 seminars on analytical psychology, out of the twenty-seven participants eighteen were women. Only seven analysts from Jung's inner circle participated, and all seven were female. Between November 1928 and June 1930, a total of thirty-one women and twenty-three men attended Jung's dream analysis seminar in Zurich.

Jung's movement gained its first foothold in the United States. This began in the 1920s with female analysts such as Hinkle, Harding, Bertine, Mann, Frances Wickes, Margaret Nordfeld, and Elizabeth Whitney. They would have been joined by another prominent Jungian and translator of Jung's, Constance Long, had she not died in 1923. Joseph Henderson, an analyst who was one of Jung's disciples in the 1930s, remarks that, "It is somewhat awesome to realize what a strong influence American women had on the movement associated with Jung." [7] A later disciple, Mary Mellon, and her husband Paul, provided the necessary financial backing to set up Bollingen Foundation in 1945 (named after the place in Switzerland where Jung had built his tower), which financed the translation and publication of the Collected Works of C. G. Jung, thus paving the way for the contemporary explosion of interest in Jung by providing the "sacred texts" for the movement. [8] Indeed, today women make up the vast majority of the "laity" in the various local Jungian groups around the world. Like the Dionysian cults of antiquity, the Jung cult seems to have started (and then prospered) as primarily a cult of women.

In previous chapters the development of the essential ideas and charismatic structure of the Jung cult has been established. Most notably, Jung seems to have deliberately developed his psychological method and organizational plans along an ancient- mysteries model from at least, perhaps, 1912 onwards. Given his specific reference to Goethe's 1816 poem on "The Mysteries" in his 1916 talk to the newly founded Psychological Club, it is clear that Jung consciously viewed his cult as one that offered mysteria in the ancient Hellenistic sense, and we have evidence that Jung deliberately used mystery-cult metaphors when interacting with patients and disciples during this early period.

In an entry for 5 July 1922 in the notes that Harding kept from her analysis, Jung interprets the figure of an "abbot, and arichmandrite" in one of her dreams as a message from the unconscious that, "You are a Priest of the Mysteries," and that therefore Harding was inflated and needed more humility. She also then notes from her discussion with Jung the following Nietzschean ideas of liberation and of belonging to a new nobility. Notice the oracular reference to obeying the law that echoes the remarks of Hesse's analyst in 1917:

If we are conscious, morality no longer exists. If we are not conscious, we are still slaves, and we are accursed if we obey not the law. Dung] said that if we belong to the secret church, then we belong, and we need not worry about it, but can go our own way. If we do not belong, no amount of teaching or organization can bring us there. [9]

The "secret church" is a term Jung used frequently during this early period in formal reference to the underground churches that he thought, based on the scholarship of his day, belonged to the Mithraic mysteries of late antiquity. Used in this informal sense here with his patient, the secret church is none other than the Jung cult, whose mysteries offer the initiate consciousness as the key to freedom and individuality -- or as the ancients would seek from their mysteries, "hopes for a better life." [10] Given his initiatory deification experience into the Mithraic mysteries (at least as he interpreted the experience), Jung is identifying his cult with Mithraism as a natural religion with ancient Aryan roots.

Jung tells Harding during her sessions with him (in her paraphrase), "We need to reach a higher state of consciousness .... Then we discover a new country. And it is our responsibility to cultivate it." [11] Her experience with Jung was so inspiring that the following year (1923) she moved to New York City and started a private practice and a Jungian organization. By doing so, Harding transplanted the Jungian mysteries to a new country and became the mater magna of American Jungism.

Starting in the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s, it was clear that to become a member of the secret church one must undergo a subterranean initiation in the mystery grotto of the collective unconscious in Switzerland -- and for a fee. Individuation -- then as now -- was primarily developed through a fee-paying arrangement with Jung or one of his approved analysts. Analyst status within this subculture meant that one was an exemplar of individuation and therefore also a charismatic spark derived from Jung. The fantasy of individuation is based upon the fantasy of being a Jungian analyst and quickly became the driving source of new income for the Jungian analytic elite. It remains so today, and with the manufactured pseudocharisma of Jung widely distributed in the mass media, many in today's society are attracted to the idea of becoming closer to Jung or to becoming like him in a spiritually charismatic way. Within the Jungian subculture the only objective standard by which one can recognize such a vague quality as individuation in another is by the "charisma of office": i.e., the title "Jungian analyst." To be individuated is to be like Jung and add his name as the "cult totem" to one's own identity. Today, one must pay for several years of analysis (usually one hundred hours at a cost of perhaps $10,000 to $15,000) before even applying to an approved Jungian training institute, which then requires six to ten more years of training (analysis, readings in the Jungian literature, and, in some institutes, instruction in the occult sciences such as astrology, palmistry, the I Ching, and other "intuitive" methods), which can cost up to another $100,000 or so.

Today, the entire routinized system operates with an economic structure like a multilevel marketing pyramid, with individuation as the vague product sold, and Jungian analyst status essentially equivalent to a distributorship that can be bought. Most Jungian analysts see primarily those attracted to Jung and his works, people who, as consumers, want the next best thing to Jung: hence, the usual patient of a Jungian analyst is always a possible trainee whose economic input into the system is potentially significant. Money, perceived power, and perceived spirituality all flow to the few certified Jungian analysts in the elite at the top in this pyramidal economic system. [12]

One of the selling points in the marketing of Jungian analysis today was also one of its attractions to the spiritual elitism of Jung's early contemporaries: the idea of analysis as initiation into mysteries. In Hesse's 1917 analysis, this initiation was depicted by his analyst as an encounter with the dead and with chthonic powers in a mine shaft. A descent into the depths is still today a favorite buzzword of Jungism, a reframing of Bleuler's term "depth psychology" (which he coined around 1911) into the sacred language of mystery-cult initiation. After the appearance of Rudolph Otto's Das Heilige (The Idea of the Holy) in 1917, Jung referred to the mystery initiations forged by his psychological method as an experience of the numinosum. "Everyone who has achieved this breakthrough always describes it as overwhelming," the hierophant Jung says in 1931 about those who sacrifice themselves in the Jungian mysteries of analytical psychology. [13]

Even more revealing is his 1918 statement: "The connection with the suprapersonal of collective unconscious means an extension of man beyond himself; it means death for his personal being and a rebirth in a new dimension, as was literally enacted in certain of the ancient mysteries." [14] When Jung says that, "artificial aids have always been needed to bring the healing forces of the unconscious into play. It was chiefly the religions that performed this task," [15] he is admitting the usurpation of the authority of the world's great religions to heal the spiritually bankrupt and, therefore, the legitimate dispensation of these sacraments by cults like his own.

Jung was openly and avowedly religious in his psychotherapeutic practice. We have evidence that he used paradoxical techniques that seemed to reflect his volkisch beliefs in the transformative effect of experiencing the god within. For example, another female disciple, Kathe Bugler from Germany, says that when she began her training analysis with Jung in 1927 she reports being "shocked" when one of Jung's first questions to her was: "Where is God? Outside or inside?" As he asked her this he held his palm over his heart, then dramatically pointed outward and then placed it over his breast again. [16]

1925 was a significant year in Jung's life and in the development of his cult. Jung turned fifty in July 1925. At the beginning of the year Jung was on an extensive trip throughout the United States during which he visited the Indians on the Taos Pueblo reservation north of Santa Fe. At the end of the year, he was on an extended safari in Africa. His many remarks about these voyages seem to indicate that they verified the primacy of sun worship among primitive peoples and therefore his notions of the central image of the god within, the collective unconscious as a sun, star, or mandala. Jung, like Haeckel and Keyserling, found authentic sun worship in his travels to "primitive" cultures and thus, in his mind, independently verified his theory of a collective unconscious in which memory was in all matter, not just the neurons of the brain.

By 1925 Jung's fame as a modern prophet or seer had spread, and many wealthy pilgrims were arriving in Zurich from English- speaking lands that had not been destroyed by the war (as Germany and the dismantled Austrian empire had been). He therefore delivered his famous 1925 seminars on analytical psychology in English. The symbolism of this decision cannot be underestimated, for it signals Jung's willingness to spread the gospel of his mysteria around the world. It was no accident, either, that this was the time and place at which he talked of his "confrontation with the unconscious." At this seminar, it can be said that for the first time, with this sort of mythic self-disclosure, a cult of personality was born that continues even today.

The text of this seminar was faithfully transcribed and mimeographed. However, in true mystery-cult or secret-society fashion, access to it was restricted only to those initiates who had one hundred hours of analysis and Jung's personal permission. [17] This forbidden fruit has only been available for general public consumption since 1989, when Princeton University Press was finally allowed to publish it.

Jung's disclosure of his personal myth gave his energetic disciples all the material they needed to make him into a legend. Word spread. By the 1930s, Jung's personality, not his ideas or books (which were, admittedly, difficult for nonacademics to read), became the focus of intense interest and idealization. The legend of Jung as a Keyserling-type sage or holy man was promoted in no small measure in the English-reading world by the biographical pastiche, "Dr. Jung: A Portrait," which was written by an ex-patient of Jung's and appeared in Harper's Magazine in May 1931. [18] For the rest of his life, idealizing biographical sketches about Jung that were slanted toward his persona as a pater pneumatikos were all that seemed to appear in the world media, climaxing with Jung's picture on the cover of the 14 February 1955 issue of Time.

Jung's 1925 self-disclosure made him an example of what Weber has identified as an "exemplary prophet" who shows the way, as opposed to an "ethical prophet" who demands obedience and has a strict ethical code. "The preaching of this type of prophet says nothing about a divine mission or an ethical duty of obedience, but rather directs itself to the self-interest of those who crave salvation, recommending to them the same path as he himself traversed." [19] Ethical prophets and exemplary prophets tend to produce movements with very different social structures regarding the relationship of the prophet with his religious community. Of the two, Weber notes, the charismatic authority of the exemplary prophet most often leads to the production of elitist cults with strict hierarchical divisions within the laity, rather than leading to the development of "churches" that can encompass many different categories of persons in a more egalitarian manner. The Jung cult and movement, as the result of Jung acting as an exemplary prophet, seem to vindicate Weber's model.

By the early 1930s Jung had begun the process of revising the basic system of volkisch and mystery-cult metaphors, instead becoming more and more intrigued with the rich symbolism of alchemy. In 1925, for example, he framed his confrontation with the unconscious in terms of its parallels with the initiation processes of the Hellenistic mystery cults. Yet, as he is quoted by Jaffe in Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Jung says that with the publication of Psychology and Alchemy in 1944, "I had at last reached the ground which underlay my own experiences of the years 1913 to 1917; for the process through which I had passed at that time corresponded to the process of alchemical transformation discussed in that book." [20] Jung was very much attracted to alchemy's essential theme of redemption, which it had in common with the ancient mysteries, and one of his first public presentations was a lecture on "The Idea of Redemption in Alchemy" at the 1936 Eranos Conference. [21]

By the testimony of Jung's disciples themselves in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, the atmosphere in Jung's circle had very much taken on the air of a charismatic cult of personality. Kusnacht-Zurich had become the Bayreuth of the Jungians, the only place to experience the master himself in performance. The 1925 seminar on analytical psychology was perhaps the turning point in the veneration of Jung, and it shares more than a few characteristics with the impact of the first Bayreuth festival of 1876 on the subsequent development of institutions of "Wagnerism": the journals, the innumerable Wagner societies, the pilgrimages to Bayreuth, the attempt to imitate the Bayreuth festivals elsewhere in Germany and around the world, etc. [22] Jungismus thus began to resemble Wagnerismus.

Many of Jung's disciples from this period have remarked on the cult-like nature of the Jungian movement during these years. In the 1983 documentary film, Matter of Heart, which contained excerpts from interviews with many of the disciples who knew Jung personally from the 1930s onward, California analyst Jane Wheelwright claims that when she first arrived in Zurich with her husband in 1932 to undergo treatment for marital problems she was put off by the "cultism" that made everyone seem "goofy" to her. [23] There are many additional such references to be found in the nearly two hundred unpublished interviews in the Jung Oral Archives at Harvard Medical School, but two in particular stand out.

In an interview given in December 1969 to Gene Nameche (the interviewer for the Jung Oral Archives project), Jungian analyst Liliane Frey (who had entered analysis with Jung in 1934) says concretely, "It was like a cult." [24] Furthermore, like most charismatic religious movements that promise a direct experience of the transcendent, organized religions with their clerical intercessors were the enemy: "He was very much attracted to the Catholic Church, and at the same time, he was in revolt against the authoritarian system." [25]

A more disturbing picture of the heresiarch Jung and his secret church is given in the astounding interview with Jolande Jacobi, an analyst and, historically, a very influential force in the Jungian movement. Jacobi first met Jung in 1927 and went into analysis with him a few years later. Throughout the 1930s, at Jung's suggestion, she concurrently had analysis with Jung and also with a Freudian and an Adlerian analyst in Vienna where she lived. Jacobi, interestingly, was prominent in certain circles of Viennese society and knew the Freud family well. She attended Freud's eightieth birthday party in 1936. In 1933 Jacobi's lover -- a Catholic -- was on his deathbed, and so in a symbolic act of love she converted to Catholicism.

After telling Jung of her actions in a letter, Jacobi says Jung wrote back to her "in a furious letter like a fiance who had been betrayed." [26] In her interview, she then either quotes from Jung's actual letter or paraphrases it: "With me," Jung writes, "nobody has his place who is in the Church. I am for those people who are out of the Church." Jacobi claims that Jaffe refused to publish this particular letter of Jung's in the two volumes of his collected Letters because, as Jaffe allegedly told Jacobi, "it doesn't throw a good light on Jung." [27] Perhaps most revealing is Jacobi's final assessment of her experience in Jung's inner circle, which spanned decades: "He himself behaved as if his psychology was another religion." [28]


After the initial phase of charismatic authority when shifts in core beliefs or procedures are the prerogative of the charismatic leader, Weber has noted that the process of routinization soon begins through the efforts of disciples who see the need to construct a more permanent authority structure and a static belief system. This process began in the Jungian movement in earnest in the mid-1930s and was fully accomplished by 1948 with the founding of the C. G. Jung Institute in Zurich.

Weber identified several ways in which the "gift of grace" of the original charismatic leader is transmitted to others, but only three are relevant here: first, a charismatic leader may designate a successor whose charisma is therefore conferred but not necessarily an innate characteristic of the candidate; thus, such a hand-picked successor may not maintain the necessary legitimacy for authority within the group. Freud attempted to do this with Jung, but Jung himself never designated a successor in this way. Second, the charismatic leader may have blood relatives, spouses, or other kin who may be able to step in as successors. Weber called this method of routinization "clan charisma," and it appears to have been the method used in Wagner's Bayreuth Circle when his wife, Cosima, and eventually his son, Siegfried, assumed command of the Wagnerian movement after his death in 1883. [29] Similarly, after Freud's death it was his daughter Anna who assumed central charismatic authority in the psychoanalytic movement as an innovator and analyst in her own right. Since both his wife, Emma, and Toni Wolff both died before Jung, there were no analysts in his clan who could step into the role of charismatic leader after his death in 1961. Thus, in the case of the Jungian movement, clan charisma was not the mode of routinization either.

The third method is often known as institutional charisma, or, the charisma of office. According to Weber, it is "the concept that charisma may be transmitted by ritual means from one bearer to another or may be created in a new person .... It involves a dissociation of charisma from a particular person, making it an objective, transferable entity." [30] In the case of institutional charisma, legitimacy (that is, the consent of the followers to be led) derives from the perception of qualities acquired through institutionalized rituals, and not the inherent personal characteristics of the individual. Thus, in the case of the Jungian movement, which did indeed have such institutions and rituals in place before Jung's death, the authority of the Jungian analysts who succeeded Jung in diverse international localities becomes the institutionally conferred charisma that derives from their perceived association with the manufactured pseudocharisma of Jung. This pseudocharisma continues to be manufactured by the mass media and by the publications of the Jungian movement, especially after his death. The Jung depicted in his cult legend -- Memories, Dreams, Reflections and its many imitators -- thus becomes the cult totem from which Jungian analysts derive their authority within the movement and not necessarily from any personal charisma of their own.

Jung was not succeeded by a single charismatic authority, but by conferring his name institutionally on others as part of their new identity after training in institutes, he was therefore succeeded, in a sense, by his own manufactured image, kept alive in films, videos, publications, and innumerable local Jungian organizations and in the imitation of his life and the assumption of his name by others as Jungian analysts. These are individuals who willingly imitate Jung and take on his name to secure the social recognition of those who find Jung's legend full of charisma and who therefore transfer such admiration for Jung to the representatives who bear his name.

The Jungian movement grew rapidly because of this, since by the mid-1930s Jung was mostly portrayed in friendly media accounts as a modern prophet, spiritual guru, or wizard-like sage. The unfriendly accounts often hinted at possible connections with Nazism or charges of anti-Semitism. Jungians then and now have generally perceived the New York Times in particular as overly sympathetic to Freud and quite dismissive of Jung. A reviewer of a recent biography of Henry A. Murray that contains material on his relationship with Jung stated recently in a notable Jungian journal that, "When the New York Times (which consistently takes the view that Jung equals Hitler) deigned to review it (and for them to do even that with a Jungian subject they had to hold their nose), they tapped the same academic vein, and got the same scornfully smug copy." [31]

The charisma of office that extended to those individuals who Jung said could practice in his name included being viewed by believers in the transcendental Jungian "secret doctrine" as not only direct extensions of Jung, but also as interpreters of transcendental occult forces (the archetypes) in their own right. Such Jungian analysts learned quickly how lucrative such institutionalized charisma could be for them. Weber identified this underlying economic motivation for the routinization of charisma that has absolutely nothing to do with the inherent charisma of disciples or their professed "otherworldly" or altruistic motives (also characteristic of charismatic movements identified by Weber):

Only the members of the small group of enthusiastic disciples and followers are prepared to devote their lives purely idealistically to their call. The great majority of disciples will in the long run "make their living" out of their "calling" in a material sense as well. Indeed, this must be the case if the movement is not to disintegrate. [32]

The first attempts at forming a professional group of Jungian analysts that could train others independent of Jung's direct involvement were made (unsuccessfully) in Great Britain between 1936 and 1939 by Zurich-anointed disciples such as Fordham and E. A. Bennett, followed in 1944 by the formation of the Society of Analytical Psychology. The eight original members of this Society were Gerhard Adler, Culver Barker, Freida and Michael Fordham, Robert Moody, Philip Metman, Lotte Paulsen, and Erna Rosenbaum. The interesting fact that men outnumbered women in this first training society soon became the rule and not the exception as the cult was routinized and became a movement. After the first generations of Jungian analysts were trained in Zurich after 1948 (and then London, New York, San Francisco, and Los Angeles), the power structure shifted from female dominated to male dominated. Today in the Jungian movement men still predominate in the caste of analysts.

Jung's own legendary disdain for imitators and the stagnancy such imitation produced is the official reason for his reluctance to set up his own school or institute until late in life. Given Jung's deliberate efforts to set up an anti-orthodox Christianity cult of redemption or Nietzschean religion, he also no doubt wanted to keep the charismatic quality of his movement as long as possible, which would mean continued focus on his own person, personality, and transcendental ideas, which he reserved the right to change as he saw fit as he grew older. As a Nietzschean, Jung did not need to be a sociologist to understand the potential ossification of the soul or the degeneration from dogma that founding institutions could bring.

However, according to information in the Jung Oral Archives, we now know that in 1939 Jung asked Jacobi to research the possibility of establishing a "Jungian university." [33] After turning in a detailed written analysis of the financial and organizational aspects of such a venture, Jung decided not to go ahead with the project. After the war, there was a push by Jacobi and others to establish such a center, and this time Jung (reluctantly it is said) agreed. Subsequently, on 24 April 1948, due to the efforts of Swiss, English, and American disciples, the C. G. Jung Institute was formally founded in Zurich.

Why did Jung finally begin to rethink his opposition to the routinization of his personal charisma? One can only speculate, but it is interesting to note that Jung's initial interest in a Jungian university in 1939 and his support of an institute after the war followed two reminders of his own mortality, for as Jaffe put it in her reminiscences of Jung: "Jung's health and vitality had been weakened by an attack of amoebic dysentery in India in 1938, and a severe cardiac infarct in 1944 was the next blow life dealt him." Jaffe then quotes Jung as saying, '''It was then that life busted me, as sometimes it busts everyone.'" [34] The realization of his own mortality may have been impetus enough for Jung to consider the symbolic immortality of having the teaching of his ideas formalized and his charisma institutionally conferred through office.

On the occasion of the founding of the Institute, Jung himself gave a brief address. "I am honored that you have come here for the purpose of establishing this institute of research which is designed to carry on the work begun by me." [35] Looking to the future, Jung then listed a multitude of research project ideas concerning the history of religions, mythology, the amplification of symbols in "paranoid patients," and so on. What is remarkable about this brief address is what is missing: nowhere does Jung mention that the role of the Institute was to train and certify "Jungian analysts. This, however, quickly became its primary function and is so today. Indeed, it seems as though Jung viewed the Institute as a research center that would produce a body of scholarly literature that would further validate his transcendental theories of the collective unconscious and its archetypes.

The very first publication of the Institute did just that. In 1949 Jung's longtime disciple, C. A. Maier, published his magisterial account of the ancient healing cult of Asclepius, Ancient Incubation and Modern Psychotherapy. [36] Maier's book is a work of classical scholarship, not a book of psychological or psychotherapeutic theory or technique. Interestingly (and indeed, not surprisingly as a member of the inner circle), as he says in an interview given in September 1970, Maier was against "a factory that turned out analysts," and he was not pleased with the state of the Institute twenty-two years after its inception: "Now the emphasis is on quantity, not quality. They take all the dropouts from all over the world. It is pretty bad." [37]

Maier's statement that the emphasis of the Institute was one of quantity and not quality fits Weber's routinization or charisma model exactly, for it is the administrative staff of training analysts (those who have more institutionally conferred charisma than trainees or candidates) that reaps the benefit of a steady and secure flow of economic resources by such an increase in quantity as well as a dissemination of their own personal influence and power within the local community by mentoring their own disciples. Thus, social status-related and especially economic motives are the driving force behind religious institutions that function in this way, and the Jungian movement is no exception.


For literally tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of individuals in our culture, Jung and his ideas are the basis of a personal religion that either supplants their participation in traditional organized Judeo-Christian religion or accompanies it. For this latter group especially, the Jungian experience, as it is promoted by its specialized caste of analysts, holds out the promise of mystery and the direct experience of the transcendent that they do not experience in any church or synagogue.

Describing the contemporary Jungian movement as a form of personal religion implies that individual decision making plays a key role in determining how involved an individual may become with activities in groups that all have, almost without exclusion, spiritual or religious interests at heart. Although all are united by a common belief in individuation and a transcendent, trans personal collective unconscious that is said to manifest itself through the individual psyche, the emphasis remains on the personal experience of the universal in the particular. This may be sought through contact with established Jungian social organizations or functionaries or through private visionary exercises, the reading of Jungian material, and self-reflection. The entire pantheon of all the world's mythologies, torn out of any semblance of its original cultural contexts, is utilized as an "objective" reference point for the interpretation of personal experience (a difficulty Lukacs noted in all forms of Lebensphilosophie).

However, as I noted above, the behavioral norms of the Jungian movement act as strong social forces to encourage the individual to engage in an economic relationship to achieve individuation. Analysis with a Jungian analyst is promoted as a modern form of initiation or rite of passage and that, with the aid of an occult specialist (the analyst), contact with a transcendent realm (the collective unconscious) and its powers (the archetypes) leads to an energizing renewal, rebirth, or redemption (individuation). The Jungian movement thus resembles a twentieth- century version of an ancient Hellenistic mystery cult, which was a pagan form of personal religion that also entailed the paying of fees for transformative experiences. [38]

With the development of the training center system in 1948 (they now exist in several countries) the Jungian movement has established numerous cult sites where there exist communities of analysts and laity (nonprofessional Jungian organizations) where initiation into the Jungian mysteries is possible. The number of such mystery-cult sites that produce Jungian analysts and offer initiations proliferated rapidly after Jung's death.

Most of the popular Jungian literature is written by the analysts themselves. The usual pattern is to focus on a particular area of interpersonal concern (e.g., the problems of modern intimate relationships, masculinity, femininity, child abuse, anorexia) by presenting brief unidimensional, clinical vignettes amplified by (1 quotations from Jung and (2) idiosyncratic interpretations of mythological material taken entirely out of its original context. The term "analyst" is used repeatedly in this literature in a special, almost magical, sense to separate such individuals from other psychotherapists. Interestingly, in much of his writings, Jung used these terms interchangeably and actually appears to have preferred the more generic term "psychotherapist." In actual practice, the personal criteria that separate a Jungian analyst from any psychotherapist are probably moot, if they exist at all.

Part of the problem with trying to make an objective analysis of such distinctions in the popular literature of Jungism (which, in most respects, is indistinguishable from its highly idiosyncratic professional literature) is that such literature is written from the point of view of self-promotion, both economic and social- status related. In particular, and without reservation, the specialness and spirituality of the role of the Jungian analyst is often quite openly promoted in the pages of these works. The publication of a book enhances the perceived charisma of an analyst and may lead to paid invitations to speak at some of the local Jungian groups within the vast international network of such organizations. These local psychology clubs actually serve as vehicles through which new patients are funneled to the analysts, and as such act as local "trade organizations" for the enterprise of Jungian analysis as a business. Most of these groups have nonanalysts as nominal leaders, but the local analysts exert a considerable controlling influence over them anyway as such group leaders are often the current or ex-patients of the analysts. Whereas the majority of analysts are men in most localities, women predominate in the leadership roles of these regional groups. Neither the informed discussion of Jung's theories nor his history play a significant role in the social discourse of the Jungian movement.

The popular literature of Jungism also serves as a marketing strategy for the larger capitalist enterprise of Jungian analysis. A notable example is the book by the Jungian analyst James Hall entitled The Jungian Experience: Analysis and Individuation. [39] This book is essentially a promotional appeal for those seeking meaning in their lives to find it through the Jungian experience that can be had only by entering into a fee-paying relationship with a Jungian analyst. Not only are the stages of the perpetual, open-ended process outlined for the prospective patient, the sequence of encounters with certain "transpersonal entities" -- the archetypes -- is presented so as to prime the prospective patient for what they should experience once engaged in psychotherapy. Suggestions on how fees are to be paid to the analyst, and why, are also included. The final sections of the book discuss metaphysical issues such as how we may learn how the content of our dreams prepares us for death. Hall clearly suggests that dreams may provide evidence for life after death. Hence, implicit in this is the message of the cosmic importance of learning how to interpret one's dreams through the experience of analysis, for then Jungian analysis becomes an initiatory preparation for the afterlife. A convenient list of regional organizations of Jungian analysts is provided in the section, "How and Where to Find Jungian Analysts."

Belief in the collective unconscious and in its powers is strong among Jungians, for it forms their central "iconography of the transcendent" or their image of the great chain of being that unites them in a metaphysical belief system. Despite the infusion of the Jungian movement with revisionist doctrines (primarily feminism, with a focus on speculation about Jung's personal "problems" with women) and schisms (Fordham's "developmental school" and James Hillman's "archetypal psychology" school), [40] until 1993 the concept of the collective unconscious had never been openly challenged or rejected in an official Jungian publication. [41] Also because of the essential metaphysical concerns of Jungians and the wish to maintain the cult legend of Jung at all costs for fear of losing institutionally conferred charisma (and therefore continued monetary profits), few detailed and critical historical works have ever appeared from members of the Jungian analytic community, and the few that have are marred by gross factual errors. [42] As is the case when confronted with the facts of the historical Jesus, history is not the bread of the faithful.


Following the wide dissemination of Jung's writings in English translation by the 1960s, Jung's obvious fascination with mythology, parapsychological phenomena, the I Ching, astrology, alchemy, and mystical and religious experience of all kinds made him a source of inspiration and affirmation for the neopagan religious movements that began to proliferate in Europe and North America during that period -- a true Renaissance of the Asconan ideals. Such innovative spiritual seekers -- acutely aware of their status as outsiders -- have adopted Jung as a prophet whose achievements as a respected psychiatrist, physician, philosopher, and associate of Freud, have helped to legitimize their movement.

The role of Jungian ideas in modern American paganism (Wicca, "goddess spirituality," etc.) was noted in many places by Margot Adler in her extensive volume on the subject. [43] This considerable Jungian influence on modern witchcraft and neopaganism is seconded in a recent volume by M. D. Faber, a literature scholar, that offers a psychoanalytic interpretation of "the witchcraft cult" and furthermore purports to be an attempt to "retrieve the theory" from twentieth-century occultists who have "hijacked Jungian psychoanalytic theory to mystical ends." [44] In a study of ritual magic groups in contemporary England, anthropologist Tanya Luhrmann notes the early adoption of Jung's concept of the collective unconscious by occultists in the 1920s and 1930s: "In magicians' writings, the collective unconscious practically became a place, to which magical ritual could be a map which magicians used to travel in the collective human soul." [45] Luhrmann demonstrates, additionally, that Jung is still widely read and invoked by practicing occultists today: "linked to psychology and its authoritative figures, the metaphor of a separate plane is a magician's intellectual resource that dispenses with ordinary canons of truth." [46]

Perhaps the most ironic -- and potentially the most disturbing -- link between Jungism and neopaganism is the prominent inspirational role Jung's writings play in the revival of "Germanic Religion" or Norse paganism in contemporary continental Europe, England, and North America. This phenomenon, at least as it appeared in the late 1970s, has been documented in a remarkable article by Stephen Flowers. [47] According to Flowers, these groups do not have a direct historical link with the volkisch neopagan groups of Central Europe at the turn of the century, nor do all of them have connections with the neo-Nazi movement (although apparently some individuals and local groups do). The first of these organizations seems to have originated in Iceland in May 1973 and was called the Asatruarmenn. A related group, the Odinic Rite, was founded in the United Kingdom that same year. In the United States, a group called the Viking Brotherhood was founded in Texas in 1972 and evolved into a much larger group, the Asatru Free Assembly in 1978. "Asatru" is allegedly the Icelandic term that means "faith in the Asir" (the old Nordic gods). The Asatru Free Assembly formally dissolved in 1987 but apparently many of its members still practice Germanic neopagan rituals in smaller groups, read the works of Jung, and also read the growing occultist literature on Norse paganism -- which includes a 1988 translation by Flowers of List's Secrets of the Runes of 1908. [48]

According to Flowers:

Many of their ideas are drawn from the most recent scholarly work concerning the old Germanic religion, and traditional religions in general, as well as from the psychological theories of C. G. Jung.

The concepts of the archetypes and the collective unconscious have exerted a tremendous influence on the formation of the ideology of the neo-Germanic religion .... Divinities in Asatru/Odinism are not seen as independent, transcendental beings, but rather as exemplary models of consciousness, or archetypes, which serve as patterns for human development. ... A principle feature of this view is the idea that humanity is almost "biologically" linked to divinity, and that there has never been any real break in this connection (i.e., there is no concept of "original sin") .... Jungian psychology and old Germanic written sources remain the most influential ideas in the formation of neo-Germanic concepts concerning the nature of man and his place in the cosmos. [49]

As with the volkisch neopagan groups at the turn of the century, the summer solstice is celebrated as one of the holidays of the new Nordic paganism movement (as it is in the neopagan movement in general). Flowers notes, however, that the members of these neo-Germanic groups "are more attracted by antiquarian interests or racial sentimentalities than by religious zeal or interest in self-transformation." [50] This observation probably could have been equally made about the many participants in the Volkstumbewegung circa 1900. What does unite these modern Germanic neopagans, however, is a belief in an ideology called "meta genetics" : the idea "that the 'biological' and the 'spiritual' heritage of a person or people are ontologically identical, and that through a reimmersion into the 'old way' a transforming 'return to the whole' may be effected." [51] Despite the similarities between the philosophies of other neopagan movements, including a deep foundation in Jungian thought, the pagan movement in the United States has generally shunned the neo-Germanic movement for its persistent connection with neo-Nazism.


A very prominent American Jungian analyst, Edward Edinger, openly acknowledges Jung's role as a prophet in the twentieth century and the essential religious nature of the Jungian movement. In one publication Edinger even terms Jung's ideas in the Collected Works a divinely inspired "new dispensation" to succeed the Jewish and Christian dispensations of the Old and New Testaments. [52] Passages from Jung's works are now often read as part of the sermons of some ministers, and Jung is read as part of the services of a New Age "Gnostic Church" in San Francisco, as they are alongside the works of Emerson at some Unitarian services.

Are we witnessing the birth of another religious movement that will one day develop into ritualized services and even cathedrals a la Emanuel Swedenborg? [53] With the Jungian movement and its merger with the New Age spirituality of the late twentieth century, are we witnessing the incipient stages of a faith based on the apotheosis of Jung as a God-man? Only history will tell if Jung's Nietzschean religion will finally win its Kulturkampf and replace Christianity with its own personal religion of the future.
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

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Part 1 of 5



1. Harry Liebersohn, Fate and Utopia in German Sociology, 1870-1923 (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1988), pp. 23-24. Tonnies slowly became prominent in early German sociological thought in the late nineteenth century, starting with the publication of his famous book, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (Community and Society) in 1887.

2. Tonnies did finally find a way to become closer to Nietzsche by befriending Nietzsche's close companions, Lou Andreas-Salome (1861-1937) and Paul Ree (1849-1901).Ree and Andreas-Salome were the hosts of a lively Berlin salon in the 1880s in the "Boulevard under the Lindens" (Unter dem Linden Strasse), and frequent visitors included not only Tonnies, but also the historian Hans Delbruck (1848-1919), philologist Paul Deussen (1845-1919),and the experimental psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus (1850-1909). Helga Sprung observes that such salons "played a major positive role in the emancipation of women" because "they offered women an immediate possibility for direct participation in the intellectual life of their time." See Helga Sprung, "Bourgeois Berlin Salons: Meeting Places for Culture and the Sciences," in W. R. Woodward and R. S. Cohen, ed., World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1991),p. 402.

3. Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero- Worship and the Heroic in History (Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co., 1891 [1841]), pp. 8-9. A useful work that discusses many of the objects of hero worship mentioned in this volume (although very much colored by the tragedy of Nazism) is Eric Russell Bentley,A Century of Hero Worship: A Study of the Idea of Heroism in Carlyle and Nietzsche, with Notes on Wagner, Spengler, Stefan George, and D. H. Lawrence, 2d ed. (Boston: Beacon, 1957).His argument that the common thread of "Heroic Vitalism" in these important figures should not be considered as proto-Nazism is an important analogue to the argument by historians (and supported in this volume) that volkisch philosophies and groups were not all necessarily proto-Nazi.

4. Nietzsche's Also Sprach Zarathustra was published in four separate parts between 1883and 1885,but only in very small editions. They were published together for the first time in an 1892 edition that was widely read and had a major impact on European culture in the 1890s.

5. These works were: Der Fall Wagner (The Case of Wagner) in 1888; Die Gotzen Dammerung (The Twilight of the Idols) in 1889; Der Antichrist (The Antichrist) in 1895; Nietzsche contra Wagner in 1895; and the autobiographical Ecce Homo in 1908.

6. Ferdinand Tonnies, Der Nietzsche-Kultus: Eine Kritik (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1897).

7. Steven Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, 1890-1990 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), p. 201.

8. Although rarely given credit for originating with Jung, the enormously popular series of televised interviews with mythologist Joseph Campbell (1904-1987) in 1988 was an effective promotion of Jung's transcendental ideas of a collective unconscious and its archetypes working through the lives (and especially the dreams) of contemporary individuals. A transcript of these interviews appears in Joseph Campbell and Bill Moyers, The Power of Myth (New York: Doubleday, 1988). Following the multiple rebroadcasts of these interviews there followed a surge in Jungism that caught the attention of the media: see the multipage article in the 7 December 1992 issue of U.S. News and World Report; also, see the article, "Interest in Carl Jung Experiences Revival as Some Embrace Wider View of Psychodynamics" in the 7 February 1992 issue of Psychiatric News, the professional newspaper of the American Psychiatric Association.

9. George Weisz, "The Posthumous Laennec: Creating a Modern Medical Hero, 1826-1870," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 61 (1987): 541-62.

10. Richard Shryock, "The Medical Reputation of Benjamin Rush," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 45 (1971): 507-52.

11. See the discussion of this bias, and related issues, in the history of psychology by Roy Porter and Mark Micale, "Reflections on Psychiatry and Its Histories," in Mark Micale and Roy Porter, ed., Discovering the History of Psychiatry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 3-36. I wish to thank Micale for supplying me with prepublication proofs of this important essay. On the shift of the center of scientific research to the United States see Roger Geiger, To Advance Knowledge: The Growth of American Research Universities, 1900-1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).

12. This issue is the theme of the selections in the annual edited by Hans Rappard, P. J. Van Strien, L. P. Mos, and William Baker, Annals of Theoretical Psychology 8 (1993).

13. Kurt Danzinger, "Psychological Objects, Practice, and History," Annals of Theoretical Psychology 8 (1993): 43. Also relevant is Kurt Danzinger, "Social Context and Investigative Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Psychology," in Mitchell Ash and W. R. Woodward, ed., Psychology in Twentieth-Century Thought and Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 13-34.


1. C. G. Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections by C. G. Jung, ed. Aniela Jaffe (New York: Pantheon, 1962). In the first -- and still the best, despite its age -- detailed critical examination of Jung's work, MDR is termed an "automythology" that is in "a special genre of its own." Peter Homans, Jung in Context: Modernity and the Making of a Psychology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), p. 29.

2. C. G. Jung, "Answer to Job," Psychology and Religion: West and East, CW 11 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), para. 645.

3. Of the many biographies of Jung, the one most similar to MDR in its odd mystical presentation of Jung is Marie-Louise von Franz, C. G. Jung: His Myth in Our Time (Boston: Little, Brown, 1975; original German ed., 1972). Von Franz (1915-) met Jung as an eighteen-year-old in 1933 and became one of his closest disciples. She never married, and after Jung built his tower in Bollingen, Switzerland, von Franz bought property nearby and also built her own tower near the house of her companion, Barbara Hannah, who was another close disciple of Jung's and the author of the best (in terms of new historical details) of these works of discipleship, C. G. Jung: His Life and Work, A Biographical Memoir (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1976). A picture of Jung as an intellectual hero by a friend and disciple of Jung's is Laurens van der Post, Jung and the Story of Our Time (New York: Random House, 1977). A new generation of Jung biographers for whom Jung was a spiritus rector have continued the tradition of idealization. See, e.g., Gerhard Wehr, Jung: A Biography (Boston: Shambhala, 1987).

4. I am indebted to Jung scholar Sonu Shamdasani for alerting me to the construction of MDR by Jaffe, the Jung family, and editors at Random House, which published the English-language edition. An edited typescript with editorial markings and material missing from the published versions can be found in the rare books collection of the Countway Library of Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston. An early chapter on Toni Wolff -- one of the few Jung apparently did by hand -- was removed by the Jung family very early in the editorial process, directly following Jung's death, and is not at the Countway. It is said to follow the format of MDR and contain reports of mutually significant dreams, synchronicities, etc., between Jung and Wolff, who maintained an intimate personal relationship for approximately forty years.

5. On the theos aner see David Tiede, The Charismatic Figure as Miracle Worker (Missoula: SBLDS,1972); and Carl Halladay, Theos Aner in Hellenistic Judaism (Missoula: SBLDS,1977). See also the more accessible discussions in Howard Clark Kee, Medicine, Miracle and Magic in New Testament Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 84-86; and in Peter Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 59-72. On the "holy man," see Peter Brown, "The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity," in his Society and the Holy ill Late Antiquity (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982).

6. On an analogous phenomenon, the fifteenth-century revival of "historical ideals of life," see Gabor Klaniczay, "Legends as Life-Strategies for Aspirant Saints in the Later Middle Ages," in his collection of essays, The Uses of Supernatural Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).

7. Charles Talbert, "Biographies of Philosophers and Rulers as Instruments of Religious Propaganda in Mediterranean Antiquity," Aufsteig und Niedergang der romischen Welt 11.16.2. (1978): 1619-51. According to Talbert, in the pagan biographical tradition "the life of the philosopher functions as a legitimation of his teaching" (p. 1643). The image of this hero personifies the value system of the community that he founded. "Such a life produced directly by a religious community would correctly be called a 'cult legend'" (p. 1626). Similarly, I argue that the idealized and sacralized image of Jung in MDR has become the cult legend of the Jungian movement.

8. Kee, Medicine, Miracle, and Magic, p. 84.

9. Ibid., p. 85.

10. Brown, "The Rise and Function of the Holy Man," p. 142, 121.

11. Ibid., p. 132.

12. Jung's frequent retreats to the stone tower that he built at Bollingen to escape civilization are idealized in the chapter entitled "The Tower" in MDR. The book presents Jung waxing poetic on his self-imposed solitude in nature: "In Bollingen, silence surrounds me almost audibly, and I live 'in modest harmony with nature.' Thoughts rise to the surface and reach back into the centuries, and accordingly anticipate a remote future. Here the torment of creation is lessened; creativity and play are close together" (p. 226). The images of Jung retreating to nature to receive the wisdom of the ages and to see into the future are of Jung as the pagan ascetic holy man. Jung also seems to have been living out a German Romantic fantasy. See Ilza Veith, "Loneliness and Solitude: Historical and Philosophical Reflections on Voluntary Withdrawal from Society," in Hertha Riese, ed., Historical Explorations in Medicine and Psychiatry (New York: Springer, 1978), pp. 87-98.

13. Brown, "The Rise and Function of the Holy Man," p. 101.

14. Ibid., p. 134.

15. See Ronald Glassman, "Manufactured Charisma and Legitimacy," Social Research 42 (1975): 615-36.

16. That is, pre-Aniela Jaffe, the editor of MDR.

17. Nowhere has this been more problematic than in the literature of New Testament scholarship. Although it is now acceptable to speak of an original pre-Pauline "Christ cult" that formed around Jesus of Nazareth and that later developed into the "Jesus movement" and then, even later, organized Christianity, this was not always so. This controversy is briefly summarized in Talbert, "Biographies of Philosophers and Rulers," pp. 1625-26. A similar sequence of development is posited here for the Jung cult although I use the term "cult" broadly to reinforce the idea that the Jungian movement is in fact made up of many decentralized cults.

18. Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus (Nashville, 1970), p. 11. For background on the development of the History of Religions School in classical scholarship, see C Colpe, Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule: DarstelJung und Kritik ihres Bildes vom gnostischen Erlosungsmyths (Gottingen, 1961).

19. Marc Galanter, Cults: Faith, Healing and Coercion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 5.

20. Max Weber, The Sociology of Religioll, trans. Ephraim Fischoff (Boston: Beacon, 1991), p. 3. The original "Religionssoziologie" was published as part of his posthumous Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Berlin: J.C.B. Mohr, 1922).

21. Weber, The Sociology of Religion, p. 2.

22. This is in the extensive revision of a seminal 1916 paper, published in its third and even more expanded form as "The Relations Between the Ego and the Unconscious" (1928), Two Essays on Analytical Psychology CW 7 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966). However, as early as 1917 Jung introduced the prototype of this concept with the idea that the image of a "magical demon" is sometimes projected onto the doctor by the patient. "The picture of this demon is the lowest and the most elementary concept of God. It is the dominant of the primitive tribal magic-man, or a singularly gifted personality endowed with magical power" (Jung, "The Psychology of Unconscious Processes," in Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, 2d ed., Constance Long, ed. and trans. (London: Bailliere, Tindall and Cox, 1920).

23. Other speakers to this religious youth movement group included Martin Buber and Gertrud Baumler. See Martin Green, The Von Richthofen Sisters: The Triumphant and Tragic Modes of Love (New York: Basic Books, 1974), p. 224.

24. C. G. Jung Institute of Los Angeles, Matter of Heart (film script), p. 4. Matter of Heart was a documentary produced by the Institute and released in 1983. It was derived from the forty-hour film archive produced by the Jung Film Project between 1975 and 1981.

25. See Guy Oakes, "Weber and the Southwest German School: The Genesis of the Concept of the Historical Individual," in Wolfgang Mommsen and Jurgen Osterhammel, ed., Max Weber and His Contemporaries (London: Unwin Hyman, 1987), pp. 434-46.

26. See the chapter on Jung in Henri Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious (New York: Basic Books, 1970), pp. 657-748; and Henri Ellenberger, "Carl Gustav Jung: His Historical Setting," in Riese, Historical Explorations pp. 142-50. Also: "c. G. Jung and the Story of Helene Preiswerk: A Critical Study with New Documents [1991]," in Mark Micale, ed., Beyond the Unconscious: Essays of Henri F. Ellenberger in till' History of Psychiatry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 291-305.

27. This controversy over Jung's behavior and beliefs in the 1930s has not disappeared. See, e.g., Aryeh Maidenbaum and Stephen Martin, ed., Lingering Shadows: Jungians, Freudians, and Anti-Semitism (Boston: Shambhala, 1991).

28. Goethe has been described as Nietzsche's model of an ubermensch by Walter Kaufmann. In Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), Kaufmann makes this distinction in his chapter on "Overman and Recurrence," and cites the following remarks by Nietzsche on Goethe that are congruent with the former's written descriptions of an ubermensch: '''he disciplined himself into wholeness, he created himself' and became 'the man of tolerance, not from weakness but from strength,' 'a spirit who has become free'" (p. 278).

29. Ellenberger, "Carl Gustav Jung: His Historical Setting," p. 149.

30. C. G. Jung, "The Swiss Line in the European Spectrum" (1928), Civilization in Transition, CW 10 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), para. 905.

31. Oswald Spengler, Untergang des Abendlandes, Gestalt und Wirklichkeit (Munich: C. H. Beck'sche VerlagsbuchhandJungen, 1918) and its companion volume, Untergang des Abendlandes, Welthistorische Perspectiven (Munich: C. H. Beck'sche VerlagsbuchhandJungen, 1922). This massive Nietzschean work of historical and metaphysical speculation takes up some of Jung's concerns at this time. For example, Spengler says, "For every man, whatever the Culture to which he belongs, the elements of the soul are the deities of an inner mythology." Oswald Spengler, The Decline of the West, 2 vols., trans. Charles Francis Atkinson (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1980), 1:312.

32. "The Psychology of the Transference" (1946), The Practice of Psychotherapy, CW 16 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966).

33. George Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1964), 15.

34. According to Mosse, "Not all of nature, therefore, but only its regional manifestations gave the folk its character, potential, and unity. Nature was defined as a landscape: those features of the environment peculiar and familiar to the members of one Volk and alien to all others" (The Crisis of German Ideology, p. 15). The soul of the land shapes the soul of the person. Interestingly, this volkisch assumption is the basis of Daniel Noel's biographical investigation of how Jung's ideas were influenced by the terrain of places that he visited in the 1920s. In his article Noel asserts that in the 1920s Jung "had started to formulate what I call an ecological notion of the collective unconscious psyche" (p. 72). See Daniel Noel, "Soul and Earth: Traveling with Jung Toward an Archetypal Ecology," in Quadrant: The Journal of Contemporary Jungian Thought 23 (1990): 57-73.

The importance of geography in determining national character was transmitted to the German bourgeoisie in abundance in the 1850s and 1860s through the works of authors such as Bernhard von Cotta, whose book, "Germany's Earth: Its Construction and Influence on the Life of People" (Deutschland's Boden: Sein Bau und dessen Einwirkung auf das Leben der Menschen [Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1853]) was highly influential in the social and political circles of Pan-Germanism. Geographical determinism was also promoted through the many popular science magazines that appeared with the rise of scientific materialism. German culture took on the added dimension of a firm grounding in scientific ideas for the average educated person during this period, and popular periodicals such as Westermann's Monatsheft (which began publication in 1857) vigorously promoted a Weltanschauung based on scientific materialism. The central importance of geography as such an all-encompassing science as presented in Westermann's Monatsheft is discussed in Robert Brain, "The Geographical Vision and the Popular Order of the Disciplines, 1848-1870," in Woodward and Cohen, World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation pp. 367-76.

35. Peter Gay, Weimar Culture: The Outsider as insider (New York: Harper & Row, 1968), pp. 11-12.

36. Basel (or Bale), which lies on both banks of the Rhine, was the capital of the half-canton Basel-Stadt or Bale-ville and by 1899, according to a prominent nineteenth-century travel guidebook, had a population of 99,365: Karl Baedeker, Switzerland, and the Adjacent Portions of Italy, Savoy, and Tyrol: Handbook for Travellers, 18th ed. (Leipzig: Karl Baedeker, 1899), p. 4. Baedeker also reports data from a census conducted by the government of Switzerland on 1 December 1888 that provides total population figures for each of the twenty-two official cantons. These total figures are further subdivided according to religion. For Bale-ville in 1888, the total population was listed as 74,247, out of which 50,326 were Protestant, 22,402 were Roman Catholic, 1,078 were Jews, and 441 belonged to "Sects" (p. xxxai). These figures give a rough picture of how dominantly Protestant Jung's world was when growing up, and especially how few non-Christians (such as Jews) he would likely meet on any given day.

37. Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, p. 662.

38. "Not until I was in my thirties was I able to confront Mater Ecclesia without this sense of oppression. The first time was in St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna." Jung, MDR, p. 17.

39. Fritz Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969).

40. The Swiss elements of Jung's Zofingia fraternity are conspicuously stressed by Marie-Louise von Franz in her introduction to Jung's published Zofingia lectures. See The Zofingia Lectures, CW A (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983). Jung does indeed refer to the "official displays of public enthusiasm in the pan-German Empire" as "inane" (p. 55) in his 1897 inaugural address. However, in an earlier talk the same year, anti-Semitism (often associated with Pan-Germanism by this time) is evident when he praises his hero, the "noble [Johann] Zollner" (a psychical researcher), for being "mortally wounded in his struggle against the Judaization of science" (p. 35). This latter phrase is absent from the index of the Zofingia Lectures.

41. C. G. Jung, Analytical Psychology: Notes of the Seminar Given in 1925 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 37. Menders work and its suggestion of genes was rediscovered only in 1900. Jung's description here resembles its conceptual precursor in biology, August Weismann's "germ-plasm" theory. As I have found in many other volumes of Jung's Collected Works and seminars, odd, eccentric, unflattering ideas -- such as this one -- are often conspicuously absent from the index at the back of these books, although such concepts or terms are mentioned repeatedly in the text.

42. Ibid., p. 82.

43. Eliza Marian Butler, The Tyranny of Greece Over Germany: A Study of the Influence Exercised by Greek Art and Poetry over the Great German Writers of the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1935).

44. Ibid., p. 46. See also Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Reflections on the Imitation of Greek Works in Painting and Sculpture (1755), trans. E. A. Hyer and Roger Norton (La Salle, Ill: Open Court, 1987).

45. In his 1867 essay on Winckelmann, Walter Pater points out Winckelmann's avoidance of the irrational elements of Greek culture, so familiar to fin-de-siecle modernity: "Into this stage of achievement Winckelmann did not enter .... His conception of art excludes that bolder type of it which deals confidently with life, conflict, evil. Living in a world of exquisite but abstract and colorless form, he could hardly have conceived of the subtle and penetrative, but somewhat grotesque art of the modern world." Walter Pater, The Renaissance: Studies in Art and Poetry (New York: Macmillan, 1909), pp. 235-36.

46. In a 28 February 1932 letter to Swiss author and editor Max Rychner, who wrote to Jung and other celebrities asking them for opinions about Goethe and his work, Jung says, "My mother drew my attention to Faust when I was about 15 years old." Jung considered it a Germanic contribution to the world as a sacred text: "Faust is the most recent pillar in that bridge of the spirit which spans the morass of world history, beginning with the Gilgamesh epic, the I Ching, the Upanishads, the Tao-te-Ching, the fragments of Heraclitus, and continuing in the Gospel of St. John, the letters of St. Paul, in Meister Eckhart and in Dante." C. G. Jung, Letters: 1. 1906-1950 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 89.

47. Largely because of the cultural repercussions of Winckelmann's rediscovery of ancient Greece, the teaching of German Wissenschaft in the nineteenth century originally was not based on the methods of the natural sciences, but instead on those of philosophy and classical philology. Between 1850 and 1880 this emphasis had reversed somewhat. The claims of both Freud and Jung that their psychological theories and methods were indeed science comes from this older view of Wissenschaft that was eventually supplanted by the equation of the scientific with the experimental study of materialist hypotheses. On German education and science during the nineteenth century, see the following: Fritz Ringer, "Higher Education in Germany in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Contemporary History 2 (1967): 125-46; R. Steven Turner, "The Growth of Professional Research in Prussia, 1818 to 1848 -- Causes and Context," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences 3 (1971): 137-82; and an older but still useful work, Friedrich Paulsen, German Universities and University Study (New York: Macmillan, 1906).

48. Ernest Jones, Free Associations: Memoirs of a Psycho-Analyst (New York: Basic Books, 1959), p. 35.

49. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 6.


1. George Mosse, The Culture of Western Europe: The Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, 3d ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988). Specifically, according to Mosse, "This change of public spirit after 1870 tended toward a recapturing of the irrational -- a revolt against positivism which was later to form part of the totalitarian movement of this century" (p. 220). The literature on the fin de siecle is quite large, but a useful collection of essays on the technological, economic, social, and scientific innovations of that era can be found in Mikulas Teich and Roy Porter, eds., Fill de Siecle and Its Legacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

2. An introduction to the nineteenth-century bourgeois European mentality, useful here because of its focus on German Europe, is the section on "Studies in the History of the Bourgeois-Christian World," in Karl Lowith, From Hegel to Nietzsche: The Revolution in Nineteenth- Century Thought (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964). A useful perspective can also be found in the general introduction to Peter Gay, The Bourgeois Experience, Victoria to Freud: Volume 1. Education of the Senses (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), pp. 3-70; and the second volume, The Tender Passion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

3. In the Jung Oral Archives at the Countway Library of Medicine the lengthy interview with Jolande Jacobi repeatedly brings out her personal observations of Jung's bourgeois conventionality in social situations.

4. Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious; "Carl Gustav Jung: His Historical Setting."

5. Max Nordau, Degeneration (New York: D. Appleton, 1895), p. 1. The appearance of the English translation of Degeneration in February 1895 was a major cultural event, as the book ignited outrage among modern artists and fear among many everyday individuals when Nordau argued that they were hereditary degenerates. George Bernard Shaw, among many others, counterattacked Nordau with his own publications. The original German edition was Entartung (Berlin: C. Dunker, 1892).

6. See J. Edward Chamberlin and Sander Gilman, eds., Degeneration: The Dark Side of Progress (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Daniel Pick, Faces of Degeneration: A European Disorder, c. 1848-1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); and Ian Dowbiggin, Inheriting Madness: Professionalization and Psychiatric Knowledge in Nineteenth- Century France (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991).

7. Friedrich Nietzsche, "Thus Spoke Zarathustra, Part I (1883)," in The Portable Nietzsche, ed. and trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York: Viking Penguin Books, 1982), p. 187.

8. Jost Hermand, Old Dreams of a New Reich: Volkish Utopias and National Socialism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992), pp. 31, 35.

9. The term "decadent" meant many things to the fin-de-siecle generation, but it generally referred to something that was luxurious, sensual, and corrupting. For an engaging meditation on the term, see Richard Gilman, Decadence: The Strange Life of an Epithet (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1979). On the literary movement, see A. E. Carter, The Idea of Decadence in French Literature (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1958); Arthur Symons's signal "The Decadent Movement in Literature," which first appeared in the November 1893 issue of Harper's New Monthly Magazine, is reprinted in Karl Beckson, ed., Aesthetes and Decadents of the 1890s (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 134-51.

10. On the individual as "Nietzschean hero," see Leslie Paul Thiele, Friedrich Nietzsche and the Politics of the Soul: A Study of Heroic Individualism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).

11. "I was twenty-four when I read Zarathustra. I could not understand it, but it made a profound impression upon me." Jung, Analytical Psychology p. 7. We know, however, from the dates of the Zofingia lectures that Jung was quite familiar with Nietzsche at age twenty-three.

12. Jung, MDR, p. 102.

13. The seminar notes have been edited by James Jarrett and are now available in C. G. Jung, Nietzsche's Zarathustra, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988).

14. Steven Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany p. 14.

15. This equation of modernity with the dark forces of irrationalism (which has no redeeming value) is a bias argued most recently in Georg Lukacs, The Destruction of Reason, trans. Peter Palmer (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1981).

16. The philosophical work of Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) achieved its strongest reception in European culture between 1880 and 1900 and had a great impact on Richard Wagner (1813-1883), Friedrich Nietzsche, and many others who matured during the fin de siecle such as Jung. See David Luft, "Schopenhauer, Austria, and the Generation of 1905," Central European History 26 (1983): 53-75. Jung, while a medical student, was led to his ideas of the unconscious mind through studying Schopenhauer and von Hartmann (1842-1906). He was largely ignorant of the growing psychiatric literature (primarily in French) on dissociation and hypnotism at this time and instead turned to these German philosophers to help him formulate his ideas about the human psyche. "My ideas of the unconscious, then, first became enlightened through Schopenhauer and Hartmann. Hartmann, having the advantage of living in a later period than Schopenhauer, formulates the latter's ideas in a modern way," Jung reported in 1925. See Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 5.

17. On the history of French psychiatry in the nineteenth century and the leading role of the Esquirol circle, see Jan Goldstein, Console and Classify: The French Psychiatric Profession in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). On the leading role of French alienistes such as Benedict Augustin Morel (1809-1873) in establishing hereditary degeneration as the most influential theory of mental illness and therefore the most pressing social concern of the age, see Dowbiggin, Inheriting Madness; and Pick, Faces of Degeneration.

18. The theoretical differences between Freud and Janet were significant, and each maintained a very different view of the unconscious. Personally, the two men despised one another. See Campbell Perry and J. R. Laurence, "Mental Processing Outside of Awareness: The Contributions of Freud and Janet," in Kenneth Bowers and Donald Meichenbaum, ed., The Unconscious Reconsidered (New York: John Wiley, 1984). The best history of this French dissociationist tradition is Ellenberger's The Discovery of the Unconscious. Also useful is Onno van der Hart and B. Friedman, "A Reader's Guide to Pierre Janet on Dissociation: A Neglected Intellectual Heritage," Dissociation 2 (989): 3-16.

19. See C. G. Jung, "On the Doctrine of the Complexes" (911), Experimental Researches CW 2 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972); and especially his, "A Review of the Complex Theory" (934), The Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche, CW 8 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969). The dissociationist basis of this theory is explicitly discussed in Richard Noll, "Multiple Personality, Dissociation, and C. C. Jung's 'Complex Theory,''' Journal of Analytical Psychology 34 (1989): 353-70; and "Multiple Personality and the Complex Theory: A Correction and a Rejection of C. G. Jung's 'Collective Unconscious,'" Journal of Analytical Psychology 38 (993): 321-23.

20. See, e.g., Wilma Koutstaal, "Skirting the Abyss: A History of Experimental Explorations of Automatic Writing in Psychology," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 28 (992): 5-27. One such pioneer of the use of experimental automatic writing was Gertrude Stein, who published papers on her work as a student at Radcliffe in the 1890s. See also Sonu Shamdasani, "Automatic Writing and the Discovery of the Unconscious," Spring 54 (993): 100-131.

21. F.W.H. Myers's theory of the subliminal self can be found in his numerous publications in the 1880s and 1890s in the Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research and in his posthumous magnum opus, Human Personality and Its Survival of Bodily Death, 2 vols. (London: Longman, Greens, 1903). The crowning achievement of psychical research is the analysis of the "Census of Hallucinations" of apparitions of the living and the dead conducted by Myers and his colleagues, Edmund Gurney and Frank Podmore: Phantasms of the Living, 2 vols. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co, 1886). Myers was a close friend of William James (as was Flournoy), who held Myers in such great esteem that he suggested, "What is the precise constitution of the Subliminal -- such is the problem which deserves to figure in our Science hereafter as the problem of Myers." William James, "Frederic Myers' Service to Psychology" (1901), in The Works of William James: Essays in Psychical Research, ed. Frederick Burkhardt and Fredson Bowers (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 196.

22. Burckhardt's complaint is in a letter to Johanna Kinke dated 23 August 1843 and is cited in Peter Gay, Education of the Sellses, p. 52n.

23. On Jewish identity and typical patterns of assimilation and nationalism among Jews in late nineteenth-century Austria-Hungary, see the excellent volume by Marsha Rosenblatt, The Jews of Vienna, 1867- 1914: Assimilation and Identity (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983). By the end of the First World War there were 200,000 Jews in Vienna, according to Rosenblatt (p. 196).

24. Lowith, From Hegel to Nietzsche, p. 334.

25. Ibid., p. 22.

26. Roy Pascal, From Naturalism to Expressionism: German Literature and Society, 1880-1918 (New York: Basic Books, 1973), p. 167. See especially Pascal's discussion of theological modernists on pp. 167-71.

27. Ibid., p. 167.

28. Wilhelm Hauer, Karl Heim, Karl Adam, Germany's New Religion: The German Faith Movement, ed. and trans. by T.S.K. Scott-Craig and R. E. Davies (New York: Abingdon Press, 1937).

29. George Bernard Shaw, The Perfect Wagnerite, 4th ed. (London: Constable & Co., 1923). Shaw's first edition of this work appeared in 1898.

30. Albert Schweitzer, The Quest of the Historical Jesus: A Critical Study of Its Progress from Reimarus to Wrede, trans. by W. Montgomery (New York: Macmillan, 1968), p. 1. This translation is based on the first German edition: Von Reimarus zu Wrede: Eine Geschichte der Leben-Jesu- Forschung (1906); an enlarged and retitled edition appeared in 1913 as Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung. Schweitzer believed he was improving on the advances made by Strauss and by the Tubingen school in this work. Jung was familiar with Schweitzer's works and refers to the 1913 volume in some of his writings. Both men were born in Germanic Europe in the same year -- 1875 -- which makes them contemporaries in many ways.

31. David Friedrich Strauss, The Life of Jesus Critically Examined, trans. George Eliot, ed. Peter Hodgson (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1972). See also Horton Harris, David Friedrich Strauss and His Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973).

32. This tradition continues today, but with much less controversy. See, e.g., John Dominic Crossan, The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (New York: Harper & Row, 1991). For the earliest speculations on the historical Jesus, and the eighteenth-century theologian who provided Schweitzer's starting point, see Charles Talbert, ed., Reimarus: Fragments (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1970).

33. Due to Renan's talents, it was thought that he would become a doctor of theology and teach Oriental languages (Hebrew, Arabic, Aramaic) in a Catholic seminary. Instead, as a disciple and early biographer puts it, "Every month of study led him further and further away from the Church." Madame James Darmesteter, The Life of Ernest Renan (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., 1897), p. 48.

34. Strauss's most famous work in this vein was Der alte und der neue Glaube [The Old Faith and the New] (Leipzig, 1872). On Strauss's mixture of biological evolutionary ideas with political views, see Richard Weikart, "The Origins of Social Darwinism in Germany, 1859-1895," Journal of the History of Ideas 54 (1993): 469-88. For the most detailed assessment of the later work of Strauss, which was much informed by Darwin, see Frederick Gregory, Nature Lost? Natural Science and the German Theological Traditions of the Nineteenth Centuries (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 67-111.

35. Friedrich Nietzsche, "David Strauss, the Confessor and the Author," Untimely Meditations, trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 1-55. For discussions of Nietzsche's evaluation of Strauss, see Kauffman, Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist pp. 114-16, 120, 130, 148, 367n; and Carl Pletsch, Young Nietzsche: Becoming a Genius (New York: The Free Press, 1991), pp. 165-67.

36. Jung's personal library contains a German translation of Renan's famous work. Interestingly, Strauss and Jung shared a similar fascination with the famous early spiritualist medium, "the Seeress of Prevorst." Schweitzer notes in The Quest of the Historical Jesus: "Two journeys which Strauss made along with his fellow-student Binder to Weinsberg to see Justinius Kerner made a deep impression upon him. He had to make a deliberate effort to escape from the dream-world of the 'Prophetess of Prevorst.' Some years later, in a Latin note to Binder, he speaks of Weinsberg as 'Mecca nostra'" (pp. 68-69). In a May 1897 lecture to his Zofingia fraternity, Jung quotes from the writings of Strauss on the "Seeress." C. G. Jung, "Some Thoughts on Psychology," in The Zofingia Lectures, paras. 73-75.

37. C. G. Jung, "Thoughts on the Interpretation of Christianity, with Reference to the Theory of Albrecht Ritschl" (1899), in The Zofingia Lectures, para. 251. His reference to seeking the opinions of theologians "for more than two years now" probably is in reference to the freedom he felt in doing so after the death of his father, with whom he had many theological disagreements, in 1896.

38. Ibid., p. 107.

39. This more critical approach of Protestantism fostered a distinctly American form of psychotherapy in the Boston area starting around 1880 that seems to have been based on (1) the spiritual and moral principles of the New England Transcendentalism of Ralph Waldo Emerson (and others) and (2) on strengthening the volition ("will training"). See George E. Gifford, Jr. ed., Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy, and the New England Medical Scene, 1894-1944 (New York: Science/History Publications, 1978); the "Emmanuel Movement" led by Rev. Elwood Worcester of Boston's famous Emmanuel Church spawned a psychotherapeutic movement and even a journal (in 1909) entitled Psychotherapy that was a forum for discussion on the common bond between psychology, medicine, and religion. The works of William James, Henri Bergson, and Emerson were the foundation of most of the discussions. Besides clergymen, eminent physicians and psychiatrists contributed to its early issues. See Robert Fuller, Americans and the Unconscious (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 100-108.

40. A. D. Nock, "Hellenistic Mysteries and Christian Sacraments," in Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, ed. Zeph Stewart, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 2:791. Similarly, historians of science who research astrology, magic, and divination within their ancient cultural contexts are also viewed with suspicion. For an argument against such taint, see David Pingree, "Hellenophilia versus the History of Science," Isis 83 (1992): 554-63.

41. James Gilman, "R. G. Collingwood and the Religious Sources of Nazism," Journal of the American Academy of Religion 54 (1986): 111-28. This thesis is also argued in a broader context in George Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses: Political Symbolism and Mass Movements in Germany from the Napoleonic Wars through the Third Reich (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1975).

42. Georg Lukacs, "Vitalism (Lebensphilosophie) in Imperialist Germany," in The Destruction of Reason, p. 415.

43. Ibid., p. 414. On themes related to mythology and Lebensphilosophie, see Ivan Strenski, "Ernst Cassirer's Mythical Thought in Weimar Culture," History of European Ideas 5 (1984): 363-84; and Jonathan Wagner, "Nazism and Sentimentalism: The Propaganda Career of Karl Goetz," Canadian Journal of History 24 (1989), pp. 63-81.

44. Beatrice Hinkle, "Jung's Libido Theory and the Bergsonian Philosophy," New York Medical Journal 99 (1914): 1080-86. See also Pete Gunter, "Bergson and Jung," Journal of the History of Ideas 44 (1982): 632-52.

45. See Walter Struve, Elites Against Democracy: Leadership Ideas in Bourgeois Political Though in Germany, 1890-1933 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973).
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

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Part 2 of 5


1. Ernst Mayr makes the argument that "Darwinism" is not one coherent theory, as Darwin presented it in his 1859 book, but instead five separate theories that other evolutionists rejected in one or more of its components. This confusion has led to ambiguous interpretations of the terms "Darwinian" or the "Darwinian revolution" by others during Darwin's lifetime and it continues today, Mayr asserts. These five theories were:

1. The acceptance of evolution as such, as opposed to a constant, unchanging world

2. Evolution of all life through common descent from a single ancestor.

3. The gradualness of evolution, as opposed to its suddenness (saltationism).

4. Populational speciation.

5. Natural selection.

See Ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought: Diversity, Evolution and Inheritance (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), pp. 505-10.

2. On this issue of variation and descent in Naturphilosophie, see Timothy Lenoir, "Generational Factors in the Origin of Romantische Naturphilosophie," Journal of the History of Biology 2 (1978): 57-100. See also the paper by William Coleman, "Morphology Between Type Concept and Descent Theory," Journal of the History of Medicine 31 (1976): 149-75.

3. On the three basic types of Naturphilosophie (transcendental, romantic, and metaphysical Naturphilosophie) see Timothy Lenoir, "The Gottingen School and the Development of Transcendental Naturphilosophie in the Romantic Era," in William Coleman and Camille Limoges, eds., Studies in the History of Biology, Volume 5 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), pp. 111-205. See also the following: D. M. Knight, "The Physical Sciences and the Romantic Movement," History of Science 9 (1970): 54-75; H.A.M. Snelders, "Romanticism and Naturphilosophie and the Inorganic Natural Sciences, 1798-1840. An Introductory Survey," Studies in Romanticism 9 (1970): 193-215; Charles Culotta, "German Biophysics, Objective Knowledge and Romanticism," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences 4 (1975): 3-38; Elke Hahn, "The Philosophy of Living Things: Schelling's Naturphilosophie as a Transition to the Philosophy of Identity," in Woodward and Cohen, World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation pp. 339-50; L. H. LeRoy, "Johann Christian Reil and Naturphilosophie in Physiologie" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1985); Helmut Muller-Sievers, "Epigenesis: Wilhelm von Humbolt und die Naturphilosophie" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1990); and Gunther B. Risse, "Kant, Schelling and the Early Search for a Philosophical Science of Medicine in Germany," Journal for the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 27 (1972): 145-58. Two useful essays on Naturphilosophie appear in the volume edited by G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter, The Ferment of Knowledge: Studies in the Historiography of Eighteenth-Century Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980): Simon Schaffer, "Natural Philosophy" (pp. 55-91), and J. L. Heilbron, "Experimental Natural Philosophy" (pp. 357-87). The best collection of essays on Naturphilosophie, however, can be found in Herbert Harz, Rolf Lather, and Siegfried Wollgast, ed., Naturphilosophie van der Spekulation zur Wissenschaft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1969).

4. Richard Owen, On the Archetype and Homologies of the Vertebrate Skeleton (London: Voorst, 1848). Jung of course later uses it for his own morphology of transcendental Platonic ideas in the human psyche, his own historical taxonomy of human experience, in his theory of dominants (1917) or archetypes (1919).

5. Dieter Oldenburg, Romantische Naturphilosophie und Arzneimittellehre (Brunswick, West Germany: Technische Universitat Braunschweig, 1979); Frederick Gregory, "Regulative Therapeutics in the German Romantic Era: The Contribution of Jakob Friedrich Fries (1773-1843)," Clio Medica 18 (1983): 184-201. Also useful is W. F. Bynum, "Health, Disease and Medical Care," in Rousseau and Porter, The Ferment of Knowledge, pp. 211-53.

6. See Paul Lawrence Farber, "The Type-Concept in Zoology during the First Half of the Nineteenth Century," Journal of the History of Biology 9 (1976): 110; also Lenoir, "The Gottingen School," pp. 111-205.

7. Timothy Lenoir, The Strategy of Life: Teleology and Mechanics in Nineteenth-Century German Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 69.

8. See Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious pp. 204-7.

9. According to a 1954 statement by W. Leibbrand, "Jung's teachings in the field of psychology are not intelligible if they are not connected with Schelling" (cited in ibid., p. 204). Jung's posthumous Bibliothek lists editions of the collected works of Schelling and Goethe among its holdings, as well as the works of Gorres and Caruso Whereas the Naturphilosophen are amply represented, the works of the major scientific materialists are almost entirely absent from the shelves of Jung's personal library.

10. MDR, pp. 89, 101.

11. C. G. Jung, Mysterium Coniunctionis, CW 14 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), para. 791.

12. See Frank Sulloway, Freud: Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Method (New York: Basic Books, 1979), pp. 146-47; Iago Galdston, "Freud and Romantic Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 30 (1956): 489-507; Paul Cranefield, "Some Problems in Writing the History of Psychoanalysis," in George Mora and Jeanne Brand, ed., Psychiatry and Its History: Methodological Problems in Research (Springfield, Ill.: Charles Thomas, 1970), pp. 41-55.

B. See Sulloway, Freud: Biologist of the Mind pp. 14-28, 65-66; Paul Cranefield, "The Philosophical and Cultural Interests of the Biophysics Movement of 1847," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 21 (1966): 1-7; Paul Cranefield, "Freud and the 'School of Helmholtz,'" Gesnerus (1966) 23: 35-39.

14. The research program of the "teleomechanists" is identified and described in Lenoir, The Strategy of Life. However, it must be noted that not all scholars agree with Lenoir's thesis that a separate school of "teleomechanists" existed along with vitalistic Naturphilosophie and reductionistic materialism. See the criticisms in a review of Lenoir's book by K. Caneva, "Teleology with Regrets," Annals of Science 47 (1990): 291-300.

15. See Frederick Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1977). In line with Jung's lifelong allegiance with the vitalists and the Naturphilosophen, in a 9 June 1934 letter to his disciple Gerhard Adler Jung says that Freud's "materialistic, rationalistic view of the world" is due to the fact "he is simply a typical exponent of the expiring 19th century, just like Haeckel, Dubois- Reymond, or that Kraft und Stoff ass Buchner." See Jung, Letters: 1.1906-1950, p. 164.

16. Useful historical reviews of evolutionary biology are Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought; Ernst Mayr, Charles Darwin and the Genesis of Modern Evolutionary Thought (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991); Robert Richards, Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987; Robert Richards, The Meaning of Evolution: Morphological Construction and Ideological Reconstruction of Darwin's Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Peter Bowler, Evolution: The History of an idea (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984). Also of value are the contributions to Evelyn Fox Keller and Elisabeth Lloyd, ed., Keywords in Evolutionary Biology (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992).

17. John Kerr, A Most Dangerous Method: The Story of Jung, Freud and Sabina Spielrein (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1993).

18. On the influence of nineteenth-century concepts of genius on the Nietzsche-Wagner relationship, and on Nietzsche's development as an intellectual, see Pletsch, Young Nietzsche.

19. Josef Breuer and Sigmund Freud, Studien uber Hysterie (Leipzig and Vienna: Deuticke, 1895); English edition: Studies On Hysteria, trans. James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 1975).

20. Stanley Rothman and Philip Isenberg, "Sigmund Freud and the Politics of Marginality," Central European History 7 (1974): 58-78. This same Viennese milieu, with its additional volkisch elements of Teutonic occultism and Pan-Germanism, also forged the psyche of a young and destitute Adolf Hitler, who lived there from 1906 to 1911, the years of first significant fame for Freud and psychoanalysis. "Vienna, the city so widely considered the very essence of innocent gaiety, the festive home of happy crowds, is to me, unfortunately, but a living reminder of the saddest period in my life .... But more than this, I formed at this time an image and a concept of the world which have become the rock-ribbed foundation of my present activity. I have had but to learn a little beyond what I then created; there was nothing I had to change." Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (New York: Stackpole Sons, 1939), 1: 35. The original German edition appeared separately in two volumes, in 1925 and in 1927.

21. See Kerr, A Most Dangerous Method.

22. On the nineteenth-century controversy over Jewish ethnicity as degeneracy, see S. Almog, "Judaism as Illness," History of European ideas 13 (1991): 793-804.

23. Sander Gilman, "Sexology, Psychoanalysis and Degeneration: From a Theory of Race to a Race to Theory," in Chamberlin and Gilman, Degeneration: The Dark Side of Progress, p. 89. Gilman's article is the single best exploration of Freud's transformation of nineteenth-century medical theories of hereditary degeneration. Freud's rejection of hereditary degeneration theory was noted, but not fully explored, in Sulloway's exemplary work, Freud, Biologist of the Mind pp. 289- 97, 423.

24. Kerr, A Most Dangerous Method.

25. Frank Sulloway, "Reassessing Freud's Case Histories: The Social Construction of Psychoanalysis," in Toby Gelfand and John Kerr, ed., Freud and the History of Psychoanalysis (Hillsdale, N.J.: The Analytic Press, 1992), pp. 154, 180. See also G. Weisz, "Scientists and Sectarians: The Case of Psychoanalysis," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 11 (1975): 350-64. The work of Sulloway, Jeffrey Masson, and Peter Swales in the 1970s and 1980s may be credited for sparking the diminution of charisma from Freud as evidenced by the following: Frederick Crews, "The Unknown Freud," The New York Review of Books 40 (19),18 November 1993; and especially the cover story of the 29 November 1993 issue of Time ("Is Freud Dead?") by Paul Gray, "The Assault on Freud," pp. 47-51. For a sociological discussion of "Freudian psychotherapy" as a "client cult," see Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge, "Who Joins Cult Movements?" in R. Stark and W. Bainbridge, eds., The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival, and Cult Formation (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 394-424.

26. See Georg Lukacs, "Vitalism (Lebensphilosophie) in Imperialist Germany," which comprises chapter 4 of his Destruction of Reason, pp. 403-546.

27. The charismatic nature of Freudism is observed by Weber in a 13 September 1907 letter to Else Jaffe. Excerpts can be found in Marianne Weber, Max Weber: A Biography, trans. Harry Zorn (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1988), p. 379. The sociological phenomenon of groups like Freud's and similar "aesthetic sects" -- such as that centered on poet Stefan George -- were Weber's living models of charismatic cults or sects that had the potential to "routinize" and form quasi-religious institutions. In a talk given at the very first meeting of the Society of German Sociologists in 1910 he cited George and his fanatic circle in this connection. For the text of Weber's brief remarks on the charismatic group of the George-Kreis, see Max Weber, "Geschaftsbericht und Diskussionsreden auf den deutschen soziologischen Tagungen," ("1910, 1912) in Gesammelte Allfsatze zur Soziologie und Sozialpolitik (Tubingen: Verlag von J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1924), pp. 446, 453. Weber had his initial personal encounter with George in August 1910 and, impressed with the eccentric poet, maintained a fruitful personal relationship with him until June 1912. On the Weber- George relationship, and Weber's public defense of the George-Kreis, see Arthur Mitzman, The Iron Cage: An Historical Interpretation of Max Weber (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1970), pp. 262-71.

28. The Clink Conference is exhaustively covered in the useful, but somewhat eccentric, volume by Saul Rosenzweig, Freud, Jung and Hall the King-Maker: The Expedition to America (1909) (Seattle: Hogrefe & Huber, 1992).

29. Robert S. Woodworth, letter to the editor, The Nation 103 (1916): 396.

30. Knight Dunlap, Mysticism, Freudianism, and Scientific Psychology (St Louis, Mo.: Mosby, 1920), p. 8.

31. An excellent review of the rejection of psychoanalysis on these grounds in the United States is found in Gail Hornstein, "The Return of the Repressed: Psychology's Problematic Relations with Psychoanalysis, 1909-1960," American Psychologist 47 (1992): 254-63.

32. William Montgomery, "Germany," in Thomas Glick, ed., The Comparative Reception of Darwinism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974), p. 107.

33. Ernst Haeckel, Naturliche Schopfungsgeschichte (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1868), pp. 5,93. His view on the struggle for the "survival of the fittest" in human society also appear in this book. See Weikart, "The Origins of Social Darwinism in Germany," pp. 469-88.

34. Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought p. 70.

35. Cited in the exemplary paper by Niles Holt, "Ernst Haeckel's Monistic Religion," Journal of the History of Ideas 32 (1971): 270.

36. Haeckel's explicit call for a revolutionary Kulturkampf through a monistic religion comes in his chapter, "Our Monistic Religion," in this famous book, which sold more than 300,000 copies in Germany alone by Haeckel's death in 1919. For a review of the many twists and turns in the development of monistic religion, see ibid.

37. See especially Ernst Haeckel, Kunstformen der Natur: 100 Illustrationstafeln mit beschreibendem Text (Leipzig: Verlag der Bibliographischen Instituts, 1899-1904). On the "evolutionary aesthetics" movement inspired by Haeckel, see C. Kockerbeck, Ernst Haeckel's 'Kunstformen der Natur' und ihr Einfluss auf die deutsche bildene Kunst der Jahrhundertwende (Frankfurt, 1986), and Kurt Bayertz, "Biology and Beauty: Science and Aesthetics in Fin-de-Siecle Germany," in Teich and Porter, Fin de Siecle and Its Legacy, pp. 278-95.

38. A poster announcing performances by Haeckel in Berlin in April 1905 is reproduced between pp. 8 and 9 in the exemplary volume by Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism: Social Darwinism ill Ernst Haeckel and the German Monistic League (London: Macdonald, 1971), which is the best book on Haeckel in English. An image on the poster shows a lecture hall with skeletons and all of Haeckel's nature drawings prominently displayed in what Gasman refers to as "a sinister environment for a Darwinian Passion Play." Compare Jung's dream with the images in Ernst Haeckel, Die Radiolarien (Rhizopoda radiaria): fine Monograph, 2 vols. (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1862). The illustrations from these technical works of Haeckel found their way into innumerable popular magazines and other readily accessible publications. They may have appeared in the books or the "scientific periodical" Jung "read with a passionate interest" when an adolescent and which his parents paid for him to receive (see MDR, pp. 83-85).

39. Ernst Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe at the Close of the Nineteenth Century, trans. Joseph McCabe (New York and London: Harper & Brothers, 1900), p. 382.

40. Montgomery, "Germany," p. 85.

41. Duncan read the English translation of The Riddle of the Universe and other works by Haeckel, and after reading the press reports of Haeckel's seventieth birthday in February 1904 sent him a letter of congratulations in which she told him, "Your works had brought me also religion and understanding, which count for more than life." A correspondence between Duncan and Haeckel ensued, and while performing at Bayreuth she held a dinner party in his honor and sat with him in the Wagner family box at the Festspielhaus through a performance of Parsifal, which Duncan said did not appeal to Haeckel because "his mind was too purely scientific to admit the fascination of a legend." This story is cited in Victor Seroff, The Real Isadora (New York: Dial Press, 1971), pp. 66-67. See also the earlier biography by Allan Ross Macdougall, Isadora, a Revolutionary in Art and Love (New York: Thomas, 1960), pp. 90, 92, 132, 258.

42. Steiner and Haeckel corresponded in the 1890s and recognized a common bond in their philosophical work. This was prior to Steiner's break with the Theosophical movement. Gasman says, "Haeckel, however, eventually dissociated himself from Steiner, fearing the idealistic implications of the word, theosophy" (The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. 79). See Johannes Hemleben, Rudolph Steiner und Ernst Haeckcl (Stuttgart: Verlag Freies Geistesleben, 1965); also, Rudolph Steiner, Haeckel, die Weltratsel, und die Theosophie (Dornach, Switzerland: Philosophisch-Anthropologischer Verlag, 1926).

43. Forel is open about his participation in the Monistic movement, and his rejection of its support of German imperialism during the First World War in his autobiography Out of My Life and Work (New York: Norton, 1937).

44. In The Discovery of the Unconscious, Ellenberger does not mention Forel's advocacy of eugenics, Social Darwinism, or the monistic religion, although his great achievements as director of the Burgholzli and in psychiatric treatment are deservedly lauded (see, e.g., pp. 285-86). Forel's lifelong passion was not psychiatry, but ants; he was an internationally recognized expert on their biology and behavior. His observations of ants and the results of his eugenics experiments with them led to analogies with human society and suggestions for its improvement. In his epilogue to his two-volume magnum opus, The Social World of Ants, trans. C. K. Ogden (New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1930; original English edition, 1928), Forel outlines his utopian vision. "We may hope that the eugenics of the future, if well applied, will even be able to improve by small degrees the quality of our higher races" (2:350), he writes, and, to accomplish this, advocates the establishment of a "scientific religion of man's well-being" that "must be the religion of the future" and "must be free from doctrine and metaphysics, uniting all that is truly good and purely human in the ancient religions" (2:351). Neither Haeckel nor the monistic religion are mentioned by name here, but Forel's ideas clearly reflect these influences. Forel's remarks demonstrate how tempting it was for psychiatric authorities at the turn of the century to use their influence to advocate avenues of Lebensreform for society as a whole, including proposals for new religions.

45. For more on Ostwald, and his prominent role in promoting eugenics and Social Darwinism in Germany, both later incorporated into Nazi culture, see Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism. Jung's personal library contains several volumes by Ostwald from this Monistenbund period: Grosse Manner (1910), Modernenaturphilosophie. 1. Die Ordnungswissenschaften (1914), and Die Philosophie der Werte (1913). See C. G. Jung Bibliothek: Katalog (Kusnacht-Zurich, 1967), pp. 55-56.

46. See the interesting interview with Ostwald and the background details of his life in Edwin E. Slosson, Major Prophets of To-Day (Boston: Little, Brown, 1914), pp. 190-241. Slosson even includes a very useful bibliographic section on "How to Read Ostwald" (pp. 238-41). Other modern "prophets" of the prewar era interviewed and profiled by Slosson, the literary editor of The Independent, include Maurice Maeterlinck, Bergson, Henri Poincare, Elie Metchnikoff, and Haeckel.

47. C. G. Jung, "A Contribution to the Study of Psychological Types" (1913), Psychological Types, CW 6 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), para. 870.

48. Ibid., chapter 9.

49. Ibid., para. 699. This appears in the "Definitions" section at the end of Psychological Types under the entry for "concretism."

50. Jung mentions the Annalen der Naturphilosophie, which was a place for prominent members of the scientific community to publish their own speculative philosophies, in a lecture given in December 1922 to the students of Zurich University but published years later: "The Love Problem of a Student" (1928), Civilization in Transition, para. 214. Ostwald's theory of energetics is clearly a reference point in his "On Psychic Energy" (1928), Structure of Dynamics of the Psyche where Ostwald and his theory are briefly dismissed in two early footnotes.

51. See the chapter on "Monism and Marxism" in Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, pp. 106-25. For a sampling of the East German literature on the cross-correspondences between monism and Marxism, and a brief discussion of early German communists who were also monists, see the following: Hermann Ley, "Der Deutsche Monistenbund -- zur Aktualitat seiner Aufgaben und Ziele," in Uwe Niedersen, ed., Komplexitat-Zeit-Methode (I): Komplexitatsbewaltigung -- eine Einfuhrung (Halle-Wittenberg, DDR: Martin-Luther-Universitat, 1986), pp. 179-94; E. Teumer, "Aus dem Kampf des 'Deutschen Monistenbundes' um eine wissenschaftliche Weltanschauung," in H. Harz, R. Lather and S. Wollgast, ed., Naturphilosophie -- von der Spekulation zur Wissenschaft (Berlin, DDR: 1969); Reinhard Mocek, "Two Faces of Biologism: Some Reflections on a Difficult Period in the History of Biology in Germany," in Woodward and Cohen, World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation, pp. 279-91.

52. I am indebted to Peter Swales for this information about the Haeckel Museum in Jena and for directing my attention to the importance of Haeckel for understanding Fliess and Freud.

53. MDR, pp. 100-101.

54. Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe pp. 148-49.

55. See C. G. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious: A Study of the Transformation and Symbolisms of the Libido, CW B, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), paras. 36, 43.

56. Ibid., para. 36.

57. Ibid., para. 43.

58. Ibid., para. 51.

59. See Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, "Wagner and Wagnerian Ideas in Russia," in David Large and William Weber, ed., Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), pp. 198-245.

60. On the Marxist god-building movement," see George Kline, "The God-Builders: Gorky and Lunacharsky," chap. 4 in his Religious and Anti-Religious Thought in Russia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975); and Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism. Volume 2: The Golden Age, trans. P. S. Falla (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 446-47.

61. Nina Tumarkin, Lenin Lives! The Lenin Cult in Soviet Russia (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983). The quote from the 1913 letter of Lenin is reproduced on p. 22 of Tumarkin's book. For an account of the gradual demise of the Lenin cult in Russia, and a return to the reverence of ancestors, see Nina Tumarkin, "Myth and Memory in Soviet Society," Society 24 (1987): 69-72. Nietzschean god-building and Carlylian hero worship were very much a part of communism and fascism: Jeremy Paltiel, "The Cult of Personality: Some Comparative Reflections on Political Culture in Leninist Regimes," Studies in Comparative Communism 16 (1983): 49-64; Graham Gill, "Personality Cult, Political Culture and Party Structure," Studies in Comparative Communism 17 (1984): 111-21; and Romke Visser, "Fascist Doctrine and the Cult of the Romanita," Journal of Contemporary History 27 (1992): 5-22.

62. Nietzsche," Also Sprach Zarathustra: Third Part," in The Portable Nietzsche, p. 315.

63. Struve, Elites Against Democracy. Rather than review the vast literature on elites theory (such as Pareto's, etc.), I refer the reader to the first chapter of Struve's book and to its bibliographical essay, which contain extensive references to both the English and German literatures.

64. Ibid. pp. 41-45.

65. Jung, "Introduction to Toni Wolff's 'Studies in Jungian Psychology,''' Civilization in Transition, para 887. This "silent experiment" was the Psychological Club-the germ-cell of Jung's movement.


1. For a colorful description of these volkisch examples of politics conducted in "a sharper key," see Carl Schorske, Fin-de-Saxle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1980), pp. 116-80. For a brief critique of the historical work of Schorske and others on fin-de-siecle Vienna and Austria-Hungary, see M. P. Steinberg, "'Fin de Siecle Vienna Ten Years Later: Viel Traum, Wenig Wirklichkeit," Austrian History Yearbook 22 (1991): 151-62. On the intellectual sources of German Jews in the nineteenth-century see George Mosse, German Jews Beyond Judaism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985).

2. See George Drinka, The Birth of Neurosis: Myth, Malady and the Victorians (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984).

3. This sociological hypothesis has also been put forth to explain the preponderance of female mediums or "wise women" in possession and trance-type religious practices in traditional societies that are otherwise male-dominated. See I. M. Lewis, Ecstatic Religions: An Anthropological Study of Spirit Possession and Shamanism (Middlesex: Penguin, 1971).

4. Pierre Chuvin, A Chronicle of the Last Pagans, p. 16.

5. Roman pagans burned their corpses, which were considered unclean, and were horrified at the Christian practice of saving body parts and (through pagan eyes) defiling sacred sites by keeping such relics on or near altars. See Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981). During the European Middle Ages, monasteries and other Christian orders would have an envied or ridiculed social status depending on the nature and source of their relics (i.e., the more noted or powerful a saint, the more supernatural power accrued in that Christian community). Thus, it has been documented that Indiana Jones-like raids by monks from one monastery to steal the relics of another took place and resulted in the passage of ecclesiastical codes to ban such theft. See Patric Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).

6. Ross Shepard Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings: Women's Religions Among Pagans, Jews, and Christians in the Greco-Roman World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 174.

7. Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. Joseph Ward Swain (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1915), p. 61.

8. Mircea Eliade, "The Occult and the Modern World," (1974) in Occultism, Witchcraft and Cultural Fashions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), pp. 64-65. The scholarly opinion on Christianity's rejection of pagan mysteries-type "secret initiations" is reviewed in Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of Initiation: The Mysteries of Birth and Rebirth (New York: Harper Colophon, 1958), pp. 115-38. See also Nock, "Hellenistic Mysteries and Christian Sacraments," 2:791-820.

9. Erika Bourguignon, Possession (San Francisco: Chandler and Sharp, 1976).

10. For spiritualistic traditions in pagan antiquity, see the following: E. R. Dodds, "Supernormal Phenomena in Classical Antiquity," Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research 55 (1971): 189-237; E. R. Dodds, The Creeks and the Irrational (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1951); John Pollard, Seers, Shrines, and Sirens: The Creek Religious Revolution in the Sixth Century B.C. (New York: A. S. Barnes, 1965); Joseph Fontenrose, Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and its Origins (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1959); H. W. Parke, Sybils and Sibylline Prophecy in Classical Antiquity, edited by B. C. McGing (London: Routledge, 1988); and H. W. Parke and D.E.W. Wormell, The Delphic Oracle, 2 vols. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1956).

11. Morton Smith, Jesus the Magician (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1978). A brief (and unconvincing) critique of Smith's hypothesis can be found in Kee, Medicine, Miracle and Magic pp. 112-14.

12. See David Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmanns, 1983).

13. See James Webb, The Occult Underground (La Salle, Ill.:Open Court, 1974), and his scholarly companion volume, The Occult Establishment (La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1976).

14. This was not as true in many Roman Catholic countries, especially Spain, where inquisitions in 1808 and 1815 forced many to flee to more tolerant Catholic countries, such as France.

15. Sydney Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972).

16. Emma Hardinge, Modern American Spiritualism; or, A Twenty Years Record of the Communion Between Earth and the World of Spirits, From 1848 to 1868 (New Hyde Park, N.Y.: University Books, 1970). This is a modern reprint of the first edition of 1869. An excellent contemporary historical narrative can be found in Ruth Brandon, The Spiritualists: The Passion for the Occult in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1983).

17. See James, The Works of William James. His final assessment of spiritualism and psychical research, published in the year before his death and included in this volume, especially rewards consulting: "The Confidences of a 'Psychical Researcher'" (1909). See especially Eugene Taylor, William James on Exceptional Mental States: The 1896 Lowell Lectures (New York: Scribner's, 1982).

18. Mesmeric circles waxed and waned in European and American cultures in the nineteenth century. Ultimately, the greatest cultural influence of Mesmerism came in the legitimization of hypnosis in late nineteenth century French psychiatry, which formed the basis of Jung's clinical training. Useful cultural histories of Mesmerism are: Robert Darnton, Mesmerism and the End of the Enlightenment in France (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968); Jean-Roch Laurence and Campbell Perry, Hypnosis, Will & Memory: A Psycho-Legal History (New York: Guilford, 1988); Robert Fuller, Mesmerism and the American Cure of Souls (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982): and Fuller's Americans and the Unconscious (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

19. John Symonds, Madame Blavatsky, Medium and Magician (London: Yoseloff, 1960); Geoffrey Barborka, H. P. Blavatsky: Tibet and Tulku (Adyar, India: Theosophical Society, 1966).

20. Annie Besant (1847-1933) was a remarkable woman in her own right. She played an early key role in the Indian nationalist movement against British rule and was jailed for a short while following her founding of the Home Rule for India League in 1916. See A. H. Nethercot, The First Five Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); and also A. H. Nethercot, The Last Four Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963).

21. John Symonds, "Mme. Blavatsky," in Richard Cavendish, ed., Man, Myth and Magic, Volume 2. (New York: Marshall Cavendish Corporation, 1970), pp. 286-89.

22. Such was the case for the Paris daily, Le Petit Journal. Similar gigantic increases in circulation due to innovative technologies and a greater literacy among European and American populations could be found in London, Berlin, and New York newspapers. See Patrick Bratlinger, "Mass Media and Culture in Fin-de-Siecle Europe," in Teich and Porter, Fin de Siecle and Its Legacy, pp. 98-114.

23. The only historical work on the Theosophical movement at the turn of the century that is not written by a believer traces its influence among the occultist intelligentsia of Russia. See Maria Carlson, "No Religion Higher than Truth": A History of the Theosophical Movement in Russia, 1875-1922 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).

24. See Martin Green, Mountain of Truth: The Counterculture Begins: Ascona, 1900-1920 (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1986).

25. Jung, Letters, Volume I, p. 24.

26. Jung, "The Structure of the Unconscious" (1916), Two Essays, para. 494.

27. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism: Secret Aryan Cults and Their Influence on Nazi Ideology (New York: New York University Press, 1992), pp. 265-87.

28. According to the C. G. Jung Bibliothek: Katalog, pp. 49-50, these are as follows: Apollonius of Tyana, the Philosopher-Reformer of the First Century A.D. (1901); The Chaldean Oracles, 2 vols. (1908); Did Jesus Live in 100 B.C. 7 (1903); The Doctrine of the Subtle Body in Western Tradition (1919); Fragments of a Faith Forgotten: Some Short Sketches Among the Gnostics Mainly of the First Two Centuries (1906); The Gnostic Crucifixion (1907); The Gnostic John the Baptizer (1924); The Hymn of Jesus (1907); The Hymn of the Robe of Glory (1908); A Mithraic Ritual (1907); Simon Magus, an Essay (1892); Some Mystical Adventures (1910); Pistis Sophia, a Gnostic Miscellany (1921); Thrice-Greatest Hermes, 3 vols. (1906); The Vision of Aridaeus (1907); The Wedding-Song of Wisdom (1908); and The World- Mystery (1907). Most scholars who analyze the Gnostic elements in Jung's work ignore the materials that initially attracted Jung to Gnosticism -- Mead's "occult" writings -- and instead focus on mainstream academic scholars of Gnosticism (such as Gilles Quispel) who entered Jung's life much later. Despite his importance, Mead is not even mentioned, for example, in Robert Segal, The Gnostic Jung (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). Also on Jung's shelves were the following works of major Theosophists, some perhaps purchased during Jung's student years: by H. P. Blavatsky: The Secret Doctrine, 2 vols. (1893, 1897); Hollen Traume (1908); and The Theosophical Glossary (1930); by C. W. Leadbeater: Die Astral-Ebene (1903); and Die Devachan-Ebene: Ihre Charakteristik und ihre Bewohner (n.d.).

29. This is how Mead describes this series, which he edited:


Under this general title is now being published a series of small volumes, drawn from, or based upon, the mystic, theosophic and gnostic writings of the ancients, so as to make more easily audible for the ever-widening circle of those who love such things, some echoes of the mystic experiences and initiatory lore of their spiritual ancestry. There are many who love the life of the spirit, and who long for the light of gnostic illumination, but who are not sufficiently equipped to study the writings of the ancients first hand, or to follow unaided the labours of scholars. These little volumes are therefore intended to serve as introduction to the study of the more difficult literature of the subject; and it is hoped that at the same time they may become for some, who have, as yet, not even heard of the Gnosis, stepping-stones to higher things.

Mead, A Mithraic Ritual, 1907), p. 6.

30. Ulrich Muller, "Wagner and Antiquity," in U. Muller and Peter Wapnewski, ed., Wagner Handbook, trans. John Deathridge (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 227-35.

31. Richard Wagner, Samtliche Schriften und Dichtungen, 16 vols. (Leipzig: 1911-1913). The first ten volumes were originally published under Wagner's supervision in Leipzig between 1871 and 1883. An incomplete English translation by William Ashton Ellis is the eight-volume Richard Wagner's Prose Works (London: 1892-1899; reissued 1972). An unparalleled summary is Jurgen Kuhnel, "The Prose Writings," in Muller and Wapnewski, Wagner Handbook.

32. The best source are the superb literature reviews in Muller and Wapnewski, Wagner Handbook.

33. See. e.g., Jacques Barzun, Darwin, Marx, Wagner: Critique of a Heritage, 2d ed. (New York: Vantage, 1958).

34. Cited in Leon Poliakov, The Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe, trans. Edmund Howard (New York: Basic Books, 1974), p. 313.

35. Mark Twain, What Is Man? And Other Essays (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 1972), pp. 226-27.

36. George Bernard Shaw, The Perfect Wagnerite, 4th ed. (London: Constable, 1923), p. 3.

37. On Wagnerism, see especially the following: Erwin Koppen, "Wagnerism as Concept and Phenomenon," in Muller and Wapnewski, Wagner Handbook, pp. 343-53; Large and Weber, Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics; and Anne Dzamba Sessa, Richard Wagner and the English (Rutherford, N.J.: Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 1979).

38. This is from an entry on 19 April 1878. Cosima Wagner, Cosima Wagner's Diaries, 2 vols. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977), 2:63.

39. His first visit to Bayreuth as fuhrer is described in vivid detail in the memoirs of Siegfried Wagner's daughter. See Friedelind Wagner and Page Cooper, Heritage of Fire: The Story of Richard Wagner's Granddaughter (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1945), pp. 97-124.

40. Geoffrey Field, Evangelist of Race: The Germanic Vision of Houston Stewart Chamberlain (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 444.

41. Aldo Carotenuto, A Secret Symmetry: Sabina Spielrein Between Jung and Freud (New York: Pantheon, 1982).

42. Trigant Burrow, A Search for Man's Sanity: The Selected Letters of Trigant Burrow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 25, 27.

43. Laurens van der Post, Jung and the Story of Our Time (New York: Random House, 1976), p. 67. Despite this testimony by van der Post -- and the evidence from others who knew Jung earlier in life -- Wagner is conspicuously absent from the list of Jung's musical "favorites" given by Jaffe in an essay of fond reminiscences concerning her experiences with Jung. Bach, Handel, Mozart, "pre-Mozartians," and "Negro spirituals" were all mentioned by Jaffe as Jung's preferred tastes in music. This is oddly conflictual with van der Post's statement since they both knew Jung during the same period, and as such this may be yet another indication of how Jung's disciples have taken it upon themselves to wash away any potential taint of Nazism from Jung's image. See Aniela Jaffe, "From Jung's Last Years," in From the Life and Work of C. G. Jung, trans. KF.C. Hull (New York: Harper Colophon, 1971), p. 116. Original German edition: Aus Leben und Werkstatt von C. G. Jung: Parapsychologie, Alchemie, Nationalsozialismus, Erinnerungen aus der Letzten Jahren (Zurich: Rascher & Cie, 1968).

44. This is an often-analyzed dream that appears time and again in the secondary Jungian literature, Jung's first public report of this dream was during his 1925 seminar on analytical psychology. See Jung, Analytical Psychology, pp. 48, 56-57, 61-62. Jaffe used the transcript of this 1925 seminar to construct the chapter "Confrontation with the Unconscious" in MDR, which also mentions this dream, but with many details left out.

45. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, pp. 335-36. In his 1952 rewrite of this book, Jung expands this discussion and attempts to ground Wagnerian mythology into his archetypal theory (see C. G. Jung, Symbols of Transformation, CW 5 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), paras. 357-569.

46. Cartotenuto, A Secret Symmetry, p. 86.
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

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Part 3 of 5


1. "Zu stark is die Fixierung der Historiker auf den griechischromischen Raum als die eigentliche Kulturwelt." Ekkehard Hieronimus, "Von der Germanen-Forschung zum Germanen-Glauben. Zur Religionsgeschichte des Prafaschismus," in Richard Farber and Renate Schlesier, ed., Die Restaumtion der Gotter: Antike Religion und neo-Paganismus (Wurzburg, Germany: Konigshausen and Neumann, 1986), p. 242.

2. Hermand, Old Dreams of a New Reich, p. 7. On volkisch pietism, see Koppel Pinson, Pietism as a Factor in the Rise of German Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934).

3. Ibid.

4. Translated into English by Beatrice M. Hinkle, and published under the title The Psychology of the Unconscious: A Study of the Transformations and Symbolisms of the Libido. In 1991 this translation was republished as CW B.

5. Ernest Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud. Volume 1: The Formative Years and the Great Discoveries, 1856-1900 (New York: Basic Books, 1953), p. 22.

6. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, "The Modern Occult Revival in Vienna 1880-1910," Durham University Journal 49 (1987): 63-68.

7. Ibid., p. 67.

8. Jost Hermand, "The Distorted Vision: Pre-Fascist Mythology at the Turn of the Century," in Walter Wetzels, ed., Myth and Reason: A Symposium (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), p. 111.

9. See, for example, the extensive bibliography of such material in Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism, pp. 265-87.

10. On these aspects see, especially, George Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality: Middle-Class Morality and Sexual Norms in Modern Europe (Madison, Wise.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985).

11. A volkisch publication from 1913 contains a statement by Heinrich Driesmans that unites a racially sanitized "eugenetic" Christ with "Siegfried the sun-hero" and "Parsifal the grail-seeker." See Hermand, "The Distorted Vision," p. 123. Volkisch proponents uncomfortable with abandoning Christianity often sought syncretism through Parsifal- like grail symbolism.

12. George Mosse, "The Mystical Origins of National Socialism," Journal of the History of Ideas 21 (1961): 84. The most comprehensive information in English on List can be found in Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism. For more on List see: Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology; Goodrick-Clarke, "The Modern Occult Revival in Vienna," and Hieronimus, "Von der Germanen-Forschung zum Germanen- Glauben," pp. 254-56. The only biography of List is Joseph Baltzli, Guido von List: Der Wiederentdecker Uralter Arischer Weisheit. Sein Leben und sein Schaffen (Vienna: Guido von List Bucherei, 1917).

13. Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1961), p. 50. Stern summarizes Lagarde's plan for a new "Germanic Religion" on pp. 35-52.

14. Paul Branwell Means, Things That Are Caesar's: The Genesis of the German Church Conflict (New York: Round Table Press, 1935), p. 166.

15. On Indo-European horse sacrifices, see Jaan Puhvel, "Aspects of Equine Functionality," in Jaan Puhvel, ed., Myth and Law Among the Indo-Europeans (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), pp. 159-72; also, Jaan Puhvel, "Victimal Hierarchies in Indo-European Animal Sacrifice," American Journal of Philology 99 (1978): 354-62.

16. For background on the neopagan movement at the turn of the century, an excellent source is Faber and Schlesier, Restauration der Gotter. For a recent documentation of European solar worship, see the well-illustrated volume by Miranda Green, The Sun-Gods of Ancient Europe (London: Hippocrene Books, 1991).

17. Members of the neo-Nazi movement in the Germany of the 1990s continue to celebrate the summer solstice as well as the birthday of Hitler. See Craig Whitney, "Germans Begin to Recognize Danger in Neo-Nazi Upsurge," The New York Times, 21 October 1993, p. A10. Also, J. F. Pilat, "Euroright Extremism," The Wiener Library Bulletin 34 (1981): 48-64. See also the section on Norse paganism in J. Gordon Melton and Isotta Poggi, Magic, Witchcraft and Paganism in America: A Bibliography, 2d ed. (New York: Garland, 1992), pp. 233-36. Also, the article by one of the leading proponents of Norse neopaganism (who published an English translation of List's book, The Secret of the Runes in 1988): Stephen Flowers, "Revival of Germanic Religion in Contemporary Anglo-American Culture," Mankind Quarterly 21 (1981): 279-94.

18. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Gesprache, 5 vols, (Leipzig: 1909), 4:441-42. The translation appears in Karl Lowitz, From Hegel to Nietzsche, pp. 24-25.

19. On Muller's life, see the biographies by Nirad Chaudhuri, Scholar Extraordinary: The Life of Professor the Rt. Hon. Freidrich Max Muller (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), and by Johannes Voigt, Max Muller: The Man and His Ideas (Calcutta: K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1967). Also useful is the posthumous collection by his wife, Georgina Muller, The Life and Letters of the Rt. Honorable Friedrich Max Muller (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1902).

20. See the historical review by Mircea Eliade, "The 'History of Religion' as a Branch of Knowledge," which is the last chapter in his The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1959).

21. This accolade came from no less a figure than Sir Edward Evans- Pritchard. His fascination with pagan solar myths caused anxiety in some of his staid Oxfordian colleagues who were bourgeois Christians. As Evans-Pritchard tells it, "He was a staunch Protestant ('the Protestants are better Christians than the Romans') and a devout one, but one of the reasons he was not elected to the Chair of Sanskrit at Oxford in 1860 was that it was said his teaching was subversive of the Christian faith -- 'unsettling.' Furthermore, he was a German." Sir Edward Evans-Pritchard, A History of Anthropological Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1981), p. 185.

22. The best single introduction to the debate over the solar mythologists is Richard Dorson, "The Eclipse of Solar Mythology," in Thomas Sebeok, ed., Myth: A Symposium (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958), pp. 25-63.

23. Max Muller, Lectures on the Science of Language, delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain in February, March, April, and May, 1863, 2d series (New York: Scribner's, 1869), p. 520.

24. Max Muller, India: What Can It Teach Us? A Course of Lectures Delivered before the University of Cambridge (New York: 1883), p. 216.

25. For an excellent discussion of nineteenth-century philology, see Maurice Olender, The Languages of Paradise: Race, Religion and Philology in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992). Also, Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1978).

26. Leon Poliakov, The Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe, trans. E. Howard (New York: Basic Books, 1974; original French edition, 1971), p. 255.

27. Both Renan and Muller were major influences on Jung and are cited in Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido. According to Poliakov in The Aryan Myth, Renan, influenced greatly by his friend Muller and the German Aryanists actually referred to the Aryan race as "masters of the planet" (p. 208) and Muller once wrote as late as 1883 that "the Aryan nations have become the rulers of history" (p. 213). As Poliakov comments:

As propagandist for the Aryan Myth Renan deserves to be placed side by side with his friend Max Muller. If the influence of one was exercised in Latin countries and that of the other in the Anglo-Saxon and Germanic world, Renan was nevertheless regarded as an authority by the whole of international learned society. The warnings which both of them issued after 1870-71 against seeking political advantage from the confusion between languages and races must be placed to their credit. This implied self-criticism had little effect, however, while their writings before the Franco-Prussian war continued to make headway in one encyclopedia after another and to spread their influence through a series of textbooks. (p. 206)

28. On Schleicher and the history of scholarship on the Indo-Europeans, see J. P. Mallory, In Search of the indo-Europeans: Language, Archeology and Myth (London: Thames and Hudson, 1989), pp. 9-23. Mallory's book is perhaps the single best volume to consult on the Indo-Europeans. Also useful as an introduction to the scholarship on historical linguistics and comparative mythology is C. S. Littleton, The New Comparative Mythology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982).

29. Mallory, in Search of the Indo-Europeans, pp. 16, 18.

30. Blavatsky, The Secret Doctrine 1:688. This tree diagram begins with the "Primeval Astral Man" and traces our esoteric descent through the "Second Astral Race," and the third, which separates a separate line of "astrals" from the "Semi-Astral Third Race of Men." Men and primates enter the physical world at this point and sexual differentiation occurs as they follow separate lines of development. A fourth physical race of mankind (the Atlanteans, who died in the deluge) is followed by our present fifth race. "Aryan" is used in a generic way to refer to all of the present races of mankind, which Blavatsky claimed were new and originated in Central Asia, although they later separated and migrated. "But this separation did not take place either in the localities assigned for it by modern science, nor in the way the Aryans arc shown to have divided and separated by Mr. Max Muller and other Aryanists," Mme. Blavatsky asserted in her esoteric tract, thus superceding the authority of academic scholars concerning the legitimacy of her ideas. On the spiritual primacy of the Aryan race as communicated from the great beyond by the mahatmas, see A. P. Sinnett, The Mahatma Letters to A. P. Sinnett, ed. Trevor Barker (New York: Frederick Stokes, 1924), p. 154. For an interesting and scholarly discussion of these issues from an occultist perspective, see Joscelyn Godwin,\ Arktos: The Polar Myth in Science, Symbolism, and Nazi Survival (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Phanes Press, 1993), pp. 37-45.

31. Jakob Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, 4 vols. (Berlin: F. Dammler, 1875-1878; original edition, 1835).

32. Max Muller, Introduction to the Science of Religion (London: Longmans, 1873), p. 44.

33. It should be noted that Muller had fundamental reservations about Darwin's materialistic and mechanistic theories of natural selection and common descent as, in his view, they did not account for the uniquely human adaptation of language in any meaningful way. Muller, relying somewhat on Kantian idealism and some related ideas of the Naturphilosophen, argued that any new science devoted to the study of the human mind should be founded on the Geisteswissenschaft of the "science of language" and not on the Naturwissellschaft of Darwinian evolutionary biology. For a summary of Muller's views on this issue, see Elizabeth Knoll, "The Science of Language and the Evolution of Mind: Max Muller's Quarrel with Darwinism," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 22 (1986): 3-22.

34. On Charles Darwin's pangenesis as a form of quasi-Lamarckian "soft inheritance," see the discussion by Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought pp. 693-94.

35. Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe, p. 328.

36. On Diederichs's life and his ambivalent relationship with other, more actively anti-Semitic and politically extreme publishers, see the volume by Gary Stark, Entrepreneurs of Ideology: Neoconservative Publishers ill Germany 1890-1933 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981). Also useful is William Mahoney, "The Publisher as Zeitkritiker: Eugen Diederichs and the Frustrated Response to German Culture, 1896-1930" (Ph.D. diss., University of Connecticut, 1989). Mahoney's dissertation provides a complete list of Diederichs's own published works as well as a useful but incomplete list of the works published in Die Tat by others between 1913 and 1930. Useful primary materials by Diederichs can be found in Lulu von Strauss and Torney Diederichs, Eugen Diederichs: Leben und Werk (Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1936).

Besides republishing the works of Paul de Lagarde, whom he very much admired, and ancient German texts such as the Elder Edda, Diederichs also was the publisher of many of Richard Wilhelm's works, notably his translation of the I Ching. The divinatory methods of the I Ching, used often by Jung in the 1920s and 1930s, were a part of the initial training program of the C. G. Jung Institute of Zurich in 1948 and its use is widely advocated today in Jungian analytic-training institutes throughout the world. Diederichs also influenced generations of Jung's disciples through the folk tales, German mysticism, and mythological material in some of his publications. In the late 19705 a Jungian closely associated with the educational methods of the Jung Institute claimed that "it seems that what many Jungians have learned and know about the Germanic Gods is based on one single book, M. Ninck's Wodan und germanischer Schicksalsglaube," which was a volkisch-oriented book published by Eugen Diederichs Verlag in 1935. See Margrit Burri, "Repression, Falsification, and Bedeviling of Germanic Mythology," Spring (1978): 88.

37. In addition to the Eugen Diederichs Verlag, Stark examines four other German publishing houses that legitimized the mystical, anti- Semitic and elitist philosophies of the volkisch movement by publishing their works along with volumes of Germanic high culture. These four other companies -- J. F. Lehmanns Verlag (Munich), the Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt (Hamburg), the Gerhard Stalling Verlag (Oldenburg), and the Heinrich Beenken Verlag (Berlin) -- were also not merely propaganda machines for specialized neoconservative groups as some other publishers were, and therefore they brought the volkisch fusion of occultism, political reform, and anti-Semitism into the cultural mainstream. See Stark, Entrepreneurs of Ideology, pp. 9-14.

38. The earliest of Keller's works, fine Philosophie des Lebens (Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1919), does not appear in Jung's Bibliothek listings, but two others do.

39. This is from a 1927 Eugen Diederichs Verlag advertisement and is cited in Stark, Entrepreneurs of Ideology, p. 68.

40. Ibid., p. 70.

41. Ibid.

42. Cited in Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, p. 60. The use of the Rosicrucians as a symbol of the new spiritual elite that would lead the world to a spiritual reawakening was also used by Goethe in a poem that was highly regarded by those in the volkisch movement, Die Geheinwisse ("The Mysteries"), written in 1816.

43. Jung's personal library at Kusnacht contains no fewer than seven volumes by Arthur Drews, all published by Diederichs: Die Christusmythe (1910 and 1911 editions); Die Entstehung des Christentums aus dem Gnostizismus (1924); Lehrbuch der Logik (1928); Die Marienmythe (1928); Plotin und der Untergang der antiken Weltanschauung (1907); and Der Sternhimmel in der Dichtung und Religion der alten Volker und des Christentums (1923), which contains typically volkisch expositions on the star or sun as representations of god in the natural religion of the ancients.

44. Stark, Entrepreneurs of Ideology, p. 73.

45. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology p. 59.

46. Hermand, "The Distorted Vision," p. 123. The swastika is an ancient Indian symbol of auspiciousness or of good luck. Blavatsky adopted it as part of the official insignia of the Theosophical Society and also as part of her own personal crest. On the solar basis of swastika symbolism and its prevalence in archaic Celtic and Germanic symbolism, see Green, The Sun-Gods of Ancient Europe pp. 46-49.

47. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, p. 59.

48. These dates are Stark's and conflict with the later dates of other scholars. For example, Mahoney claims the Semkreis was "founded during the summer of 1910 and named after a Tanzleid ("Sera, Sera, Sancti nostri Domine")," ("The Publisher as Zeitkritiker, p. 132). For background on the Youth Movement, see Walter Laquer, Young Germany: A History of the Youth Movement (New York: Basic Books, 1962); and Peter Stachura, The German Youth Movement, 1900-1945: An interpretation and Documentary History (London: Macmillan, 1981). On the Sera Circle, see Stark, Entrepreneurs of Ideology, pp. 74-75, 104-5; and Mahoney, "The Publisher as Zeitkritiker," pp. 69, 132-34. Diederichs has been given credit by many as perhaps the leading force that made the pre-WW I German Youth Movement possible as its financial backer, public relations director, and publisher of its manifestos and philosophical works. See Stark, Entrepeneurs of Ideology, pp. 105-6.

49. Stark, Entrepreneurs of Ideology, p. 75.

50. Max Weber, "Science as Vocation," (1919) in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, ed., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 155.

51. See his final comprehensive statements on the circular mandala as an image of the "god within" in the following: C. G. Jung, "Concerning Mandala Symbolism," (1950) and "Appendix: Mandalas" (1955) in Archetypes and The Collective Unconscious, CW 9,i (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968).

52. Holt, "Ernst Haeckel's Monistic Religion," p. 273.

53. Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe, p. 10. It should be noted, however, that despite his criticisms of Haeckel, Ludwig Buchner softened his rhetoric as he grew older, and in the 1875 second edition of his Physiologische Bilder he stated that he preferred the label "monist" to "materialist" as a description of his philosophical stance, thus very much resembling Haeckel. See Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth- Century Germany, p. 118.

54. On the multiple meaning of "natural religion" and "nature religion" in German culture from Schleiermacher to Muller and then the Naturmensclien, see Karl-Heintz Kohl, "Naturreligion: Zur Transformationsgeschichte eines Begriffs," in Faber and Schledier, Die Restauration der Gotter, pp. 198-214.

55. Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. xiv-xv. Gasman's book should be read in concert with those of Mosse (The Crisis of German Ideology) and Goodrick-Clarke (The Occult Roots of Nazism) to get a complete picture of the important role of occult ideas at the highest levels of the volkisch movement (the learned elites) and at the lowest levels (the fluid occult underground of neopaganism) to understand the full impact of these ideas in the development of both National Socialism and Jung's analytical psychology. Gasman is not without his critics. See, e.g., the unconvincing critique of Gasman's thesis by East German scholar Reinhard Mocek, "Two Faces of Biologism: Some Reflections on a Difficult Period in the History of Biology in Germany," in Woodward and Cohen, World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation, pp. 279-91.

56. Haeckel, The Riddle of the Universe, pp. 280-81.

57. In Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. 69, trans. from Wilhelm Ostwald, "Die Sonne," Sonne 1 (1914): 2. Die Sonne was a typical volkisch/monist periodical of this time.

58. Anonymous, "Sonnwendfest," Der Monismus: Zeitschrift fur einheitlische Weltanschauung und Kulturpolitik 5 (1910): 126. This translation and citation are by Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. 70.

59. James Webb, The Occult Establishment (La Salle, Ill: Open Court, 1976), p. 182. The best source in English on Keyserling's life and ideas is Struve, "Count Hermann Keyserling and the School of Wisdom: Grand Seigneurs, Sages and Rulers," a chapter in his Elites Against Democracy, pp. 274-316.

60. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Immanuel Kant: Die Personlichkeit als Einfuhrung in das Werk (Munich: Brockmann, 1905).

61. An interesting short summary of these works can be found in the section entitled "H. S. Chamberlain as the Founder of Modern Racialism" in Lukacs, The Destruction of Reason, pp. 697-714.

62. Graf Hermann Keyserling, Das Gefage der Welt: Versuch einer kritischen Philosophie (Munich, 1906).

63. Field, Evangelist of Race, p. 323. The details of the personal relationship between Chamberlain and Keyserling are adeptly covered by Field (pp. 321-24).

64. Count Hermann Keyserling, The Travel Diary of a Philosopher, 2 vols., trans. J. Holroyd Reece (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1925), pp. 223-25. From April to August 1925 this work went through three printings. The third printing appeared as an attractive boxed set. Keyserling's picture appears on the box with such accolades from reviewers as, "The publication of this diary is a spiritual event of national importance" (Century Magazine), and 'The writer may yet emerge as among the great ones of the earth" (New York Times).

65. On the founding and operation of the School of Wisdom, and for an autobiographical summary of the life and work of Keyserling, see Count Hermann Keyserling, "My Life and Work as I See Them," in his The World in the Making (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1927), pp. 3-104. Keyserling's motives were based on ideas of cultural renovatio through occult practices such as yoga, Eastern meditation, and Jungian psychology: "The School of Wisdom should much rather be called a strategic headquarters than a center of study; it is precisely for this reason that it evokes so much enmity. It undertakes, by means of the proper psychological methods, to assimilate the impulse of life renewal on the basis of the spirit, which I stand for, into the broad body of spiritual reality" (p. 67). Keyserling's own psychoanalysis was a Jungian one and included sessions with Jung, who continued to analyze Keyserling's dreams through the mail. Keyserling says: "Thanks to psychoanalysis, with the practice of which I first became acquainted in December 1922, through Oskar A. H. Schmitz, and the theory and practice of which occupied me for two years afterward, the hypertensions of my nature, as they had been until then, were converted into normal tensions. I became more calm, saw myself more clearly" (p. 69). 66. Cited in Struve, Elites Against Democracy, p. 300.

67. Ibid., p. 301.

68. Count Hermann Keyserling, America Set Free (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p. 582.

69. Other prominent lecturers included Ernst Troeltsch, Rabbi Leo Baeck, Friedrich Gogarted, Leopold Ziegler, and Leo Frobenius.

70. Jung, MDR, p. 373.

71. See Jung, Letters: I. 1906-1950, pp. 46-76. Wilhelm died in 1930, but other letters to Keyserling also appear from 1931 (pp. 82-86), 1932 (pp. 92-93), and 1945 (p. 401).

72. In a letter to Wilhelm dated 26 April 1929, Jung tells Wilhelm: "You are too important for our Western world. I must keep on telling you this." Ibid., p. 63.

73. See the following in Civilization in Transition: "The Swiss Line in the European Spectrum" (1928); "The Rise of a New World" (1930); and "La Revolution Mondiale" (1934).

74. Jung, "La Revolution Mondiale," para. 945.

75. Bernhard von Cotta, Deutschlands Boden. Sein Bau und dessen Einwirkung auf das Leben der Menschen (Leipzig: EA. Brockhaus, 1853).

76. Cited by Robert Brain in 'The Geographical Vision and the Popular Order of Disciplines, 1848-1870," in Woodward and Cohen, World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation, p. 374.

77. Jung, "Mind and Earth" (1927), ibid., para. 93.

78. Ibid., para. 94.

79. William McGuire, The Freud/Jung Letters (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974) p. 305 (letter 184 J). See also Maurice Low, The American People: A Study in National Psychology, vol. 1 (Boston: Macmillan 1909).

80. C. G. Jung, "Uber des Unbewusste," Schweitzerland: Monatshefte fur Schweitzer Art und Arbeit 4 (1918): 464-72, 548-58. See C. G. Jung, "The Role of the Unconscious" (1918), Civilization in Transition.

81. Ibid., para. 17.

82. Ibid., para. 18.

83. Ibid.

84. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, p. 16.

85. Jung, "The Role of the Unconscious," para. 19.

86. Ibid.

87. Ibid., para. 20.

88. Ibid., para. 45.

89. See "From Esther Harding's Notebooks: 1922, 1925," in William McGuire and R.F.C. Hull, C. G. Jung Speaking: Interviews and Encounters (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), p. 30.

90. Jung, Analytical Psychology p. 133.

91. Ibid., pp. 133-34.

92. A photograph of it appears in Aniela Jaffe, C. G. Jung: Word and image (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 76.

93. An example is William Hobbs, The Earth Generated and Anatomized: All Early Eighteenth-Century Theory of the Earth (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981). Hobbs's theory proposed that the earth had a "heart" that pulsated and guided the ebb and flow of the tides.

94. For the history of this geophysical debate, see Stephen Brush, "Nineteenth-Century Debates about the Inside of the Earth: Solid, Liquid or Gas?" Annals of Science 36 (1979): 225-54; Philip Lawrence, "Heaven and Earth-The Relation of the Nebular Hypothesis to Geology," in W. Yourgrau and A. D. Breck, ed., Cosmology, History and Theology (New York: Plenum, 1977), pp. 253-81; C. S. Gillmor, "The Place of the Geophysical Sciences in 19th Century Natural Philosophy," Eos 56 (1975): 4-7; and John Burke, 'The Earth's Central Heat: From Fourier to Kelvin," in Actes du VIIIe Congres International d'Histoire des Sciences, 1977 (1974), pp. 91-96. Buffon's comet theory of the origin of planets is illustrated and discussed in Bowler, Evolution: The History of an Idea, pp. 33-36, including an assessment of Buffon's abandonment of Vulcanism for Neptunism (the retreating-ocean theory of the origin of rocks).

95. Ibid., p. 131.

96. Eugen Bleuler, Naturgeschichte der Seele und ihres Bewusstwerdens (Berlin: Springer, 1921). See the discussion in Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, pp. 839-40.

97. Jung attempts this in his introduction of the term in print in 1947 after presenting it at an Eranos Conference in Ascona in 1946. See Jung, "On the Nature of the Psyche," (1947) Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche, para 368.

98. Ibid., p. 131.

99. See especially the section on "Psyche and Swastika" in Geoffrey Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 50-86. An acknowledgment of Jung's volkisch influences is specifically noted in Geoffrey Cocks, "The Nazis and C. G. Jung," in Maidenbaum and Martin, Lingering Shadows, pp. 157-66. See also the following: Andrew Samuels, "National Psychology, National Socialism, and Analytical Psychology: Reflections on Jung and Anti- Semitism," Journal of Analytical Psychology 37 (19~2): 3-28, 127-48; and Arvid Erlenmeyer, "Jung und die Deutschen," Analytische Psychologie 23 (1992): 132-61.

100. On Swiss heretical movements during the Middle Ages, see Norman Cohn, In Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970). See also the consecutive chapters, "The Swiss Reformation" and "The Sectarian Spectrum: Radical Movements within Protestantism" in Steven Ozment, The Age of Reform, 1250-1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), pp. 318-51. Useful background on Swiss culture is provided in Nicholas Bouvier, Gordon Craig, and Lionel Gossman, Geneva, Zurich, Basel: History, Culture and National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).

101. These statistics are reported in Baedeker, Switzerland, and the Adjacent Portions of Italy, Savoy and Tyrol, p. xxxiii.

102. On Rorschach's analysis of the cult of the Schwartzenburg Waldbruderschaft (Forest-brotherhood) of Johannes Binggeli and his precursor, Anton Unternahrer, which Rorschach based on his own original fieldwork and historical investigation, see the following: "Einiges tiber schweitzerische Sekten und Sektgrander" ["On Swiss Sects and Founders of Sects"], Schweitzer Archiv fur Neurologie und Psychiatrie 1 (1917): 254-58; "Weiteres uber Schweitzerische Sektenbildungen" ["Further Studies on the Formation of Swiss Sects"], Schweitzer Archiv fur Neurologie und Psychiatrie 2 (1919): 385-88; "Sektiererstudien" ["Studies on the Founders of Swiss Sects"], Internationale Zeitschrift fur arztliche Psychoanalyse 6 (1920): 106-7; and "Zwei Schweitzerische Sektensifter (Binggeli und Unternahrer)" ["Two Swiss Founders of Sects"], Imago 13 (1927): 395-441. All of these have been reproduced in Hermann Rorschach, Gesammelte Aufsatze (Bern and Stuttgart: Verlag Hans Huber, 1965).

According to Ellenberger, Rorschach became so fascinated with his ethnographic fieldwork that "at one point, Rorschach firmly believed that this study of Swiss sects would be his life's work." See Henri Ellenberger, "The Life and Work of Hermann Rorschach (1884-1922)," in Micale, Beyond the Unconscious, p. 204.

103. See Pascal, From Naturalism to Expressionism.

104. Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, pp. 201-31.

105. Mitzman, The Iron Cage, p. 288.

106. Green, The von Richthofen Sisters; and especially his Mountain of Truth.

107. For a general overview, see Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); the most persuasive rejection of the Persian origins of Mithraism can be found in David Ulansey, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries: Cosmology and Salvation in the Ancient World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).

108. On Fechner's significance in the history of psychology, see L. Sprung & H. Sprung, "Gustav Theodor Fechner in der Geschichte der Psychologie -- Leben, Werk und Wirken in der Wissenschaftsentwicklung des 19. Jahrhunderts," in Psychologiehistorische Manuskript 9 (1987): 1-54.

109. G. T. Fechner, Zend-Avesta, oder uber die Dinge des Himmels und des Jenseits, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Voss, 1851). Fechner was extremely well known in the nineteenth century and some aspects of his experimental work on psychophysics are still regarded highly. Fechner's scientific works were read and admired by Freud and Jung, and he was Wilhelm Wundt's mentor. See Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, pp. 215-18.

110. Webb, The Occult Establishment, p. 32. Ha'nish published several books: Mazdaznan Health and Breath (London, 1913; originally in the USA., 1902); Tnl1er Studies (Chicago, 1902); and a book that won a "Medal of Progress" award at the International Cookery Exhibition held in Luxembourg in 1911, his Mazdaznan Dietetics and Cookery Book (London, 1911). The cult also put out a short-lived journal, The British Mazdaznan Magazine in 1914. On these references, see Webb, p. 74. Webb's book is an indispensable scholarly source for tracing the influence of the occult popular culture on learned European elites, especially at the turn of the century.

111. A bibliography of Heise's works, and the occult context in which he lived, can be found in Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Nazism, pp. 27, 44, 45, 55, 234, 270.

112. Green, The Mountain of Truth, p. 235. For a brief description of the Mazdaznans that still remained in Switzerland, see the report in a Theosophical Society journal by H. R. Ecroyd, "A Strange Adventure in Switzerland," The Quest 21 (October 1939).

113. See McGuire, "Introduction," The Psychology of the Unconscious, p. xviii; also, Noll, "Jung the Leontocephalus," pp. 12-60. The Deus Leontocephalus, the "lion-headed god" was a ubiquitous image found in ancient Mithraic cult sites and -- as this article argues -- was particularly fascinating to Jung for a variety of reasons.

114. Jung, "On Psychic Energy," para. 92.

115. C. G. Jung, Nietzsche's "Zarathustra": Notes of the Seminar Given in 1934-1939, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 1:4.

116. See William McGuire, Bollingen: An Adventure in Collecting the Past (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 31ff. The neopagan, vegetarian counterculture at Ascona circa 1900 caught the attention of some journalists and social commentators. An early study of a colony of forty vegetarians is Adolph Grohmann, Die Vegetarier- Ansiedlung in Ascona und die sogenannten Naturmenschen im Tessin (Halle, 1904).

117. Jung delivered fourteen lectures in all at the annual Eranos Conferences, which were organized by Olga Frobe, whom Jung met at Keyserling's School of Wisdom in 1930. According to Frobe, the name "Eranos" was proposed to her by the theologian Rudolph Otto in Marburg in November 1932. See Aniela Jaffe, "C. G. Jung and the Eranos Conferences," Spring (1977): 201-12.
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

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Part 4 of 5


1. It is Letter 199a F in McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, pp. 332-35.

2. On the talented actress and lecturer, whose birth name was indeed Frank Miller, see the stunning photographs of her in costume and the discussion of her case and its relevance to Jung in the exemplary paper by Sonu Shamdasani, "A Woman Called Frank," Spring 50 (1990): 26-56. For a brief period (1899-1900) Miller was a student of Flournoy's in Geneva, and her brief report of her fantasies (which includes an introduction by Flournoy) attempts to trace the source of her visions and reveries to cryptomnesia, not to otherworldly or transcendent sources such as the spiritualist mediums were claiming. See Frank Miller, "Some Instances of Unconscious Creative Imagination," Journal of the American Society for Psychical Research 1 (1907): 287-308.

3. This is argued throughout by Peter Homans in his Jung in Context: Modernity and the Making of a Psychology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979). See especially pp. 64-73.

4. Ibid., p. 66.

5. John Kerr, "Beyond the Pleasure Principle and Back Again: Freud, Jung and Sabina Spielrein," in Paul Stepansky, ed., Freud: Appraisals and Re-Appraisals, Contributions to Freud Studies, vol. 3 (Hillsdale, N.J.: The Analytic Press, 1988), p. 40. I highly recommend this work to anyone wishing to understand Wandlungen from a psychoanalytic perspective, and from the perspective of psychoanalytic history. Pages 40-50, in my opinion, contain the clearest and most critical summary of Wandlungen to be found in the English language.

6. Ibid., p. 40.

7. This is argued at length in Noll, "Jung the Leontocephalus," pp. 12-60.

8. Jung, "New Paths in Psychology" (1912), Two Essays.

9. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 25.

10. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, p. 5.

11. Ibid., p. 6.

12. After determining to his satisfaction what the vocabulary of this reconstructed proto-Indo-European language was, Schleicher wrote a folk tale in it entitled Avis akvasas ka, or "The Sheep and the Horses."

13. Just one of several examples: After analyzing one of Miller's creations as a "religious hymn" down to its "erotic root," Jung says that,

It is not too much to say that we have herewith dug up the erotic root, and yet the problem remains unsolved. Were there not bound up with that a mysterious purpose, probably of the greatest biological meaning, then certainly twenty centuries would not have yearned for it with such intense longing. Doubtless this sort of libidian current moves in the same direction as, taken in the widest sense, did that ecstatic ideal of the Middle Ages and of the ancient mystery cults, one of which became later Christianity. There is to be seen biologically in this ideal an exercise of psychologic projection (of the paranoian mechanism, as Freud would express it. (Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, pp. 62-63)

14. Ibid., para. 56.

15. Interestingly, Muller's ideas did not enter into Freud's thinking -- perhaps yet another of the fundamental distinctions between the two men. Freud admits that Jung's researches into ethnology and comparative mythology that letter formed Wandlungen were the initial stimulus for researching and writing Totem and Taboo, published in toto in 1913 after appearing in multiple parts in the psychoanalytic journal Imago, starting with its first issue in 1912. On Freud's sources, which include Wundt, James Frazer, and Muller's arch-nemesis Andrew Lang, see the exemplary volume by Edwin Wallace, Freud and Anthropology: A History and Reappraisal (New York: International University Press, 1983).

16. The distillation of Muller's basic ideas is drawn from several of his many works, but primarily from his Lectures on the Science of Religion (London: Houghton, 1870).

17. Later F.W.H. Myers, the psychical researcher from Cambridge, borrowed this term from Muller to describe the apparent myth-making functions of the subliminal self.

18. Muller, Lectures on the Science of Religion, p. 71.

19. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 45.

20. To be fair and accurate, however, this would fit in with Jung's greater methodological assumptions, as Miller was of Aryan (Indo-European) ancestry.

21. For a typical example of Jung's lengthy etymological excursions, see the two full pages of etymological connection between "nightmare" and "mare" in Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, paras. 378-81.

22. See McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, letter 2977. See also McGuire's introduction in Jung, Psychology of the Unconscious, p. xxiii.

23. See ibid., pp. 76-77.

24. Ibid., para. 145.

25. Ibid., para. 149.

26. Ibid., para. 150.

27. See the discussion in Homans, Jung in Context, pp. 130-32.

28. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, paras. 150-51.

29. Ibid., para. 152.

30. Ibid., paras. 173-75.

31. Ibid., para. 155.

32. Ibid., para. 158.

33. Ibid., para. 163.

34. Ibid., para. 180.

35. Ibid., para. 155n.

36. Ibid., para. 201.

37. Ibid., para. 203.

38. Ibid., para. 204n.

39. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 26.

40. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, pp. 335-41.

41. Homans, Jung in Context, p. 67. Homans's language is stronger elsewhere: "Still, Symbols of Transformation was an attempt to come to terms with the two modes of experience of religion, assimilating to a limited degree the personal mode and strongly repudiating the traditional mode" (p. 130).

42. I discuss the historical context of this fin-de-siecle classical scholarship concerning the mystery cults at length in my introduction to Mysteria: Jung and the Ancient Mysteries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994). See also the very useful paper by Bruce Metzger, "Considerations of Methodology in the Study of the Mystery Religions and Early Christianity," Harvard Theological Review 48 (1955): 1-20.

43. Franz Cumont, Textes et monuments figures relatifs aux mysteres de Mitra, 2 vols. (Brussels: H. Lamertin, 1896 [1], 1899 [2]).

44. The work appeared rather quickly in an English translation as well. See Franz Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra (New York: Open Court, 1903).

45. Luther Martin explains the problem in his extremely useful book, Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 114-15:

Unlike the myths of the other mystery deities, no received myth of Mithras survives, nor does the iconographic evidence seem to reflect any such official narrative of the deity's life. Mithraic iconography seems rather to depict isolated scenes of Mithraic activity from which modern attempts to reconstruct a mythic narrative have been made. Even the scenes, with several exceptions, seem to express regional variations of the cult expression.

46. For Weber's participation in this early Eranos group, see Weber, Max Weber: A Biography, p. 356. It is not known whether this prominent Heidelberg circle of scholars was Rudolph Otto's inspiration for the name of the later (1933) Eranos Conferences at Ascona. What is certain is that Dieterich was disseminating his knowledge of Mithraism and the Mithraic Liturgy to Weber and other scholars, and Weber mentions Mithraism in his works on the sociology of religion.

47. Albrecht Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie (Leipzig: Verlag B. G. Teubner, 1903; 2d ed., 1910). Dieterich dedicated this work to Cumont.

48. The English translation of the Mithraic Liturgy can be found in H. D. Beck, The Creek Magical Papyri in Translation (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1986), pp. 48-54.

49. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, letter 210 J.

50. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, p. 66

51. Burkert translates Renan's famous line as follows: "If the growth of Christianity had been halted by some mortal illness, the world would have become Mithraic" (Ernest Renan, Marc Aurele et la fin du monde antique [Paris, 1882]). Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, p. 3.

52. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 99.

53. Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithras, p. 4.

54. Ibid., p. 1.

55. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 127.

56. Ibid., para. 124.

57. See Gunter, "Bergson and Jung," 635-52.

58. A similar idea concerning the continuity of animate and inanimate matter through their status as constraints for "invariant free dynamics" (laws and forces of nature) is discussed by Wolfgang Kohler. Kohler, however, was avowedly nonvitalistic as well as nonmechanistic in this theoretical contribution to gestalt psychology. The result was a very monistic position that resembles Haeckel's in many respects (including a lingering reputation for its philosophical vagueness). See the various discussions of this "postulate of invariance in evolution" in Mary Henle, ed., The Selected Papers of Wolfgang Kohler (New York: Liveright, 1971), pp. 72-77, 330, 349-50, 371. For an intriguing discussion of holism as a German cultural style of psychobiological theory and research in the 1920s and 1930s as, in part, an answer to the spiritual crisis of modernity, see Anne Harrington, "Interwar 'German' Psychobiology: Between Nationalism and the Irrational," Science in Context 4 (1991): 429-47.

59. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie, p. 161.

60. On the separate and distinct differences between pagan mysteria and the mysteries mentioned in the texts of Hellenistic Judaism and early Christianity, see Nock, "Hellenistic Mysteries and Christian Sacraments," 2:791-820; and Hugo Rahner, "The Christian Mystery and the Pagan Mystery (1944)," in Joseph Campbell, ed., The Mysteries: Papers From the Eranos Yearbooks (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955), pp. 337-404.

61. See Poliakov, The Aryan Myth.

62. Peter Gay, Freud: A Life for Our Time (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988), p. 239. On Freud's own implicit cognitive categories of racial differences, see Sander Gilman, Freud, Race, and Gender (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).

63. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Die Grundlagen des Neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Munich: Bruckmann, 1899). This work was a bestseller and went through multiple editions. It first appeared in English as The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, 2 vols. (London: John Lane, 1911). According to Field, "Cosima [Wagner] strongly encouraged him, for she believed the book would be a Wagnerian Kulturgeschichte" (p. 171). On the writing and reception of Grundlagen, see Field, Evangelist of Race pp. 169-224.

64. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 136n.

65. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, pp. 93, 97.

66. Field, Evangelist of Race, p. 223.

67. Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, p. 177.

68. Mosse, "The Mystical Origins of National Socialism," p. 93.

69. R. Andrew Paskauskas, ed., The Complete Correspondence of Sigmund Freud and Ernest Jones, 1908-1939 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 180, 182 (letters 107 and 108).

70. James Jackson Putnam, Letters (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 376.

71. Historians of this period have mentioned Jung's book in this regard, usually in one-sentence statements without elaboration. Mosse (The Culture of Western Europe, p. 275) charges Jung with fostering a "racial mysticism, which, in turn, derived some scientific respectability through its incorporation in his psychoanalytical theories." According to Green (Mountain of Truth, p. 137), "[1912] was the year of Jung's Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido, a book that gave scholarly respectability to one of Ascona's most prized truths, the value of sun worship."

72. Although there were scattered Germanic cults actually attempting to revive a votive religion with mystery-cult elements based on the worship of the Germanic Gods (such as Wotan), nothing much came of this. However, Hauer's German Faith Movement was a revival of volkisch religion in other respects during the Nazi era. See Hauer, Heim, and Adam, Germany's New Religion. Formally founded in July 1933, it incorporated many traditional volkisch elements. Hauer argued that there is "an antithesis between an alien faith and the German genius" (p. 42)-the "alien faith," of course, being Christianity. The use of the word "genius" is significant here, as it directly refers to the ancient Roman pagan belief that a genius (or anima) resided in the head and was the source of inspiration when it possessed a like and alien spirit. The "German genius" is another way of saying the "German god within." Mediation through "a sacred person, a sacred book, or a sacred rite" is rejected by Hauer "not indeed because we deny the existence of God or of the eternal powers which govern life, but because we have found from experience that it is possible to have immediate contact with those powers" (p. 48). This was also the appeal of the ancient Hellenistic mysteries of pagan antiquity and modern groups based on this model. Hauer was an associate of Jung's and participated in the Eronos Conference in 1934, during which he spoke on "Symbols and Experience of the Self in Indo-Aryan Mysticism."

73. Self-deification, or becoming one with the god within, was a pagan appeal to reject Christianity, its symbols, and its Semitic god. The dynamic swastika was hailed as the alternative to the cross. An article on the swastika in a 1918 issue of Die Tat by Ilse Alma Drews exemplifies the use of metaphors in a neopagan (but not political) sense, much as Jung sometimes uses them through Wandlungen and elsewhere: "As the Christians joyfully gather round their cross symbol, so should all of us, too, who confess the new religion, meet each other under the common sign of the swastika .... The swastika can, like no other sign, warn and arouse us, light the holy flame in us, so that we become joyful sacrifices to the highest ... a victory sign of the new, inner-world God." Green, Mountain of Truth, p. 241.

74. Jung, Civilization in Transition.

75. Jung, Letters: 1. 1906-1950, pp. 39-40.

76. Jung, Psychological Types, para. 324.

77. Means, Things That Are Caesar's, p. 163. Means's book provides an introductory summary of the various neopagan volkisch movements in German Europe from the fin de siecle to Nazi Germany in his chapter on "Nationalist Religion, the New Paganism of the Young Germanic Folk Movement" (pp. 163-84).

78. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, pp. 15-151. Mosse's chapter, "Education Comes to the Aid," traces the widespread infiltration of volkisch thought into the educational system in Germanic lands between 1873 and 1918 (pp. 152-70).

79. Fritz Stern, Dreams and Delusions: National Socialism in the Drama of the German Past (New York: Vintage, 1989), p. 122.

80. Although other examples will be provided in this book, the language of a contemporary Jungian analyst is typical for Jungian publications and contains Nietzschean metaphors of liberation and individuation (a term Jung borrowed from Schopenhauer, von Hartmann, and Nietzsche): "Analysis is a formal process of self-reflection and understanding, meant to free one from unnecessary bondage to complexes that are dominant in one's personal psychology. Jungian analysis is also intended to help one find the path of one's own individuation, which can never be defined in general or cultural terms." James Hall, The Jungian Experience: Analysis and Individuation, p. 121.


1. Jung, "Some Thoughts on Psychology," p. 31.

2. Ibid., pp. 31-32.

3. Jung rhetorically asks: "Why do the sermons about the historical Jesus make no sense? Why are people more interested in attending scientific lectures than in going to church? Why is their interest focused on Darwin, Haeckel, and Buchner?" The Zofingia Lectures, p. 107.

4. The similarity between the later monism of Haeckel and the "philosophy of the unconscious" of von Hartmann has been noted by David DeGroot, Haeckel's Theory of the Unity of Nature: A Monograph in the History of Philosophy (Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1965), p, 38, Jung's personal library contains the fifth edition of von Hartmann's work: Eduard von Hartmann, Philosophie des Unbewussten (Berlin: Carl Dunkers Verlag, 1873). Von Hartmann's work is Schopenhauerian philosophy combined with evolutionary Wissenschaft circa 1870. This work therefore made sense to many at the end of the nineteenth- century who were trying to reconcile personal iconographies of the transcendent with the compelling contradictions provided by evolutionary biology. Philosophie des Unbewussten went through many editions and was one of the most popular books in fin-de-siecle Central Europe. The evolutionary works of Haeckel (as well as Darwin, Wallace, Buchner, etc.) are cited by von Hartmann, but Haeckel's Monism is not, as Haeckel was at the time only just mentioning such an idea without elaboration. Yon Hartmann seizes upon this lack of a vitalistic element in the evolutionary work of Haeckel of this period and points out the inconsistencies in his biological statements on the "Begriff der Individualitat" (the concept of the individual). Von Hartmann instead argues for a "unitary concept of organic individuals [einheitlichen Begriff des organischen Individuums]" (p. 491) that can include vitalism. Haeckel, as has been noted, adopted a similar view in later years.

5. Jung, "Some Thoughts on Psychology," para. 136. For an exemplary examination of the ideas of these materialists (and a critique of von Hartmann), see the translation of the second edition (1873) of Friedrich Albert Lange, The History of Materialism: And Criticism of Its Present Importance (New York: Humanities Press, 1950). Lange's critique of von Hartmann is in the chapter on "Darwinism and Teleology," and his opinion is clear: "It will hardly be necessary for our readers once more to disturb the illusion that the 'Philosophie des Unbewussten' contains 'speculative results on the inductive scientific method.' There can hardly be another modern book in which the scientific material swept together stands in such flagrant contrast to all the essential principles of scientific method" (p. 80).

The scientific materialism that arose in Germany in the 1850s in response to the Idealist and Naturphilosophie establishment was led by Karl Vogt, Jacob Moleschott, Ludwig Buchner, and Heinrich Czolbe in academic circles and supported in popular science journals such as Die Natur (which first appeared in 1852) that also appeared during this decade. Jung read such journals as a youth. See Gregory, Scientific Materialism in Nineteenth-Century Germany.

6. Jung, The Zofingia Lectures, p. 105.

7. Ibid., p. 93. On Schopenhauerian genius, see below.

8. Ellenberger discusses this controversy in detail in his "Carl Gustav Jung," pp. 147-48. See also James Hillman, "Some Early Background to Jung's Ideas: Notes on C. G. Jung's Medium by Stefanie Zumstein- Preiswerk," Spring (1976): 123-36.

9. C. G. Jung, Psychiatric Studies, CW 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).

10. James Witzig, "Theodore Flournoy -- A Friend Indeed," Journal of Analytical Psychology 27 (1982): 138-41. Jung actually states that Flournoy was perhaps more of a long-lasting influence on him than Freud, and also acknowledges the importance of William James on his work, in sections of MDR not included in the published edition but which can be found in the editorial prepublication manuscript of MDR at the Countway Library of Medicine. Further information on Jung's relationships with Flournoy, James, and others can be found in the works of Eugene Taylor: "William James and Jung," Spring (1980): 157-68; "C. G. Jung and the Boston Psychopathologists, 1902-1912," Voices: The Art and Science of Psychotherapy 21 (1985): 132-45; and in "Jung and His Intellectual Context: The Swedenborgian Connection," Studia Swedenborgiana 7 (1991): 47-69.

11. Ellenberger, "Carl Gustav Jung," p. 149.

12. MDR, pp. 30-32.

13. Drinka, The Birth of Neurosis, p. 53.

14. For further exploration of this theme, see Richard Noll, "Max Nordau's Degeneration, C. G. Jung's Taint," Spring 55 (1994).

15. Mitchell Ash, "Academic Politics in the History of Science: Experimental Psychology in Germany, 1879-1941," Central European History 13 (1980): 263. See also Marilyn Marshall and Russel Wendt, "William Wundt, Spiritism, and the Assumptions of Science," in Wolfgang Bringmann and R. D. Tweny, ed., Wundt Studies (Toronto: Hogrefe, 1980), pp. 158-75.

16. Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, p. 674. See also Aniela Jaffe, "Parapsychology: Experience and Theory, Occultism and Spiritualism, Synchronistic Phenomena," in her From the Life and Work of C. G. Jung.

17. On the importance to nineteenth-century German Europe of the Seeress of Prevorst (Friedericke Hauffe), whose trances between 1827 and 1829 included visionary travels to other worlds, communications with the dead, the articulation of neo-Platonic philosophy, and the prescription of medicinal and herbal cures, and were recorded by the Kerner (1786-1862), see Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, pp. 79-81. The book that fascinated Goethe, Jung, Nietzsche, and many others was Justinius Kerner, Die Seherin von Prevorst, Eroffnen uber das innere Leben und uber das Hineinragen einer Geistwelt in die unsere, 2 vols. (Stuttgartt-Tubingen: Cotta, 1829).

18. In future publications, Shamdasani will argue that Jung's work was in actuality a "project for a mediumistic psychology."

19. Jung's publications in this area appear in Experimental Researches.

20. See Daniel Schacter, "Implicit Memory: History and Current Status," Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 13 (1987); 501-8. Implicit memory is in evidence when "information that was encoded during a particular episode is subsequently expressed without conscious or deliberate recollection" (p. 501). This is precisely what Jung and his coworkers were trying to experimentally demonstrate through the word-association protocol and reaction-time differentials that hinted at affectively toned memories that influenced the present behavior of the subjects, but without their awareness. Schacter credits the nineteenth-century literature of psychical researchers as "the first to document implicit memory phenomena on the basis of controlled empirical observation" (p. 503). Although Schacter docs not mention Flournoy in his review, another expression for a form of implicit memory is, of course, cryptomnesia. This, too, has undergone recent experimental study by cognitive psychologists: Alan Brown and Dana Murphy, "Cryptomnesia: Delineating Inadvertent Plagiarism," Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 15 (1989): 432-42.

21. For example, Psychiatric Studies contains such scientific papers as "On Hysterical Misreading" (1904) and "Cryptomnesia" (1905), and his doctoral dissertation on the case of the medium "S. W.," which also analyzes the content of her trance utterances in terms of cryptomnesia. Experimental Researches contains his "Experimental Observations on the Faculty of Memory" (1905) and his word-association studies.

22. Jung, The Zofingia Lectures, p. 102.

23. Ibid., pp. 103-4.

24. See, e.g., Douglas Hermann, ed., Memory in Historical Perspective: The Literature Before Ebbinghaus (New York: Springer, 1988).

25. The original German publication of Jung and Riklin appears in English translation as "The Associations of Normal Subjects" (1904), in Experimental Researches. CW 2. See also William McGuire, "Jung's Complex Reactions (1907): Word Association Experiments Performed by Binswanger," Spring (1984): 1-34.

26. Jung and Riklin, "The Associations of Normal Subjects," para. 210.

27. Peter Swales, "What Jung Didn't Say," Harvest: Journal of Jungian Studies 38 (1992): 30.

28. The best source is, of course, Kerr, A Most Dangerous Method. What sparked interest in the Spielrein/Jung relationship -- which was apparently unknown to his later generations of disciples although quite well known before World War I -- is the collection of Spielrein's letters and diary entries in Carotenuto, A Secret Symmetry. See also: Aldo Carotenuto, "Sabina Spielrein and C. G. Jung: Some Newly Discovered Documents Bearing on Psychotic Transference, Counter Transference, and the Anima," Spring (1980): 128-44; Aldo Carotenuto, "More About Sabina Spielrein: A Response to Bettelheim," Spring (1985): 129-36; Aldo Carotenuto, "Jung's Shadow Problem with Sabina Spiel rein," in Mary Ann Mattoon, ed., The Archetype of Shadow in a Split World: Proceedings of the Tenth International Conference on Analytical Psychology, Berlin 1986 (Zurich: Daimon Verlag, 1987), pp. 240-53, and see also the discussion by Peter Mudd that follows (pp. 254-60); and Swales, "What Jung Didn't Say," pp. 30-37.

29. Carotenuto, A Secret Symmetry, p. 100.

30. The choice of this pseudonym for the "Jewish girl" in the earlier protocol was "Alice Stern," and Stern is the German word for star.


1. Eugen Bleuler, "Die Prognose der Dementia Praecox -- Schizophreniengruppe," Allgemeine Zeitschrift fur Psychiatrie 65 (1908): pp. 436-64.

2. C. G. Jung, "The Content of the Psychoses" (1908), Psychogenesis of Mental Disease, CW 3 (New York: Pantheon, 1960).

3. It is often incorrectly understood (and often incorrectly reported in Jungian publications) that Jung came up with the first biochemical theory of schizophrenia. His only innovation was that this "toxin" could be produced environmentally, through trauma, rather than through strict heredity. In fact, Jung's talk of a toxin in the etiology of schizophrenia echoes one of the first published descriptions of dementia praecox, as a metabolic disorder. He thought that it was caused by auto-intoxication through a "tangible morbid process occurring in the brain." Emil Kraepelin, "Dementia Praecox," in John Cutting and Michael Shepherd, ed., The Clinical Roots of the Schizophrenia Concept: Translations of Seminal European Contributions on Schizophrenia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 23.

4. This was published in an English translation by William Alanson White as Wishfulfillment and Symbolism in Fairy Tales, Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series, No. 21 (New York: Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 1915). On Riklin, see Dieter Baumann, "In Memory of Franz Riklin," Spring (1970): 1-6.

5. Wolfgang Schwentker, "Passion as a Mode of Life: Max Weber, the Otto Gross Circle and Eroticism," in Mommsen and Osterhammel, Max Weber and His Call temporaries, p. 488.

6. The literature on Gross is small but growing. The best single work is Emanuel Hurwitz, Otto Gross: 'Paradies' -- Sucher zwischen Freud und Jung (Zurich and Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1979); in English, see the volumes by Green, The van Richthofen Sisters, and Mountain of Truth; in French, see J. Le Rider, Otto Gross: revolution sur le divan (Paris: Solin, 1988). Most of the scant nonpsychoanalytic literature on Gross concerns his connections with the circle of Max Weber. See Nicolaus Sombert, "Max Weber and Otto Gross: On the Relationship Between Science, Politics and Eros in Wilhelmine Germany," History of Political Thought 8 (1987): 131-52; Schwentker, "Passion as a Mode of Life"; and Guenther Roth, "Marianne Weber and Her Circle," in Weber, Max Weber. The only significant paper that attempts to illuminate the connection between Jung and Gross is Martin Stanton, "Otto Gross's Case Histories: Jung, Stekel, and the Pathologization of Protest," in Renos Papadopoulos, ed., Carl Gustav Jung: Critical Assessments, 4 vols. (London: Routledge, 1992), 1:200-208.

7. Ernest Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud. Volume 2: Years of Maturity, 1901-1919 (New York: Basic Books, 1955). Jones took this from Freud's letter to Jung dated 27 February 1908 (see McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 126, letter 74 F). Jones gives Gross credit for helping to put psychoanalysis on the map with a 1904 article and 1907 book that compared Freudian theory with the current psychiatric knowledge on dementia praecox and manic depression. Jones describes Gross as "a genius who later unfortunately developed schizophrenia" (p. 29). Jones also reveals that "he was my first instructor in the practice of psychoanalysis and I used to be present during his treatment of a case."

8. J. E. Michaels, Anarchy and Eros: Otto Gross's Impact on German Expressionist Writers (New York: Peter Lang [Utah Studies in Literature and Linguistics, no. 24], 1983).

9. On the historical significance of Hanns Gross, and an explanation of why he seems to have been passed over in so many history books, see William Johnston, The Austrian Mind (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 94-95.

10. Henry Murger, La vie de Boheme (Paris: 1849), p. 14. This translation is from Jerrold Seigel, Bohemian Paris: Culture Politics, and the Boundaries of Bourgeois Life, 1830-1930 (New York: Viking, 1986), p. 3. Seigel (pp. 401-4) provides a very useful -- if brief -- bibliographic essay, "A Note on Histories of Bohemia." A more comprehensive account of antibourgeois or nonbourgeois subcultures throughout European history can be found in the work of the German sociologist Helmut Kreuzer, Die Boheme. Beitrage zu ihrer Beschreibung (Stuttgart: 1968). To these volumes must, of course, be added the documentation of Bohemia provided by the works of Green.

11. These can be found in the collection edited by Kurt Krieler: Otto Gross, Von geschlechtlicher Not zur sozialen Katastrophe [From Sexual Privation to Social Catastrophe] (Frankfurt: Robinson Verlag, 1980). There is no English language edition of the works of Otto Gross.

12. Green, The von Richthofen Sisters.

13. This is according to Eduard Baumgarten, whose comments are reported in summary by Ellen Kennedy following the translation of the paper by Sombart, "Max Weber and Otto Gross," p. 150. For the original German commentary by Sombart and Baumgarten, see the following: Nicolaus Sombart, "Gruppenbild mit zwei Damen: Zum Verhaltnis von Wissenschaft, Politik und Eros im wilhelminischen Zeitalter," Merkur 30 (1976): 972-90; and Eduard Baumgarten, "Uber Max Weber: Ein Brief an Nicholas Sombart," Merkur 31 (1977): 296- 300.

14. This is cited in Schwentker, "Passion as a Mode of Life," pp. 483, 495. An abbreviated form of the original letter appears in Eduard Baumgarten, ed., Max Weber: Werk und Person (Tubingen: Mohr 1964), pp.644-48.

15. Weber, Max Weber, p. 377. Weber's critique of Gross in this letter is reproduced at length on pp. 375-80.

16. Cited in ibid., p. 376.

17. Ibid., p. 379.

18. Weber, Max Weber, p. 375. This is a remarkable book that documents in vivid detail the Heidelberg circle of the Webers, which included Georg Simmel, Lukacs, Karl Jaspers, and many other noted scholars and political and literary figures.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid., p. 374.

21. Ibid., p. 380.

22. Ibid., pp. 378-79.

23. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 90 (letter 46 J).

24. Paskauskas, The Complete Correspondence of Sigmund Freud and Ernest Jones p. 1 (letter 1).

25. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 153 (Letter 95 J).

26. Ibid., p. 156 (letter 98 J). See also Jung's letter to Freud of 9 September 1908 (letter 108 J) in which he looks forward to talking with Freud in person again because his last intelligent conversations were with Gross during their mutual analysis: "In this respect Gross as a contrast, no matter how hard to digest, did me a world of good. In spite of his prickliness, talk with him is wonderfully stimulating. have missed that to no end" (p. 171).

27. David Buss, "Toward a Biologically Informed Psychology of Personality," Journal of Personality 58 (1990): 1-16; David Buss, "Evolutionary Personality Psychology," Annual Review of Psychology 42 (1991): 459-92; David Buss, "Sex Differences in Human Mate Preferences: Evolutionary Hypotheses Tested in 37 Cultures," Behavioral and Brain Sciences 12 (1989): 1-49. This essential view of the natural polygamous nature of the human species as a consequence of evolution is argued extensively from a sociobiological perspective in Helen Fisher, Anatomy of Love: The Natural History of Monogamy, Adultery, and Divorce (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992). A related and controversial sociobiological theory by University of Western Ontario professor J. Philippe Rushton, the "Differential K Theory," also argues that individual difference in human personality and behavior are determined by one's biologically based inherited "reproductive strategy" along a continuum from "r" to "K": that is, from maximum egg output and no parental care (the extreme r-strategist) to a few offspring intensively nurtured (an extreme K-strategist). Current species such as oysters, who produce five hundred million eggs per year with no parental care, would be among the many r-strategists in evidence today. Although humans are the most K-oriented of all species, Rushton argues that many humans are far more "r-strategists" (i.e., polygamous) than others and that this evolutionary heritage of common descent from our nonhuman ancestors still determines much of human behavior. It must be remembered that according to Darwinian theory, all forms of life evolved from a single ancestor, and so the common ancestors of humans, oysters, and even fungi spent many millions of years as r-strategists. Thus, from the point of view of evolutionary epistemology, the miniscule period of human life and especially civilization could not be a sufficiently long enough period to eliminate such deeply embedded adaptations as the r-reproductive strategies of our ancestors. See J. P. Rushton, "Differential K Theory: The Sociobiology of Individual and Group Differences," Personality and individual Differences 6 (1985): 441-52; also, "Sir Francis Galton, Epigenetic Rules, Genetic Similarity Theory, and Human Life-History Analysis," Journal of Personality 58 (1990): 117-40.

28. Carotenuto, A Secret Symmetry, p. 107.

29. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 207 (letter 133 J).

30. Ibid., p. 289 (letter 175 J).

31. See Philipp Wolff-Wind egg, "C. G. Jung -- Bachofen, Burckhardt and Basel," Spring (1976): pp. 137-47.


1. Green, Mountain of Truth, p. 17.

2. Green, The van Richthofen Sisters, p. 44.

3. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 249.

4. See Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, pp. 218-23.

5. Ibid., p. 222.

6. In his autobiographical notes to his Artistic Form and Yoga in the Sacred Images of India, trans. Gerald Chapple and James Lawson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), Zimmer reveals the hereditarian concerns, belief in Bachofenian matriarchy, and nineteenth-century cognitive categories of race that also characterized Jung. Zimmer states that:

[His mother's] father's side was of German-Saxon extraction .... Her mother ... was of Wendish stock. ... This Saxon-Wendish stock is inclined to mysticism, as are kindred folk in Silesia .... This may account for my predilection for mysticism, myths, and symbols, while the Pre-German, Pre-Celtic, Pre-Aryan descent of my father from the ancient European matriarchical civilization explains my penchant for the corresponding stratifications in ancient Pre-Aryan Hindu civilization (the Great Mother, the feminine principle in Tantrism). (p. 253)

7. Johann Jakob Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht: Eine Untersuchung uber die Gynaekokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiosen und rechtlichen Natur (Stuttgart: Kreis & Hoffman, 1861). Selections from this volume and other works by Bachofen can be found in J. J. Bachofen, Myth, Religion, and Mother Right: Selected Writings of J. J. Bachofen, trans. Ralph Manheim (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967).

8. See Hermann Glaser, ed., The German Mind of the Nineteenth Century: A Literary and Historical Anthology (New York: Continuum, 1981).

9. C. G. Jung Bibliothek: Katalog, p. 8.

10. The evidence supporting this argument, and a modern reassessment of Bachofen's ideas, are cogently presented by Fisher in Anatomy of Love, pp. 281-84.

11. Marianne Weber, Ehefrau und Mutter in der Rechtsentwicklung (Tubingen: Mohr, 1907).

12. Roth, "Marianne Weber and Her Circle," p. xxii.

13. Otto Gross, "Zur Uberwindung der kulturellen Krise," Die Aktion 3 (1913): 384-87. This essay appears in Gross, Van geschlechtlichter Not zur sozialen Katastrophe, pp. 13-15.

14. Sombart, "Max Weber and Otto Gross," p. 138.

15. Ibid.

16. The small but influential Cosmic Circle is frequently mentioned in many publications, but the best treatment is in Green, The von Richthofen Sisters, pp. 73-85.

17. A useful treatment of George's cultic practices and metaphors in his work is the two-volume work by Hansjurgen Linke, Das Kultische in der Dichtung Stefan Georges und seiner Schule (Munich and Dusseldorf: Helmut Kupper vormals George Bondi, 1960). Linke extensively documents just how far George and his circle would go in the practice of their religious cultism in a fascinating, almost ethnographic, style. A lucid account of George's life and cultic activities can also be found in Wayne Andrews, "The Gospel According to Stefan George," a chapter in his book Siegfried's Curse: The German Journey From Nietzsche to Hesse (New York: Atheneum, 1972), pp. 171-97.

18. On French decadent "satanism," see James Laver, The First Decadent: The Strange Life of J. K. Huysmans (New York: Citadel Press, 1955), pp. 110-55. Huysmans's famous novel, La-Bas (1891), with its graphic descriptions of the satanic black mass, reflected the practices among some of the decadents in the French occult underground. On the Golden Dawn and its practices, see Ellic Howe, The Magicians of the Golden Dawn: A Documentary History of a Magical Order, 1887-1923 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972).

19. Michael Metzger and Erika Metzger, Stefan George (New York: Twayne, 1972), p. 35.

20. This is incorrectly reported by Joseph Campbell as happening in the 1920s. See Joseph Campbell, "Introduction," in Bachofen, Myth, Religion, and Mother Right, p. xxv.

21. Linke, Das Kultische in der Dichtung Stefan Georges und seiner Schule, pp. 60-61.

22. At a ritual gathering of the members of the Sera Circle and Free German Youth on the Hohen Meissner mountain in 1913 that was organized by Diederichs, Klages gave a talk in which he argued that modern civilization was drowning the soul of humanity and that what was needed was a return to nature and to Mother Earth. See Masse, "The Mystical Origins of National Socialism," p. 83. For a description of this event and the texts of talks by Klages, Julius Langbehn, and others, see Eugen Diederichs, ed., Freideutsche Jungend: Zur Jahrhundertfeier auf dem Hohen Meissner Gena: Diederichs, 1913).

23. Green, The von Richthofen Sisters, p. 80.

24. See Webb, The Occult Establishment, pp. 395, 397-98.

25. Ludwig Klages, Ausdrucksbewegung und Gestaltungskraft. Grundlagung der Wissenschaft vom Ausdruck, 3d ed. (Leipzig: Barth, 1923).

26. The rising influence of characterology and expression analysis are discussed at length by Ulfried Geuter in The Professionalization of Psychology in Nazi Germany, trans. R. Holmes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992; original German edition, 1984). See also, Ulfried Geuter, "German Psychology During the Nazi Period," in Ash and Woodward, Psychology in Twentieth-Century Thought and Society; and C. F. Graumann, ed., Psychologie im Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: Springer, 1985).

27. For this view of Klages, see Lukacs, "Pre-Fascist and Fascist Vitalism," in his The Destruction of Reason, pp. 522-46.

28. C. G. Jung, "Psychologische Typen," Zeitschrift far Menschenkunde. Blatter fur Charakterologie ... 1 (1925): 45-65. This can be found in Psychological Types. The connection with Klages and his characterology is not mentioned in the Collected Works, which leaves out the identifying subtitle given above.

29. Fanny zu Reventlow's affair with Rilke is unfortunately only obliquely referred to in Wolfgang Leppmann, Rilke: A Life (New York: Fromm International Publishing, 1984), pp. 60-61. Leppmann does, however, acknowledge that except for his association with Reventlow, Rilke was not among the cafe society denizens of Schwabing.

30. Cited and translated by Green, The von Richthofen Sisters, p. 94. Her autobiography also contains descriptions of the ritual invocations of the Earth Mother by the Cosmic Circle. See Grafin Franziska zu Reventlow, Herrn Dames Aufzeichnungen oder Begebenheiten aus einem merkwurdigen Stadtteil (Munich: Langen, 1913).

31. The goals of the Cosmic Circle were very much in tune with the neopagan sentiments that also stimulated Jung:

The Kosmiker proceeded from the idea that the total decay of the soul of mankind through rationalism and believed in salvation by reawakening the myths of those cultural strata which had become lost through the history of Judeo-Christian Western civilization. Both Klages and Schuler believed that a re-establishment of man's mystical rapport with the ultimate forces of life could be brought about by an ecstatic embrace of paganism; in Klages's opinion that of the Germanic tribes before their conversion to Christianity, to Schuler that of the mystery religions practices in imperial Rome. (Metzger and Metzger, Stefan George, pp. 35-36).

32. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 290.

33. Ibid., para. 315.

34. Ibid., para. 316. The diagrams he then interprets in this text are between paras. 316 and 317 on p. 198.

35. Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, p. 223.

36. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 503 (letter 313 J).

37. Ibid., p. 504 (letter 314 F).

38. This citation and translation is by Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, p. 816. The original reference is Sigmund Freud, "Gross ist die Diana der Epheser," Zentralblatt fur Psychoanalyse, 2 (1912): 158-59. It is also included in Freud's Standard Edition, 12: 342-44.

39. Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, p. 816.

40. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 317.

41. Ibid.

42. This is documented in the enlightening volume by Harold Jantz, The Mothers in Faust: The Myth of Time and Creativity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1969).

43. This is translated and cited by Burkert in his exemplary book, Ancient Mystery Cults, p. 21. Of particular value for understanding the experience of the Hellenistic mysteries are his chapters on "Personal Needs" and "The Extraordinary Experience."

44. Cited in Jantz, The Mothers in Faust, p. 71.

45. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 458.

46. Ibid., para. 459.

47. Sombart, "Max Weber and Otto Gross," p. 139.

48. C. G. Jung, "The Significance of the Father in the Destiny of the Individual" (1909), Freud and Psychoanalysis, CW 4 (New York: Pantheon, 1961) para. 692n.

49. C. G. Jung, "The Content of the Psychoses," para. 160.

50. Ibid., paras. 341-42.
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

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Part 5 of 5


1. MDR, pp. 158-60. Another version is found in E. A. Bennet, Meetings with Jung: Conversations Recorded During the Years 1946-1961 (Zurich: Daimon, 1985), pp. 117-18. Rather than the usual transcendental interpretations of this dream by Jung, in Bennet's account Jung associates the supposedly "impersonal" material from collective unconscious sources with some very personal ones: "When he reflected on it later the house had some association in his mind with his uncle's very old house in Basel which was built in the old moat of the town and had two cellars; the lower one was very dark and like a cave."

2. Jung, Analytical Psychology, pp. 22-23.

3. Ibid., p. 23.

4. Ibid.

5. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, letter 157 J.

6. Ibid., letter 159 J.

7. Jung's Bibliothek catalog gives the dates 1810-1821 for the complete four volumes of Creuzer's work, which seems to indicate that Jung had some volumes from the first edition and some from the second. There is no more specific information to be found than this, which appears in the C. G. Jung Bibliothek: Katalog, p. 17. The particulars for the first two editions of Friedrich Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Volker, besonders der Griechen, are as follows: for the first edition, all of which were published in Leipzig and Darmstadt, the first volume of 1810 was published by Leske, and the following three, in 1811 and 1812, were published by Heyer and Leske. The entire second edition of four volumes was published in Darmstadt by Heyer and Leske, and they appeared in 1819, 1820, and 1821. The second edition was greatly expanded by hundreds of pages in volumes 1,2, and 4.

8. Metzger, "Considerations of Methodology in the Study of the Mystery Religions and Early Christianity," p. 1. Metzger cites as the primary "precritical" works those of both Creuzer and of G.E.J. de Sainte Croix, whose Recherches historiques et critiques sur les mysteres du paganisme ... (Paris, 1784), also supported this same hierarchical "secret society" image of the ancient mysteries. Jung's Bibliothek lists these very early works by Creuzer and Sainte Croix among the volumes in his personal library.

9. Goethe's Bibliothek: Katalog, ed. Hans Ruppert (Weimar: Arion Verlag, 1958), pp. 280-81.

10. A chicken or the egg argument arises here, for in the opinion of Jung and his disciples, the transcendent archetypes worked through Goethe and Wagner, and it was Jung's genius to discover the imprint of these extramundane forces in Faust and in Wagnerian opera. Jungians dismiss the idea that Goethe and Wagner (and later Jung) could have been consulting the same German-language source materials for their mythological studies and that this could account for the similarity of motifs in their work instead of transpersonal archetypes. Jungian interpretations of Goethe and especially Wagner work backward in their logic by positing transcendental forces-the archetypes of the collective unconscious-as the true creative influence on these men. It does not occur to them that Creuzer, Goethe, and Wagner influenced Jung and that he only later claimed it was not these men per se, but transcendental forces working through them and through him that accounted for such similarities. This faulty logic, based on an essentially religious belief in the occult realm of the collective unconscious, permeates the Jungian literature and is evident, for example in analyses of the archetypal origins of Wagner's genius. See, e.g., Robert Donnington, Wagner's "Ring" and Its Symbols: The Music and the Myth (New York: St. Martin's, 1974),and the recent work, Jean Shinoda Bolen, The Ring of Power: The Abandoned Child and the Authoritarian Father (San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1993).

11. Wagner, Cosima Wagner's Diaries 2:565.

12. The sobriquet "Solar Phallus Man" is the invention of Sonu Shamdasani.

13. Shamdasani, "A Woman Called Frank," p. 40.

14. See McGuire and Hull, C. G. Jung Speaking, pp. 433-35.

15. Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, para. 173.

16. Mead, A Mithraic Ritual.

17. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie. The first edition of this work appeared in 1903.

18. McGuire and Hull, C. G. Jung Speaking, p. 435.

19. For Jung's revised versions, see "The Structure of the Psyche" (1928/1931), Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche, para. 319; and especially "The Concept of the Collective Unconscious" (936), Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious, para. 105. It is dismaying to note that so many of Jung's closest collaborators also repeated this story as a way of offering dramatic evidence for the collective unconscious without mentioning Honegger's role or the 1903 edition of Dieterich's book. Their repetition of this story should be seen more as acts of devout discipleship than as ignorance of the truth. See, e.g., von Franz, C. G. Jung: His Myth in Our Time, p. 124; and C. A. Maier, Soul and Body: Essays on the Theories of C. G. Jung (Santa Monica, Calif.: Lapis Press, 1986), p. 78.

20. I am indebted to William McGuire for this fact.

21. I am again indebted to McGuire for sharing this information with me. As these papers remain under restriction at the insistence of C. A. Maier, further examination of Honegger's papers and the case of the Solar Phallus Man must await future publications.

22. Jung, "The Concept of the Collective Unconscious," para. 105n.

23. Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Volker, 3:335.

24. Bachofen, Myth, Religion, and Mother Right, pp. 114-15.

25. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, letter 175J. Also see McGuire, introduction, to Jung, Psychology of the Unconscious, p. xviii.

26. The abstract is reprinted in full in Hans Walser, "An Early Psychoanalytical Tragedy: J. J. Honegger and the Beginnings of Training Analysis," Spring (1974): 253-54.

27. After the devastation of the First World War, the only persons with resources enough to pay for psychoanalysis were to be found outside of Continental Europe, the caseloads of both Freud and Jung were made up of predominantly English-speaking patients. By the 1920s Jung spoke and wrote English fluently, but Freud had great difficulty mastering English in his sixties just to understand and talk to the majority of his patients, and this was not helped by his growing mouth cancer at this time. As persons from England and particularly America (even college-educated ones) did not have the sort of intensive classical education so prominent in Hellenized Germany, Jung's frequent claims that his patients "could not have possibly known" such material were far more believable to them. As for the mythological content of their own dreams, by the 1920s most of the well-to-do American and British patients who made the pilgrimage to see Jung had been involved in occult traditions such as Theosophy, had read Jung's works, or were attracted to his spiritual and mythological themes, and wanted more of the same. Hence, Jung's clinical evidence for a collective unconscious comes from a highly biased subject pool.

28. C. G. Jung, "A Study in the Process of Individuation," (1950), Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious, para. 542. For the record, Jung had indeed already begun his intense study of alchemical symbols earlier in the 1920s, and was quite familiar with them through other works as early as 1909.

29. For a discussion of Mann and her Swedenborgian family heritage and her possible exposure to alchemical ideas because of this, see Webb, The Occult Establishment, pp. 388-94.

30. Cited in McGuire, introduction to Jung, The Psychology of the Unconscious, p. xxiii. The original reference is Sigmund Freud, "Uber einige Ubereinstimmungen im Seelenleben der Wilden und der Neurotiker, I: Die Inzestscheu," Imago 1 (1912): 18.

31. Kerr, "Beyond the Pleasure Principle and Back Again."

32. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 99.

33. McGuire, The Freud/Jung Letters, p. 296 (letter 180J).

34. Homans gives psychoanalytic historian John Gedo the credit for astutely "[putting] his finger on a critical point in the Freud-Jung relationship" in an unpublished paper by Gedo. This critical point came in 1910 when, according to Homans, "Jung tried to endow Freud and psychoanalysis with religious powers" (Jung in Context, p. 56).

35. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 288 (letter 174 F).

36. Ibid., p. 294 (letter 178 J).

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., p. 295 (letter 179 F, 13 February 1910).

41. Ibid., p. 296.

42. Ibid.

43. Ibid., p. 308 (letter 186 J).

44. Ibid., p. 346 (letter 206 J).

45, Unlike Jung's own case histories claiming to support the phylogenetic hypothesis, these papers by his assistants provide much more information regarding personal history. Nelken cites Cumont and Dieterich on Mithras and amplifies the delusion of his patient with references to solar mythology, the tree of life, the snake, and other mythological symbols of interest to Jung during this period. At the very end of his paper, Nelken claims (like Jung) that it is "out of the question" ("ausgeschlossen") that the patient was conscious of the meaning of his mythological symbolism, although Nelken does honestly admit that, after examining the patient in numerous interrogations concerning his prior knowledge of solar worship and the Mithras cult, "the knowledge of the patient in this regard has, however, proven itself to be more than superficial" ("Die kentnisse des Patienten in dieser Richtung haben sich aber mehr als oberflachlich erwiesen."). See Jan Nelken, "Analytische Beobachtungen uber Phantasien eines Schizophrenen" ("Analytical Observations on the Fantasies of a Schizophrenic"), Jahrbuch fur psychoanalytische und psychopathologische Forschungen 4 (1912): 504-62. See also Sabina Spielrein, "Uber den psychologischen Inhalt eines Falls von Schizophrenie," Jahrbuch far psychoanalytische und psychopathologische Forschungen 3 (1912): 329-400.

46. Jung, Letters: I. 1906-1950, p. 24. Letter to Freud of 12 June 1911.

47. See Shamdasani, "A Woman Called Frank," pp. 26-55.

48. Kerr, "Beyond the Pleasure Principle," p. 41.

49. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 27.

50. Paskauskas, Freud/Jones Correspondence, p. 160 (letter 94, 18 September 1912).

51. Fortunately, this is summarized for us in Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, pp. 809-16.

52. Ibid., p. 813.

53. Ibid., p. 814.

54. McGuire, Freud/Jung Letters, p. 487 (letter 300 J).

55. Ibid., p. 478 (letter 291 J).

56. Ibid., p. 480 (letter 293 F of 10 January 1912).

57. See the excellent biography by Rudolph Binion, Frau Lou: Nietzsche's Wayward Disciple (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), especially pp. 335-99.

58. A list of the programs of the society held between October 1912 and July 1913 appeared in the "Bulletins" section of the Internationale Zeitschrift fur arztliche Psychoanalyse 1 (1913): 635.

59. See McGuire, "Introduction," in Jung, Dream Analysis, p. vii.

60. Jung, Freud and Psychoanalysis.

61. See Noll, "Jung the Leontocephalus," pp. 12-60.

62. See Kerr, A Most Dangerous Method.

63. McGuire Freud/Jung Letters, p. 491 (letter 303 J).

64. See pp. 131-32, above.

65. Von Franz gives this date in her introduction to The Zofingia Lectures: "In 1912 he came to the conclusion that he personally could not return to the medieval or original Christian myth and set his foot on the path of finding his own myth by a form of meditation that he later called 'active imagination'" (p. xxiv).

66. Jung, Two Essays.

67. See Phyllis Grosskurth, 'The Idyll in the Harz Mountains: Freud's Secret Committee," in Gelfand and Kerr, Freud and the History of Psychoanalysis, pp. 341-56.

68. Jung, "New Paths in Psychology," para. 430.

69. Ibid.

70. Ibid., para. 437.

71. Ibid., para. 438.

72. Ibid.

73. Ibid., para. 441.

74. C. G. Jung, "Preface to the First Edition (1917)," in Two Essays.

75. C. G. Jung, "Preface to the Second Edition (1918)," ibid.

76. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 42.

77. Ibid.

78. The speculation in the Jungian literature that the voice was Spielrein's. See William McGuire's footnote in ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid., p. 46.

81. Ibid., p. 33.

82. Ibid., p. 46.

83. The first compilation of works by Jung's group can be found in C. G. Jung, ed., Psychologische Abhandlungen (Leipzig and Vienna: Deuticke, 1914). It was to be the first of many volumes of this group, but further volumes under the name of this series did not appear until 1928. In the foreword to the book dated May 1914 Jung explains: "The present state of psychology seems to make it advisable that schools or movements have their own organs of publication." The Symbolic Life: Miscellaneous Writings CW 18, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), para. 1825. Jung clearly sees his group as a school or movement at this time.

84. Jones wrote to Freud from Rome on 29 December 1912 (Paskauskas, Freud/Jones Correspondence, p. 189, letter 112). This appeared as Ernest Jones, "Der Gottmensch-Komplex; der Glaube, Gott zu Sein, und die daraus folgenden Charactermerkmale," Internationale Zeitschrift fur artzliche Psychoanalyse 1 (1913): 313-29. An English translation can be found under the title "The God Complex: The Belief That One Is God and the Resulting Character Traits," in Ernest Jones, Essays in Applied Psycho-analysis, Volume II (New York: International Universities Press, 1964).

85. Ibid.

86. Jones, Essays im Applied Psycho-Analysis, Volume II, p. 255.

87. C. C. Jung, "Psychoanalysis and the Association Experiments" (1906), Experimental Researches, para. 727.

88. Jones, Essays, Volume II, p. 247.

89. Ibid., p. 248.

90. Ibid., p. 260.

91. Ibid., p. 261.

92. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 41.

93. Ibid., p. 44.

94. Ibid., p. 43.

95. See Homans, Jung in Context. Homans gives priority to an argument in an unpublished manuscript by John Cedo, "Magna est vis et veritatis tuae et praevalebit: Comments on the Freud-Jung correspondence" (1974).

96. Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, 2:33

97. MDR, p. 176.

98. Jung, Analytical Psychology, pp. 43-44.

99. See Jaffe, "Introduction," MDR, p. vii.

100. Ibid.

101. MDR, pp. 181-84.

102. Jung, Analytical Psychology, pp. 63-64, 88-89.

103. MDR, p. 181.

104. He does not, however, examine possible personal sources of inspiration for these figures. For example, they may well have corresponded to concerns with Freud and Andreas-Salome.

105. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 89.

106. MDR, p. 182.

107. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 89.

108. MDR, p. 182.

109. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 93.

110. Ibid., p. 95.

111. Franz Joseph Mone, Geschichte des Heidenthums, 2 vols. (Leipzig and Darmstadt: Carl Wilhelm Leske, 1822 and 1825). Although these two volumes by Mone are distinct from Creuzer's four volumes, Creuzer is responsible for having them published and it is Creuzer's name on the spines of these books. The individual volumes under Creuzer in Jung's Bibliothek are not listed.

112. Jung, Analytical Psychology, p. 96.

113. Ibid.

114. Ibid., p. 37.

115. Ibid., p. 98.

116. Ibid., p. 98.

117. Ibid., p. 99.

118. Ibid.

119. On the multiple interpretations of Aion, see the following: Howard Jackson, 'The Meaning and Function of the Leontocephaline in Roman Mithraism," Numen 32 (1985): 17-45; R. L. Gordon, "Reality, Evocation, and Boundary in the Mysteries of Mithras," Journal of Mithraic Studies 3 (1980): 19-99; and Doro Levi, "Aion," Hesperia 13 (1944): 269-314; and Ulansey, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries.

120. Jung, therefore, never having set foot in Rome, never saw this actual statue of the lion-headed god in person.

121. See the following recent biographies that document this relationship: Forrest G. Robinson, Love's Story Told: A Life of Henry A. Murray (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Claire Douglas, Translate the Darkness: The Life of Christiana Morgan, the Veiled Woman in Jung's Circle (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1993).

122. See McGuire, "Introduction," in Jung, Dream Analysis.

123. This is immediately clear when one closely examines Jung's pattern of publications, chronologically listed in the General Bibliography (CW 19; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), especially for his publications in his native German.

124. These publications were somewhat akin to today's politically conservative Reader's Digest, and not at all similar to medical, professional, or scientific journals in any way.


1. C. G. Jung, "La Structure de l'inconscient," Archives de Psychologie 16 (1916): 152-79. Jung's original manuscript was in German, and an English translation of this appeared in Long, Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology. It was subsequently revised and greatly expanded into an almost entirely new paper and published in 1928 as "The Relations Between the Ego and the Unconscious." The original German manuscript was found in 1961 after Jung's death, and forms the basis of the translation of the original that appears in the appendix of Two Essays as "The Structure of the Unconscious."

2. Jung, "The Structure of the Unconscious," para. 446.

3. Ibid., para. 450.

4. Ibid., para. 456.

5. Ibid., para. 455.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid., para. 456.

8. Ibid., para. 454.

9. Ibid., para. 470.

10. See R.F.C. Hull, "Bibliographic Notes on Active Imagination in the Works of C. G. Jung," Spring (1971): 115-20.

11. Jung, "The Structure of the Unconscious," para. 464n.

12. Ibid., para. 466.

13. Ibid., para. 467.

14. Ibid.

15. There is much private speculation over whether the charges of Jones and Freud that Jung believed himself to be the "Aryan Christ" had a basis in Jung's subjective experience. There is an unsubstantiated report that the famous "Red Book" in which Jung inscribed and illustrated his active-imagination fantasies may contain just such evidence. 16. Jung, "The Structure of the Unconscious," para. 468.

17. Ibid.

18. C. G. Jung, The Transcendent Function, trans. A. R. Pope (Zurich: C. G. Jung Institute Students Association, 1957). This translation from Jung's original document is twenty-three pages long. Jung added material primarily to the end of this document in the version that appears as "The Transcendent Function" (1916/1958), in The Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche. A preface by James Hillman is included in the 1957 publication.

19. Ibid., p. 5.

20. Ibid., p. 6.

21. Ibid.

22. For a description of the use of "evolution" in the biological sciences to describe both embryological development and species change, see Richards, The Meaning of Evolution.

23. Jung, The Transcendent Function, p. 5.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid., p. 6.

26. Ibid., p. 7.

27. Ibid.

28. Ibid., p. 10.

29. Ibid., p. 11.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid., p. 23.

32. Ibid., p. 13.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 22.

35. Ibid., p. 18. For a description of the role of Ascona in the birth of the modern dance movement, see Green, The Mountain of Truth.

36. Ibid., p. 22.

37. However, the English translation in the Collected Works appeared in Hull, "Bibliographic Notes."

38. C. G. Jung, "Adaptation, Individuation, Collectivity" (1916), Miscellaneous Writings, para. 1087.

39. Ibid., para. 1090.

40. Ibid., para. 1094.

41. Ibid.

42. Von Hartmann, devotes an entire section to "Der Begriff der Individualitat" ("The Concept of Individuality") and its syncretic blend of Schopenhauerian philosophy and vitalistic evolutionary biology in Philosophie des Unbewussten, pp. 515-34. He also includes a chapter on "Die Individuation" ("Individuation") and its likelihood (rare) and resulting personality characteristics (Schopenhauerian) on pp. 612-32. Schopenhauer first mentions the principium individuationis (which he admits is an expression he borrowed from "the old scholasticism") in the first volume (1819) of The World as Will and Representation, trans. E.F.J. Payne (New York: Dover, 1969), 1:112. Nietzsche refers to it in the first section of his very first book (1872), Die Geburt der Tragodie aus dem Geist der Musik (The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music). See Friedrich Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy and The Case of Wagner, trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York: Vintage Books, 1967), p. 36.

43. Jung, "Adaptation, Individuation, Collectivity," para. 1103.

44. Ibid., para. 1094

45. Ibid., para. 1097.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid., para. 1099.

48. On Alcoholics Anonymous as a charismatic group, see Galanter, Cults: Faith, Healing and Coercion.

49. Hugo Ball, Hermann Hesse: Sein Leben und Werk (Berlin: S. Fischer Verlag, 1927). A later special edition was Hugo Ball, Hermann Hesse: Sein Leben und Werk (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1956). Ball's summary of these notes appear on pp. 142-45 of this later edition.

50. Ralph Freeman, Hermann Hesse: Pilgrim of Crisis (New York: Pantheon, 1978). Freeman is using the 1956 edition of Ball's biography.

51. This is my translation of the following: "23. X. 17. Du wirst Horen die Stimme, die aus den Urtiefen der Erde ruft, verkunden werde ich Dir die Gesetze des Magmas, in dessen Quellen ich throne, vernehmen sollst Du von mir die Gesetze der Toten, welches sein werden Satzungen der neuen Zeit." Ball, Hermann Hesse, pp. 158-59.

52. "Gehe ruhig zur Ruhe, ich bin Dir immer nahe, sende aber oft des Tages und wahrend der Nacht die Strahlen Deiner Gedanken in den finsteren Schacht Deiner SeeIe, wo ich mich Du zu nahen suche, urn Beruhrung zu gewinnen." Ball, Hermann Hesse, p. 159.

53. "Ich hammere in Deinem Schachte, einmal wirst Du verstehen und lesen die Runen, die ich im Gestein Deiner Seele herausgeschlagen habe, die Urschrift des Menschen, die Du sie lehren musst, die Gesetzestafeln des Kommenden." Ball, Hermann Hesse, p. 159. In reading this passage, it is difficult not to imagine the musical hammering of the subterranean Niebelungs in Wagner's Das Reingold, Jung's favorite opera.

54. Diederichs was the publisher of an early collection of Hesse's poetry. For an appreciation of the publisher by the author, see Hermann Hesse, "Der Verlag Eugen Diederichs," Marz 3 (1909): 318-20.

55. Freeman, Hermann Hesse, p. 109.

56. Guido von List, Die Geheimnis der Runen. Band 1, Guido von List Bucherei (Gross-Lichterfeld: P. Zillman, 1908). For an English translation and a biographical essay by Stephen Flowers, see Guido von List, The Secret of the Runes (Rochester, Vt.: Destiny Books, 1988).

57. Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots of Modern Nazism, p. 49. The speculation about ancient mystery initiations among the Germanic tribes can be traced at least as far back as the work of Justus Moser (1720-1794). Moser argues in "Von den Mysterien und dem Volksglauben der alten Deutschen und Gallier" (Samtliche Werke, 2, p. 402) that mystery initiations took place in secret underground churches in the form of ritual dramatic performances, much like the Mithraic and Dionysiac cults of the Greeks.

58. Jung, "On the Psychology of the Unconscious," Two Essays, para. 118.

59. Ibid.

60. Jules Verne, A Journey to the Center of the Earth (Pleasantville, N.Y.: The Reader's Digest Association, 1992), p. 1. This modern edition uses the same anonymous English translation of the work that has been used for over a century. For the purposes of convenience, all references will be from this easily accessible edition.

61. Ibid., p. 2.

62. Ibid., p. 5.

63. Ibid., p. 8.

64. Ibid., p. 16.

65. Ibid., pp. 21-22.

66. Jaffe, C. G. Jung: Word and Image, p. 76 Jung's detailed explanation of this mandala precedes it on p. 75.

67. MDR, pp. 189-92.

68. Jung, Letters, I: 1906-1950, p. 34.

69. On the real Basilides, see Gilles Quispel, "Gnostic Man: The Doctrine of Basilides," in Joseph Campbell, ed., The Mystic Vision: Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks, Volume 6 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 210-46. Also useful is Giovanni Filoramo, A History of Gnosticism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), pp. 159-61.

70. MDR, p. 190.

71. The translation used for this summary can be found in Segal, The Gnostic Jung, pp. 181-93. The critical seventh sermon appears on pp. 192-93, which is the source of my references to the work that follow.

72. For a useful summary of perspectives and a comprehensive footnote citation of the interpretive literature on the "Seven Sermons," see ibid., pp. 35-48.

73. Metzger and Metzger, Stefan George, pp. 157-58.

74. See Peter Gay, "The Secret Germany: Poetry as Power," a chapter in Weimar Culture, pp. 46-69. According to Gay, "Stefan George was the king of a secret Germany" (p. 47).

75. See the poems "Templars" and "The Guardians of the Forecourt" in Stefan George, The Works of Stefan George, trans. Olga Marx and Ernst Morwitz (New York: AMS Press, 1966), pp. 177-79.

76. Stefan George, "The Star of the Covenant" (1913), in ibid., p. 248.

77. After years of teaching his disciples how to reach the god within, Jung formalized this idea as the "self" in his psychological theory in his 1928 essay on "The Relations Between the Ego and the Unconscious." Jung had, however, hinted at such a concept in 1921 in his Psychological Types (CW 6, para. 623) and, of course, in his 1916 exposition on "godlikeness" in his essay on "The Structure of the Unconscious."


1. Jung, "Adaptation, Individuation, Collectivity," para. 1099.

2. Jung, "Introduction to Toni Wolff's 'Studies in Jungian Thought,'" para. 887.

3. See the discussion in chapter 7 of Jung, Zofingia Lectures.

4. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology, p. 43.

5. In "The Structure of the Unconscious," Jung says that "the faculty of imitation" is "most pernicious for individuation," and he condemns those who "are content to ape some eminent personality ... thereby achieving an outward distinction from the circle in which they move" (para. 463). Jung was no doubt aiming this arrow at the Freudians, but was also no doubt warning those within his own circle that his official position on their own "imitation of Jung" was one of intolerance. 6. Jung, "The Relations Between the Ego and the Unconscious," para. 399.

7. Ibid., para. 401.

8. See, for example, the 26 May 1923 letter of Jung to Oskar Schmitz (chap. 6). Jung repeatedly warned his fellow Europeans about the dangers of pursuing spiritual paths originating in lands or from peoples who had a different geographical or especially biological heritage. Jung persisted in this attitude even after studying Chinese alchemy with Richard Wilhelm. In his "Commentary on The Secret of the Golden Flower" (1929), a translation of an ancient Chinese alchemical text by Wilhelm, Jung devotes his entire first section to "Difficulties Encountered By A European in Trying to Understand the East" and includes the warning that, "It is not for us to imitate what is foreign to our organism or to play the missionary; our task is to build up our Western civilization, which sickens with a thousand ills" (para. 5). A further discussion of Jung's rejection of Eastern spirituality for Westerners on these volkisch grounds can be found in Harold Coward, Jung and Eastern Thought (New York: State University of New York Press, 1985), pp. 8-11.

9. These facts came to light during a seminar on "Jung and Anti-Semitism" at a conference of Jungian analysts in Paris in 1989. See Mary Ann Mattoon, ed., Paris 89: Proceedings of the Eleventh International Congress for Analytical Psychology, August 28-September 2, 1989: Personal and Archetypal Dynamics in the Analytical Relationship (Einsiedln, Switzerland: Daimon Verlag, 1991).

10. Nietzsche, "The Birth of Tragedy," in The Birth of Tragedy and the Case of Wagner, p. 123.

11. Ibid., p. 124.

12. Ferdinand Tonnies, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1979; original edition, 1887). An English-language translation by Charles Loomis is Community and Society (New York: Harper & Row, 1963). However, perhaps the best summary of Tonnies' utopianism can be found in Liebersohn, Fate and Utopia in German Sociology, pp. 11-39.

13. Interestingly, in an unpublished essay written between 1920 and 1925, Tonnies proposed an apocalyptic vision of a coming new age of history in which Christianity would be overthrown and a cosmic oneness with the natural world would mark humankind's new spiritual freedom. Tonnies even entitled his prophetic essay Die neue Botschaft ("The New Gospel"). Tonnies was no doubt influenced by his participation in the monistic religion of Haeckel and Ostwald.

14. On the Rosicrucian influences on Goethe, and for information on the history of the construction of this poem, see the commentary to Goethe's "Die Geheimnisse" by Erich Trunz in Goethes Werke, Band II, 7th ed. (Hamburg: Christian Wegner Verlag, 1965), pp. 653-58.

15. The volkisch movement and especially Nazi Germany deliberately used similar fantasies of an elite order of Grail-Knights in their rhetoric. During the Nazi era Heinrich Himmler's elite SS corps comprised just such an organization. As Hermand tells it, "Pushing aside a semitic Christianity in favor of an Indo-Germanic religion, Himmler wanted to construct a series of SS monasteries -- a desire partly realized in the mid-1930s with the transformation of Wevelsburg castle near Paderborn into a racial cultic shrine -- where those SS leaders who were especially 'adept' in the mysteries of the SS came together every year to participate in occult meditation practices" (Old Dreams of a New Reich, p. 243).

16. Cited in Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, p. 8.

17. Kaufmann, Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist, p. 272.

18. Ibid., p. 262.

19. Nietzsche, "Thus Spoke Zarathustra, First Part," in The Portable Nietzsche, p. 187.

20. Typical nineteenth-century views on the degenerate nature of genius can be found throughout the highly influential work of Cesare Lombroso, The Man of Genius (London: Walter Scott, 1910; original Italian edition, 1888). For an exemplary modern review of the issue, see George Becker, The Mad Genius Controversy (New York: Sage, 1978). A useful summary of the relationship between genius, IQ, and "eminence" is found in the collection by Robert S. Albert, ed., Genius and Eminence: The Social Psychology of Creativity and Exceptional Achievement (New York: Pergamon Press, 1983).

21. Jung, "Thoughts on the Interpretation of Christianity," para. 243.

22. See Becker, The Mad Genius Controversy.

23. C. G. Jung, "On the Psychology and Pathology of So-Called Occult Phenomena" (1902), Psychiatric Studies, para. 3.

24. Jung, "Cryptomnesia," para. 175. Jung's paper was originally published in the weekly Berlin journal Die Zukunft as one in a series of articles published in 1904-1905 that discussed a possible instance of plagiarism by a noted drama critic. Writing this article was a way for Jung to participate in the cultural dialogue of his day at the highest levels, for the previous discussant of the case in an earlier issue had been Arthur Schnitzler (1862-1931), the famous Viennese novelist, playwright, and physician.

25. Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation, 2:386. The first German edition of only the first volume appeared in 1819; the second German edition containing the additional second volume of supplements in which Schopenhauer's famous chapter "On Genius" first appeared was published in 1844.

26. Ibid., 2:379.

27. Carl Pletsch, "The Self-Sufficient Text in Nietzsche and Kierkegaard," in S. N. Godfrey, ed., The Anxiety of Anticipation (Yale French Studies, no. 66) (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984). See also PIetsch's superb Young Nietzsche.

28. Schopenhauer, The World as Will, 2:385.

29. See R. B. Onians, The Origins of European Thought about the Body, the Mind, the Soul, the World, Time and Fate (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 160-62, 168-73.

30. Benedict Augustin Morel, Traite des Degenerescences physiques, intellectuelles et morales de l'Espece humaine et des Causes qui produiscent ces Varietes maladaptives (Paris: Bailliere, 1857), p. 5. Cited and translated in Nordau, Degeneration, p. 16.

31. Jung, Letters, I: 1906-1950, p. 35.

32. Jung, "On the Psychology of the Unconscious," para. 186.

33. Beatrice M. Hinckle, The Re-Creation of the Individual (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1923).

34. See the discussion at the beginning of chapter 3. Also see: Lenoir, "The Gottingen School," pp. 111-205.

35. Jung, "The Structure of the Unconscious," para. 495.

36. This antiscientific bias has been faithfully carried on by generations of Jungians, who in social interactions and Jungian publications often clearly use the adjective "scientific" in a devaluing, pejorative sense. Many of these same persons, however, would be equally offended if it were pointed out to them that their Jungian ideas were occultist or "New Age," despite Jung's open derivation of these ideas from such occultist sources.

37. This essay does not appear in the Collected Works. See C. G. Jung, "The Psychology of Unconscious Processes," in Long, Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, pp. 352-444.

38. Ibid., p. 432.

39. C. G. Jung, "Instinct and the Unconscious," British Journal of Psychology 10 (1919): 15-26. This first reference to archetypes also appears in Structure and Dynamics, para. 270.

40. See Brigitte Hoppe, "Polaritat, Stufung, und Metamorphose in der spekulativc Biologic der Romantik," Naturwissenschaftliche Rundschau 20 (1967): 380-83. The explicit connection between Jung's archetypal theory and early nineteenth-century Naturphilosophie was noted by Poliakov: "Here, under the guise of spirituality, we see a complete return has been made to Naturphilosophie, in the wake of Haeckel's 'soul of the protista,' or of 'the soul of the world'" (The Aryan Myth, p. 288).

41. Lenoir, "The Gottingen School," p. 195.

42. Several of Jung's disciples did begin contact with him in the late 1920s, and of these Hannah and Meier are the most prominent.

43. For a sensitive explanation of the "pseudo-religious" nature of the National Socialist movement and its seductive appeal, see Stern, "National Socialism as Temptation," in his Dreams and Delusions, pp. 147-92.


1. Max Weber, Economy and Society (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978), pp. 246-99, 1111-56. For an overview of the extension of Weber's concept of charisma to contemporary historical events, leaders, movements, and organizations, see the selections in Ronald Glassman and William Swatos, eds., Charisma, History, and Social Structure (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986).

2. Gerald Gieson, "Scientific Change, Emerging Specialties, and Research Schools," History of Science 19 (1981): 20-40.

3. Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (New York: Macmillan, 1947), pp. 363-364.

4. Weber, The Sociology of Religion, p. 46.

5. For example, by 1920 Max Eitington ( a "secret committee" member) had set up the Psychoanalytic Clinic and Training Institute in Berlin with Freud's blessing. It was the first of its kind. A second such clinic was set up in Vienna in 1922. For Freud's own perspective on his movement in 1914, see his On the History of the Psycho-Analytic Movement, trans. James Strachey (New York: Norton, 1966). On the rise of psychoanalysis in America, see the useful volume by C. P. Oberndorf, A History of Psychoanalysis in America (New York: Grune & Stratton, 1953).

6. Michael Fordham, "Analytical Psychology in England," Journal of Analytical Psychology 24 (1979): 280.

7. Joseph Henderson, "Reflections on the History and Practice of Jungian Analysis," in Murray Stein, ed., Jungian Analysis (La Salle: Open Court, 1982), p. 11. Henderson makes much of the role of women in the growth of the Jungian movement in this century, but instead of looking at admittedly more mundane psychological or especially sociological hypotheses to explain the phenomenon, Henderson in true Jungian fashion attributes it to their desire to make men see the archetypal feminine in themselves, too, and thereby lessen male-female tensions in the Western world.

8. On the founding of Bollingen Foundation, see the useful memoirs of the editor of Bollingen Series for more than thirty years: William McGuire, Bollingen: An Adventure in Collecting the Past (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).

9. Cited in McGuire and Hull, C. G. Jung Speaking, p. 29.

10. See Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, pp. 12-29.

11. Cited in McGuire and Hull, C. G. Jung Speaking, p. 29.

12. This pyramid-shaped economic system that places such a high emphasis on selling distributorships to others resembles those of other charismatic economic movements in the Us. such as the Amway and Nu-Skin enterprises. There seem to be four levels of initiation in the current Jungian movement, each increasingly smaller in size in this pyramid. They range from "interested nonpatient," who may attend Jungian programs, buy Jungian books, etc., to "patient of a Jungian analyst or trainee," to "trainee" (essentially an elevated status of patienthood) in one of the approved institutes, to finally "Jungian analyst." In 1991, based on an official list of approximately five hundred certified analysts and an estimated figure of about one thousand trainees, I found that Jungian analysis was indeed a major capitalist enterprise that had a total market size of almost $80 million. This is not including the countless workshops, publications, etc., that also go on in Jung's name. Thus, worldwide, the Jungian movement is generating income in the hundreds of millions of dollars annually.

13. C. G. Jung, "Analytical Psychology and Weltanschauung" (1928/1931), Structure and Dynamics of the Psyche, para. 740.

14. Jung, "The Role of the Unconscious," para. 13.

15. Ibid., para. 26.

16. Kathe Bugler, "Die Entwicklung der analytischen Psychologie in Deutschland," in Michael Fordham, ed., Contact with Jung: Essays on the Influence of his Work and Personality (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1963), pp. 24-25.

17. McGuire and Hull, C. G. Jung Speaking, p. xvii.

18. The text of this fawning interview is reprinted in ibid., pp. 50-56.

19. Weber, The Sociology of Religion, p. 55.

20. MDR, p. 209.

21. This Eranos lecture formed the basis of sections of his 1944 book, Psychology and Alchemy (CW 12).

22. See Large and Weber, Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics.

23. C. G. Jung Institute of Los Angeles, Matter of Heart, p. 11.

24. Liliane Frey interview, Jung Oral Archives, p. 4.

25. Ibid., p. 8.

26. Jolande Jacobi interview, ibid., p. 27. Jacobi's interview makes fascinating reading. She is blunt about Jung's "contradictions" on the issue of anti-Semitism, but claims he once said to her, "you know, I would never like to have children from a person who has Jewish blood" (p. 19).

27. Ibid.

28. Ibid., p. 28.

29. See David Large, "Wagner's Bayreuth Disciples," in Large and Weber, Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics.

30. Max Weber, "The Nature of Charismatic Authority and its Routinization," in On Charisma and Institution Building, ed. S. N. Eisenstadt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), p. 57.

31. Sheila Grimaldi-Craig, "Dirty Harry," Spring 54 (1993): 149.

32. Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, p. 366.

33. Jacobi interview, Jung Oral Archives, p. 81.

34. Aniela Jaffe, "From Jung's Last Years," in Jaffe, From the Life and Work of C. G. Jung, p. 99.

35. C. G. Jung, "Address On the Occasion of the Founding of the C. G. Jung Institute, Zurich, 24 April 1948," Miscellaneous Writings, para. 1129.

36. C. A. Maier, Antike Inkubation und moderne Psychotherapie, Studien aus dem C. G. Jung Institut, Vol. I, Zurich (Zurich: Rauscher Verlag, 1949). The English translation by Monica Curtis appeared as Antique Incubation and Modern Psychotherapy (Evanston: Illinois University Press, 1967). In his epilogue Maier could not help addressing the similarities between the ancient healing cult of Asclepius and the modern Jung cult, although he vehemently denies that Jung's psychology is a cult or an esoteric secret society as he says has been charged (English edition, p. 123).

37. C. A. Meier interview, September 1970, Jung Oral Archives, p. 80.

38. For the ancient phenomenon, see A. J. Festugiere, Personal Religion Among the Greeks (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1954). This view of the mystery cults of pagan antiquity is also found in Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults. Burkert, a leading authority on Greek religion, notes: "Mysteries are a form of personal religion, depending on private decision and aiming at some form of closeness to the divine" (p. 12). Also useful is Arthur Darby Nock, Conversion: The Old and New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933).

39. James Hall, The Jungian Experience: Analysis and individuation (Toronto: Inner City Books, 1986).

40. On the classical, developmental, and archetypal schools of thought among Jungian analysts, see Andrew Samuels, Jung and the Post-Jungians (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985).

41. See Noll, "Multiple Personality and the Complex Theory," pp. 321-23.

42. For example, in a recent biography of one of Jung's most prominent patients, Christiana Morgan, the prominent Jungian analyst Claire Douglas makes the following blatantly incorrect series of statements: "In 1912 the younger man broke with Freud, ostensibly because Jung could not accept Freud's dogma of sexuality and because to Freud, Jung's idea of the collective unconscious was heresy. After a severe mental crisis brought about by this rupture, Jung emerged with his own theories in the form of The Psychology of the Unconscious, in which he postulated a collective as well as a personal unconscious, a potentially optimistic view of the psyche rather than a pessimistic one, and an amplificatory as well as a reductive mode of treatment that aimed at individuation rather than a narrow adjustment to reality" (Translate the Darkness: The Life of Christiana Morgan, the Veiled Woman in Jung's Life [New York: Simon and Schuster, 19931, p. 129). Not only is the sequence of historical events wrong, the details are completely wrong as well. Such ignorance of the history of Jung's thought and life are typical among Jungian analysts.

43. Margot Adler, Drawing Down the Moon (New York: The Viking Press, 1979).

44. M. D. Faber, Modern Witchcraft and Psychoanalysis (Cranbury, N.J.: Farleigh Dickinson University Press, 1991).

45. Tanya Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch's Craft: Ritual Magic in Contemporary England (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 281.

46. Ibid., p. 282.

47. Flowers, "Revival of Germanic Religion in Contemporary Anglo-American Culture," pp. 279-94.

48. See Melton and Poggi, Magic, Witchcraft, and Paganism in America: A Bibliography, pp. 233-36.

49. Flowers, "Revival of Germanic Religion in Contemporary Anglo-American Culture," pp. 288-89.

50. Ibid., p. 292.

51. Ibid., p. 193.

52. Edward Edinger, The Creation of Consciousness: Jung's Myth for Modern Man (Toronto: Inner City Books, 1984), p. 90.

53. For an informative and scholarly hagiographic volume that contains much information about the continuing development of the Swedenborgian "New Life" Church (which has an actual cathedral in Bryn Athern, Pennsylvania), see Robin Larsen, ed., Emanuel Swedenborg: A Continuing Vision (New York: Swedenborg Foundation, 1988).
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Re: The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement

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Abraham, Karl, 131
active imagination, 41, 79, 174, 178, 209-
Adler, Alfred, 44, 98, 220, 230, 274
Adler, Gerhard, 216, 289
Adler, Margot, 294
Adler, Viktor, 77
Ahlstrom, Sydney, 62
Aion (Deus Leontocephalus), 213-215, 223
akashic records, 64
alchemists, 42, 240
All-Aryan Federation, 80
analytical collectivity, 253-254, 259-262,
analytical tribunal, 254
anarchism, 58
ancestor cult in former Soviet Union, 322
ancestor possession, 23-24
anima, 202-203
Annalen der Naturphilosophie, 51, 321
anthropometry, 97
Anthroposophy, 57, 92, 106, 215, 238
antiscientific bias of Jungians, 372
anti-Semitism, 21-22, 44, 56, 71-72, 76, 78,
85, 97-99, 103, 131-133, 177, 198, 244,
259-260, 288, 306, 333-334, 338-339
Apuleius, 101
archeologist patient of Jung's at the Burgholzli,
archeology, 49, 114, 128, 179
archetypes, 6, 9, 40-41, 87, 102, 136, 148,
209, 218, 225, 268, 271, 273, 288, 292
Armanen (Armanenschaft), 78, 210, 214,
Arminius (Hermann), 76
Aryan Christ, 80, 85-86, 93, 133, 218, 223,
Aryan race, 65-66, 71, 77-78, 82-86, 111,
116-119, 127-136, 175, 189, 214, 241,
259-261, 264, 331-332
Aryan mysteries, 204, 218, 280
Aryana, 106
Asatruarmenn, 295-296
Asatru Free Assembly, 295
Aschaffenburg, Gustav, 190
Aschheim, Steven, 5, 30, 104
Asconan cults, 57, 68, 107-108, 119, 184
astrology, 67-68, 270, 281, 294, 313
Bachofen, Johann Jakob, 92, 128, 160-178,
183-184, 202-203, 216, 220-221, 223,
261, 335
Baer, Karl von, 43
Ball, Hugo, 233
Baltzli, Joseph, 78
Barker, Culver, 289
Basel (Switzerland), 305-306
Basilides, 242
Bauhaus movement, 106
Baumgarten, Eduard, 353
Baynes, H. G., 242
beatniks, 68
Bennett, E. A., 289
Bergson, Henri, 39, 129, 313
Bertine, Eleanor, 274, 279
Besant, Anne, 65, 325
Binggeli, Johannes, 339
Binswanger, Ludwig, 149
Biogenetic Law, 48, 116, 187
Black Book, the, 209
Blavatsky, Helena, 63-69, 72, 77, 79, 83,
105, 178, 210, 230, 243, 332, 335
Bleuler, Eugen, 23, 45, 50, 102, 148, 151
blood mysticism, 78-79
Blumenbach, Johann Friedrich, 42
Boas, Franz, 97
Boddinghaus (Sigg), Martha, 204
Bodenbeschaffenheit, 21, 93, 95-103, 272,
Bohemia, 153, 352-353
Bousset, Wilhelm, 16, 88
Breuer, Josef, 44
Brod, Max, 108
Brucke, Ernst, 42
Bruno, Giordilno, 87
Buchner, Ludwig, 43, 90, 1-13, 316, 335,
Buffon, Comte de, 101
Bugler, Kathe, 282
Burckhardt, Jacob, 32, 160
Burgholzli Mental Hospital, 31, 45-46, 50,
Burrow, Trigant, 73
Butler, E. M., 24
Campbell, Joseph, 300
Carlyle, Thomas, 3, 7, 16, 322
Carus, C. G., 41-!2, 87, 1-16, 167, 316
Cathars, 103
Celsus, 59
central heat (or fire) in the earth, 100-101
Chamberlin, Houston Stewart, 72, 85,
93, 131-132
characterology, 168
Charcot, J. M., 31
charisma, 16-18, 47, 155, 175-176, 205-
209, 218, 275-276; of office, 281, 287;
transmission of, 286-288
charismatic: authority, 275-297; group,
16-17, 197
Christ cult, 37, 59, 303
Christ myth, the, 32-38, 112, 118, 132,
175, 188, 202, 250-251, 255, 363
Christianity, 58, 129-130, 134-135; as a
"foreign growth" on the Germanic peoples,
259-260; as a Semitic religion,
126-127, 129-130
Christian Science, 106, 270
clan charisma, 286-287
Clark Conference (1909), 47, 177
collective soul, 250-253
collective unconscious, 6, 9, 15, 97, 99,
102, 108, 136, 1-16, 1-18, 177-178, 181-
184, 209, 218, 220-221, 225, 253, 255,
263-264, 271, 273, 282, 288, 291-292,
358; as Jungian "great chain of being"
or iconography of the transcendent,
Collingwood, R. C., 38
complex psychology, 31, 20-1
complex theory, 9, 23, 271
Cosmic Circle, 57, 166-168, 188, 357
Cotta, Bernhard von, 96, 305
Countway Library of Medicine (Harvard
Medical School), 301, 349
Cranefield, Pilul, 42
Creuzer, Friedrich, 82, 179-181, 183-184,
190, 212, 359, 365
crisis of science, 129
Crookes, William, 142
crusaders, 242-246, 262
cryptomnesia, 66, 185, 265-266, 341, 350
cult: definition of, 16-17; legend, 15, 302
Cult of Astarte, 162
cults of the saints (Christian), 59, 323-324
Cumont, Franz, 105, 123-124, 362
Czolbe, Heinrich, 43, 348
Daniken, Erik von, 164
Danzinger, Kurt, 9, 275
Darwin, Chilrles, 40, 43, 47-48, 70, 83, 85,
142, 159, 171, 264, 333
Darwinism, 33, 47-48, 50, 314
dead, the struggle with the, 252, 256
decadence, 309
degenerate movements, 28
degeneration, 20, 24, 28-29, 32, 43, 45-46,
145, 151-152, 267-269, 308, 310, 317
deification, self-, 120-122, 211, 213-214,
220-224, 253, 255, 346-347
dementia praecox, 31, 46, 151, 158, 174,
351; toxin theory of, 151-152
Deussen, Paul, 299
Diederichs, Eugen, 39, 68, 86-90, 108, 132,
184, 236, 333-334, 356
Dieterich, Albrecht, 88, 123, 125, 129,
182-183, 360
Dilthey, Wilhelm, 39
Dionysus, 127
dissociation, 31, 229
dominants (of the collective unconscious),
9, 220, 268, 270-271, 315
Douglas, Claire, 376
dreams and life after death, 293
Drews, Arthur, 88, 132
Driesch, Hans, 102
Driesmans, Heinrich, 329
Dubois-Reymond, Emil, 143, 316
Duncan, Isadora, 50, 108, 229, 320
Dunlap, Knight, 47
Durkheim, Emi!, 60
earth sciences, 99-102, 128-129
Eastern spirituality, 370
Ebbinghaus, Herman, 299
Eckhardt, Meister, 86
Eckstein, Frederick, 76-77
Eddas, 87, 237-239, 333
Edinger, Edward, 296
Edison, Thomas, 65
Eitington, Max, 157, 373
elan vital, 129
Eleusis, 70
Eliade, Mircea, 60
Elijah, 210, 212
elites and elitism, 5, 22-23, 38-39, 46, 55-
57, 137, 142, 189-190, 232-233, 257-259
elitism, spiritual, 55-57, 72, 87-88, 94-95,
249, 259, 261
Ellenberger, Henri, 19-20, 22, 28, 41, 145,
162, 171-172, 183, 340
embryology, 48
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 297, 313
Emmanuel movement, 313
energetics, 51, 231, 321
Engels, Friedrich, 164
Eranos circle (Heidelberg), 125, 344
Eranos conferences (Ascona), 94, 108, 168,
284, 341
Esquirol, J.E.D., 31
essentialism, 40
eugenics, 320-321; eugenetic Christ, 329
Evans-Pritchard, E., 331
evolutio, 226
evolution, 40, 42-43, 47-48, 51, 84, 128,
231, 269, 354
evolutionary personality psychology,
extraverted type, 51
Faber, M. D., 294
Fahrenkrog, Ludwig, 79
Faust, 25, 30, 42, 111, 136, 180, 307, 359
Fechner, Gustav, 105, 147, 340
Ferenczi, Sandor, 131, 177
Field, Geoffrey, 93, 345
Fischer, Kuno, 189
Fischer, Kurt Rudolph, 263
Fliess, Wilhelm, 42
Flournoy, Theodore, 31, 112, 144-145,
185, 207, 219, 341, 349-350
Flowers, Steven, 295
Fordham, Freida, 289
Fordham, Michael, 274, 278, 289, 294
Forel, August, 50, 193, 320-321
Fox sisters, 62
Franz, Marie-Louise von, 274, 301
Frazer, Sir James, 343
Free Spirits, 103
Freud, Sigmund, 6-9, 18, 21, 23, 25, 30-
32, 40-47, 52, 57-58, 76, 97-98, 1l1-113,
126, 130-132, 146, 150, 153-155, 158-
159, 162, 170-171, 177-179, 186-187,
189, 193-200, 202, 204, 207-208, 216-
217, 221, 227, 230-231, 278, 281-287,
294, 316, 342, 353, 360-361, 366, 373
Frey-Rohm, Liliane, 18, 274, 285
Frobe, Olga, 341
Galdston, Iago, 42
Gandhi, 65
Gasman, Daniel, 90
Gay, Peter, 22, 131
Gedo, John, 207, 361
Geheimnisse, Die (1816), 254, 262, 280
genius, 24, 43-44, 50, 70, 85, 144, 208, 222,
265-269, 278, 346, 377; hereditary, 20,
geology of the personality, 99-102, 239
George, Stefan, 39, 56-57, 166, 208, 244-
246, 318, 356
Georgekreis (the George Circle), 56, 244,
German Church of God, 80
German Communist Party (KDP), 51
Germanic Faith Movement, 33, 79-80,
136, 346
German Society for Experimental Psychology,
German Youth Movement, 89, 107, 236,
262, 335
germ-plasm, 85, 269, 306
Gessellschaft fur psychoanalytische Bestrebungen,
194. See also Society for Psychoanalytic
Gestalt psychologists, 129
Gieson, Gerald, 275
Gilman, Sander, 45
Gnosticism, 67, 69, 8S, 105, 210, 242
god building movement (Marxian), 54-55
god-complex, 204-208, 221
god-image, 37, 90
godlikeness, 220-224, 265
gods, 270
god-within, 120-122, 141, 204, 218, 222,
240-246, 257, 265, 335
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 6, 20, 24-
25, 30, 33, 41, 79, 81, 87, 91, 97, 122,
144, 172-173, 180-181, 252, 254, 256,
259, 262, 269, 272, 279, 307, 316
Golden Dawn, Hermetic Order of the, 58,
Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas, 68
Gorky, Maxim, 54
Gorres, Joseph von, 82, 316
Gottingen school of Naturphilosophie,
grail legends, 78
Great Mother, 127, 167, 198
Greek Magical Papyri, 125
Green, Martin, 1O-l, 161, 166-167, 346
Greens, 68
Griesinger, Wilhelm, 31
Grimm, Jacob, 82, 84
Gross, Frieda, 154
Gross, Hanns, 153
Gross, Otto, 17, 57, 107-1OS, 151-162, 172,
176, 199-202, 205-20b, 216, 230-231,
261, 352-354
Gundolf, Fried rich, 22
Gurney, Edmund, 310
Haeckel, Ernst, 35, 40, 43, 47-54, 58, 79,
80, 85-86, 90-92, 96, 111, II 'i-I 16, 122,
129, 142-143, 171, 186, 199, 208, 226,
283, 316, 319-321, 335, 348, 171
Haeckelian unconscious, 51-54
Hall, James, 293
Hanisch, Otto, 105-106
Hannah, Barbara, 301
Harding, Esther, 99, 274, 279-280
hard inheritance, 85
Harrington, Anne, 129, 345
Hartmann, Eduard yon, 30, 39, 142, 231,
309, 347-3-l8, 367
Hartmann, Fran7, 77
Hauer, J. w., 33, 80, 136, 168, 346
Havamal, 237
Hegel, G. W.F., 82, 273
Heidegger, Martin, 39
Heine, Heinrich, 25, 112
Heise, Karl, 105-106
Hellenism, German, 24-25
Hellenophilia, 313
Henderson, Joseph, 274, 279, 374
Herder, Johann Gottfried, 33, 262
Hermand, Jost, 55, 76-77
hermeticism, 67, 69
Herodotus, 82
hero worship, 3, 7, 16, 322
Hess, Rudolph, 51, 80
Hesse, Herman, 101, 108, 204, 233-238,
hetairism, 163-164, 167, 173, 203, 261
Heyer, Gustav, 168
Hieronimus, Ekkehard, 75
Higher Armanen Order, 237
hiking, 77, 107
Hillman, James, 274, 294
Hinkle, Beatrice, 204, 269, 274, 279
hippies, 68
Hitler, Adolph, 21-22, 72-73, 79-80, 103,
134-136, 259, 273-274, 317
holism, 129
holy man, 4-15
Homans, Peter, 110, 207, 343-344, 361
Honegger, J. J., 117, 121, 128, 181-187,
190, 360
horse sacrifice, 80
hysteria, H
I Ching, 7, 95, 281, 294, 307, 333
Idealists, volkisch ideology of, 273
imitatio Christi, Jung's, 213
impersonal unconscious, 220, 263
individuality, 231, 236, 367
individuation, 9, 15, 57, 186, 219, 230-232,
264-269, 367
inner fatherland, 76, 228
International Order for Ethics and Culture,
the, 188
International Psychoanalytic Association,
23, 196, 216
introversion, 174, 235
introverted type, 51
Isis, 127
Jacobi, Jolande, 274, 285, 289
Jaffe, Aniela, 13, 15, 209-210, 242, 286,
289-290, 318, 328
Jaffe, Edgar, 154
Jaffe, Else, 154, 318
James, William, 63, 112, 311, 313, 349
Janet, Pierre, 31, 150
Jaspers, Karl, 39
Jesus, the historical, 13-15, 33-38, 61, 65,
85-86, 88, 118, 123, 133, 146-147, 172,
198, 265, 294; as Schopenhauerian godman,
Jones, Ernest, 25, 133, 152, 158, 192, 204-
208, 221, 352, 366
Jones, Sir William, 83
Judaism, 57; hellenistic, 129
Judaization of science, 306
Jung, C. G.: on active imagination, 178,
229-230; anti-Semitism of, 21-22, 103,
133, 376; as Aryan Christ, 223; at Ascona,
108; Bachofen's influence on,
169-175, 202-204; on H. S. Chamberlain,
131-132; as charismatic leader, 17;
childhood of, 19; on Christianity as a
harmful "foreign growth, " 259; on the
collective unconscious as "outside the
brain, " 102; as creator of a master race
of individuated humans, 263-265; on
cryptomnesia as the root of all genius,
265-266; cult of, and National Socialism,
137; dementia praecox, theory of,
151; depicted by Jones as manifesting a
"god-complex, " 205-206; on "dominants"
as gods, 270-271; dream (1909)
of descending spatially and temporally
in an old house, 177-178; early cult in
Kusnacht-Zurich, 277-286; erotic attachments
to female Jewish patients at the
Burgholzli, 148-150; as exemplary
prophet, 284; experimental studies of
human memory, 146-147; false account
of Solar Phallus Man case, 181-184;
Fordham University, lectures at, 197;
as founder of religious cult of redemption,
254-257; Freud's accusations of
anti-Semitism of, 133; on the "geology
of the personality, " 99-102; George's influences
on, 244-246; German ancestry
of, 19-21; on German and Jewish differences,
97-99; as "German Mandarin, "
21-24; on "godlikeness" experience,
220-224; Greco-Roman influences on,
24-26; and Otto Gross, 152, 157-162,
199, 202-204; Haeckel's influence on,
5·1-54; hereditary degeneration obsessions
of, 145; as hereditary genius, 20;
Herisau lecture (19"10) on mythology,
187; historical obfuscation of development
of his ideas in the Collected Works,
18; ideas of, as an influence on contemporary
Norse neopaganism and neo-
Nazism, 295-296; ideas of, as basis of a
modern personal religion or mystery
cult, 291-294; on the "Indianization of
the American people, " 96; individuation
as redemption from degeneracy,
265-269; involvement with Freud, 43-
47; on Jewish national differences as
due to forces of landscape, 96-97; "Jewish
doctrines" of psychoanalysis unfit
for Germans, 98-99; Jews' lack of rootedness,
98; Jung Institute founding address
(1948), 290-291; and Keyserling,
95-98, 102-103; landscape mysticism
of, 95-103; and Lebenphilosophie, 38-39,
87-88; as legitimizing influence on
modern neopagan movements, 294-
297; life portrayed as a cult legend of a
"divine man, " 13-15; marriage to
Emma, 148; on materialists, 143; on
Mazdaznan cult, 106-107; Mead's influence
on, 69; 011 mystery as a necessity
for religion, 143-144; and Naturphilosophie,
41-42, 269-273; on the necessity of
the rejection of God as a prerequisite
for individuation, 232; Ostwald's influence
on, 50-51; and polygamy, 159-
160, 216-217; pseudoliberational
Nietzscheanism of, 257-259; Psychological
Club inaugural lecture (916), 250-
254; racialist thinking of, 22; on racial
psychology, 99; on rebirth, 99, 224;
on the rejection of Freud's Oedipus complex
theory on the grounds of prehistoric
matriarchy, 171-172; on
Ritschl, 143, 147; routinization of cult
in Kusnacht-Zurich, 286-291; self-deification,
experience of, 209-215; self-identification
with the German Volk,
21-22; self-recognition as modern
prophet of a new i1ge, 206-208; six theories
of, 9; on the Society for Psychoanalytic
Endeavors, 194-199; and spiritualism,
63, 142, 144-1, , 6; "star complex"
of, 149; on "star" or "sun" as the inner
core of the human personality, 240-
243; on sun worship in Africa and
America, 283; theological study of the
historical Jesus in student years, 36-37;
utopian views of Freudian psychoanalytic
movement as a religion, 187-190;
Verne's influence on, 238-240; on vitalism,
142; volkisch interpretation of
runic sword dream of female patient,
227-228; volkisch utopianism of, 259-
263; as a Wagnerite, 73-74; and Wilhelm,
95; and Wolff, 191; and Zurich research
school investigations into the
phylogenetic unconscious, 184-187
-WORKS: "Adapti1tion, lndividui1tion,
Collectivity (1916), " 230-233; "Mind
and Earth (927), " 9')-97; "New Paths
in Psychology (912), "199-202; "The
Role of the Unconscious (918), " 97-99;
'The Structure of the Unconscious
(916), " 219-224; "The Tri1nscendent
Function (1916), " 225-230; Wandlungen
und Symbole der Libido (1911-1912): as
Bachofenian theory, 169-175; as science,
111-119; as solar mysticism, 111,
119-122; as volkisch Aryanism, 123-
Jung, C. G., the Elder, 20, 22, 41, 144
lung, Emma, 148, 192
lung Institute (Zurich), 225, 289-290, 333-
Jung Oral Archives, 18, 285, 289, 308
lung, Paul, 19, 22, 34, 142
Jungian analyst, fantasy of being, 281
Jungian movement, 6-7
Jungian university, 289
Jungism, 7-9, 13, 15, 272, 285; and neopaganism,
294-297; as personal religion,
Kafka, Franz, 108
Kahane, Mi1x, 44
Kalthoff, Albert, 88, 132
Kant, lmmi1nuel, 142
Katz, Fanny Bowditch, 250, 268
Kaufmann, Walter, 264, 304
Keller, Adolph, 87, 204
Kemnitz, Mathilde von, 79
Kepler-Bund, 146, 312, 349
Kerr, John, 43, 46, 109-110, 152, 191, 342
Keyserling, Count Hermann, 20, 39, 56-
57, 92-97, 108, 134, 283, 336-337
Kielmeyer, Karl, 43
kinship libido, 21
Klages, Ludwig, 39, 57, 166-169, 205,
Knapp, Alfred, 188
Kohler, Wolfgang, 345
Kongener, Die, 17
Kraepelin, Emil, 31, 46, 151-152
Kulturkampf, 49
Kundalini yoga, 33
Laban, Rudolph, 108, 229
Laennec, Rene-Theophile-Hyacinthe, 7-8
Lagarde, Paul Anton de, 39, 79, 85, 88,
Lamarck, Jean-Baptiste, 87, 264
landscape mysticism, volkisch, 95-103,
Lang, Andrew, 82, 343
Lang, Jozef, 204, 233-238
Langbehn, Julius, 255
Lange, Friedrich Albert, 348
Lawrence, D. H., 108, 154
Laws, of the Dead, of the Magma, of a
New Age, 233-236, 249
Lebenskraft, 129
Lebensphilosophie, 21, 38-39, 43, 46-47, 87,
161-162, 168, 217, 291
Lebensreform, 4, 47, 56, 85, 321
Lenin, V. I., 54-55, 199
Lenin cult, 322
Lenoir, Timothy, 41, 273, 316
libido, 21, 120, 129, 174-175, 235; as sun,
List, Guido von, 78, 105, 179, 210, 214,
230, 237-240, 243, 295
Lombroso, Caesare, 29
Long, Constance, 201, 204, 274, 279
Lovejoy, Arthur 0., 41
Low, Maurice, 97
Lowith, Karl, 33
Ludendorff, Erich, 79-80
Luhrmann, Tanya, 295
Lukacs, Georg, 38-39, 57, 87, 291
Lunacharsky, Anatoly, 54--55
Lysenko, T. D., 55
Mach, Ernst, 50
Maeder, Alphonse, 204, 242
Maier, C. A., 274, 290, 375
Mallory, J. P., 83, 332
mana personality, 17
mandala, 90, 101, 137, 241-246
Mann, Kristine, 99, 186, 274, 361
Marian heresies, 166
Marti, Franz, 193
Marx, Karl, 70
Marxism, 44, 51, 54-55, 58, 322
Marxist god, 54-55
master race, 263-264
materialists: mechanistic, 43, 143, 316,
348; vital, 42
matriarchy, 160-176, 198
Mayr, Ernst, 48, 314
Mazdaznan cult, 104-107, 340
McGuire, William, 183, 185, 274, 278, 360
Mead, G.R.S., 69, 182, 184, 327
Means, Paul Bramwell, 279
Mellon, Mary, 279
Mellon, Paul, 279
Memories, Dreams, Reflections by C. G.
Jung (MDR), 13-15, 19, 208-211, 242-
243, 263, 287, 302, 349
memory, 6, 44, 129, 146-148, 174, 209,
229, 255, 283, 350
Mendelian units, 23, 86, 96-97, 271
Menschwerdung, 252-253, 256
Mesmerism, 63, 325
metagenetics, 296
Metzger, Bruce, 179
Micale, Mark, 300
Midgard Foundation, 80
Miller, Frank, 110, 118-119, 174, 191, 341
Mithraic Liturgy, 67, 69, 121, 124, 126,
182-184, 200, 344
Mithraism, 104, 120, 123-129, 133, 205,
340; as Aryan religion, 127-130
Mithras, 111-112, 172
Moleschott, Jacob, 43, 143, 348
Moltzer, Maria, 204, 250
Mone, Joseph, 212, 365
monism, 48--49, 79, 90
Monistenbund (the Monistic League or
Alliance), 49-52, 85, 88, 90-92, 132-133,
193-194, 320
Monistic Religion, the, 47-51, 55-57, 136,
199, 224, 319-320, 371
Moody, Robert, 289
Morel, Benedict Augustin, 267-268
Morgan, Christiana, 216
morphological idealism, 40
morphology, 40-41
Mosse, George, 27, 55, 98, 103, 131, 137,
255, 305, 346
Mountain of Truth, 108
Moyers, Bill, 300
Muller, Friedrich Max, 82-85, 105, 111,
116-119, 121, 133, 191, 261, 331-333,
335, 342-343
Murger, Henry, 153
Murray, Henry, 216, 288
Mutterreeilt, Das, 163, 167
Myers, F.W.H, 32, 310
mysteria, 202, 280
mysteries and mystery cults, 28, 37, 57,
60, 64, 111-112, 120, 122-123, 127-130,
174-176, 190, 213, 263, 278, 282, 284,
292, 343, 357, 375-376; Aryan, 71; Eleusinian,
180; Germanic/Teutonic, 75, 77,
211; Isaic, 101; Mithraic, 105, 204, 212-
215, 220, 280, 362
mystery, 143
mythopoetic age, 116-117, 121, 261
Nameche, Gene, 18, 185
National Socialism, 38, 51, 55-56, 72, 86-
87, 90-91, 135, 137, 336, 339
natural selection, 40, 142
nature worship, 77, 79
Naturphilosophen, 41-42, 79, 101, 129, 271,
Naturphilosophie, 40, 42, 50, 87, 96, 102,
143, 269, 272-273, 314-315
Nazi Germany, 20-22, 33, 39, 77-78, 81,
88-90, 134, 168, 259, 262-263, 273-274,
346-347, 371
Nelken, Jan, 128, 181, 184, 191, 204, 362
neo-Nazism, 296, 330
neopaganism, 30, 33, 75, 77, 79-80, 103-
108, 294-297
New Age spirituality, 37, 6H, 291
new nobility, 23, 55, 189-190, 249, 258
New York Times, 288, 337
Nietzsche, Friedrich, 3-5, 20, 25, 29-30,
35-36, 39, 43-44, 55, 104, 106, 112, 142,
144, 153-154, 158, 162, 163 167, 231-
232, 260-261, 263, 265-269, 367
Nietzscheanism, 30
Nietzschean religion, 5, 104, 137, 289
Nietzsche cult, 4
Nock, Arthur Darby, 38
Noel, Daniel, 305
Nordau, Max, 28, 32, 208, 265, 308
Nordfeld, Margaret, 279
Nordic Faith Fellowship, 80
Norse neopaganism, 29,
nudism, 77, 104
occultism, volkisch, 76-80
Odinic Rite, 295
Odinism, 79
Oken, Lorenz, 41
Olcott, W., 64
ontogeny, 40, 48, 114-115, 171, 187, 227
Origen, 59
Osiris, 127
Ostwald, Wilhelm, 47, 50-51, 55, 90-92,
131, 199, 208, 231, 321
Otto, Rudolph, 282, 341, 344
Owen, Richard, .40
paleontology, 48
palmistry (as part of the training of
Jungian analysts), 281
pangenesis, 85, 96, 264
pan Germanism, 19, 23, 58, 71-72, 75-76,
305-306, 317
pan Slavism, 58
pantheism, 48-49
Paracelsus, 87
Parsifal, 252, 329
participation mystique, 2-1
Pascal, Roy, 33
Pater, Walter, 306-307
Paulson, Lotte, 289
perpetual revolution, 232
personal religion, 111, 291-297
personal unconscious, 220
Pfarrerstad, 22, 36, 145
Philemon, 66, 210
philology, 35, 49, 80-85, 111, 114, 116,
118, 307, 333
Philostratus, 14
phylogenetic psychology, 52, 115
phylogenetic unconscious, 6, 9, 52-54,
108, 128-129, 13-1, 169, 178, 181, 184-
187, 190-191, 220-221, 224, 227, 251,
phylogeny, .40, .48, 52, 114-115, 142, 171,
187, 227
physiognomy, 21
Pietism, 19, 34, 76
Pinel, Philippe, 31
Platonic idas, 270
PIetsch, Carl, 2h6
Plutonism, 101-102
Pod more, Frank, 310
Poliakov, Leon, 82
polygamy, 157-160, 163-164, 166, 216,
227, 261, 354
polypsychism, 31
Pope, A. R., 225
Preiswerk, Emilie, 19
Preiswerk, Helly, 63, 144-145
Preiswerk, Samuel, 202
primordial image, 41, 218, 220, 270, 284
prophet: ethical, 284; exemplary, 284
prophetic break, 277
Protestant theology (German), 32-38
pseudocharisma, 15, 258-287
Psychiatric News, 300
psychical research, 31, 32, 147-148, 310-
311, 350
psychoanalysis as a cult, 47
psychoanalytic movement, 43-47; "secularization"
of, 195
psychoid, 102
Psychological Club (Zurich), 95, 135, 146,
194, 250-254, 260, 280; secret appendix
to by-laws, 260
psychosexual stages (Freud), 170
Putnam, J. J., 133
Rathenau, Walter, 56
Read, Sir Herbert, 274
rebirth, 99, 112, 127-130, 188, 200, 219,
224, 232, 244-246, 259, 263-264, 292; as
a genius, 268-269
Red Book, the, 209
redemption, 284
Ree, Paul, 299
regression, 235, 268; psychotic, 174-175
Reil, J., 43
Reimarus, H., 33
Reitzenstein, Richard, 88, 105
Renan, Ernst, 35-36, 82, 85, 122, 126, 312,
renovatio, 60-61, 76, 173, 215. See also
Reventlow, Fanny, 168-169
Richthofen sisters, von, 154, 162, 166
Riklin, Franz, 109, 149, 152, 193, 196, 204
Rilke, Rainer Maria, 168
Ritschl, A., 142-143, 147, 255
rootedlless concept, volkisch, 97-98
Rorschach, Hermann, 104, 339-340
Rosenbaum, Ernst, 289
Rosicrucians, 88, 27U
Roth, Guenther, 16-1
routinization of charisma. 276-277, 286-
Royal Asiatic Society, 83
runes, 77-78, 130, 227, 235-240, 286-29S
Rush, Benjamin, 8
Rushton, J. P., 154
sacrificial death, 76
Salome, 210-213
Salome, Lou Andreas-, 195, 210-213, 299
satanislll, 167, 356
Scheler, Max, 39
Schelling, Friedrich, 41, 82, 315, 316
Schlegel, Friedrich, 82
Schleicher, August, 83, 114, 342
Schliemann, Heinrich, 114
Schmid-Guisan, Hans, 204
Schmitz, Oskar, 134, 337
Schnitzler, Arthur, 372
Schopenhauer, Arthur, 30, 70, 136, 142,
144, 146, 227, 231, 265-269, 271, 309,
347, 367
Schorske, Carl, 75, 323
Schuler, Alfred, 166-168, 175, 184
Schwabingites, 166-168, 175, 184
Schweitzer, Albert, 34-35, 37, 311
Schwyzer, E., 183
scientific religion, 90
sects, 103-104
self, 137, 192, 2-16
Semitic race, 82-86, 97-99, 111, 118, 127-
137, 259-260
Sera circle, 86, 89, 90, 356
Seven Sermons to the Dead, 242-245
sexuality, 117-118
Shamdasani, Sonu, 181, 230, 301, 341
Shaw, George Bernard, 34, 72, 308
Siegfried, 34, 73, 76, 78, 123, 133, 208, 329
Silesius, 86
Simmel, Georg, 39
Sinnett, A. P., 83, 332
Sistine Chapel, 214
social Darwinism, 35, 50, 312, 320-321
Society for Psychoanalytic Endeavors,
194-198, 249
Society of German Believers, 80
sociobiology, 159, 163, 354
soft inheritance, 85, 96
solar mythology, 81-84, 116, 172-173
Solar Phallus Man, 121, 126, 181-184
somatic treatments for mental disorders,
Sombart, Nicholas, 166, 175
Sonnenkinder (children of the sun), 92,
Spielrein, Sabina, 43, 73-74, 128, 149, 159,
181, 184, 191, 208, 219, 351
spiritualism, 30, 57, 59, 77, 142, 144-146,
148, 202, 203, 229-230, 256, 265, 269,
279, 312
Sprung, Helga, 299
star complex, 149-150
Stark, Gary, 87-89, 334
Stein, Frau von, 262
Stein, Gertrude, 310
Steiner, Rudolph, 50, 65, 77, 230, 320
Stekel, Wilhelm, 44
Stoker, Bram, 29
Strauss, David Friedrich, 35-36, 142, 311-
Struve, Walter, 56, 323
Sturulson, Snorri, 75
subliminal self, 32
Sulloway, Frank, 42, 46
sun worship, 49, 75, 79, 80-94, 101-107,
109, 116-122, 128-129, 133, 136-137,
184, 210, 224, 240-246, 260, 283
supra personal unconscious, 97
swastika, 77, 89, 136, 335, 346-347
Swedenborg, Emmanuel, 186, 297, 361,
Tacitus, 75
Talbert, Charles, 302
Tannenberg Foundation, 79--80, 88
Tannhauser, 254
Taylor, Eugene, 349
teleomechanists, 42, 316
Tennyson, Lord, 65
Terrible Mother, 174, 218-219, 250, 255,
Teutons, ancient, 75
theos aner (divine man), 14, 208
Theosophical publications, 67-f:, 9, 108,
183-184, 191
Theosophical Society, 59, 65, 78, 86, 133,
Theosophy, 30, 57, 59, 63-69, 72, 83, 86,
92, 104--106, 136, 215, 238, 270, 279, 320,
Thor's hammer, 79
Thule Society, 51, 80
Tillich, Paul, 108
Time Magazine, 7, 284
Tonnies, Ferdinand, 3-4, 59, 137, 257, 261,
299, 371
toxin theory of dementia praecox, 151-
Transcendentalism, 313
transcendent function, 225-230, 252
transference, 21
Tubingen School of Theology, 33, 36, 130,
Tumarkin, Nina, 55
Turanian race, 84
Twain, Mark, 71
ubennensch, 20, 263-264
Ulansey, David, 340
Unternahrer, Anton, 339
Urbild, 41, 270
Urform, 267
Urtyp, 40-41, 269
U.S. News and World Report, 300
Usener, Hermann, 88
utopianism, volkisch, 49, 58, 75-108, 259-
van der Post, Laurens, 73, 108, 328
Vatican Museum, 214
vegetarianism, 104--106
Verne, Jules, 234, 238-240
Viking Brotherhood, 295
vital force, 120
vitalism, 24, 42, 51, 129, 142-143, 150, 169,
vitalism, heroic, 299
Vodoz, J., 204
Vogt, Karl, 43, 143, 348
Volk, 21-22, 34, 75-76, 85, 102-103, 257
Volksgemeinschaft, 261, 262
Volkstumbewegung (volkisch movement),
59, 75, 86-87, 97, 134, 296
vulcanism, 101-102
Wagner, Cosima, 72-74, 345
Wagner, Richard, 4, 28-29, 34, 43-44, 54,
57-58, 69-74, 112, 123, 133, 136, 152,
180-181, 208, 252, 256, 259, 260, 266,
278, 309, 320, 328, 359
Wagner, Siegfried, 73-74
Wagner, Winifred, 73
Wagnerism, 30, 55, 59, 69-74, 76-77, 93,
Waldbruderschaft, 339
Waldensians, 103
Wandervogel movement, 89
Weber, Alfred, 154
Weber, Marianne, 17, 104, 154--157, 164,
Weber, Max, 16-18, 21, 34, 47, 56, 59, 89,
104, 108, 124, 154--157, 258, 275-277,
284, 286-288, 290, 318, 344, 352
Weekly, Frieda, 154
Weininger, Otto, 39
Weismann, August, 85, 269, 306
Weisz, George, 8
Westermanns Monatsheft, 305
Wheelwright, Jane, 274, 285
Wheelwright, Joseph, 274
White, William Alanson, 8
Whitney, Elizabeth, 279
Wickes, Francis, 279
Wiedergeburt (rebirth), 79, 88, 129. See also
Wigman, Mary, 108, 229
Wilde, Oscar, 29, 58
Wilhelm, Richard, 95, 264, 333, 370
Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 24-25, 49,
113, 180, 306-307
Wissenschaft, nineteenth-century definition
of, 307
Wolff, Antonia (Toni), 13, 66, 191, 216,
219, 250, 273, 277, 301
Wolfskehl, Karl, 166-167
women, role of, in the development of
early Christ cult in late antiquity, 59; in
Jung cult, 279; in occultism, 58-59, 62-
Woodworth, Robert S., 47
word association studies, 31, 146-150,
Wotan, 134-135, 237-238, 256
Wotanism, 79-80, 237-238, 256
Wundt, Wilhelm, 190, 343
Yeats, W. B., 65, 167
Young, Thomas, 83
Ziegler, Leopold, 39
Zimmer, Heinrich, 162, 355
Zionism, 32, 58, 75
Zofingia fraternity, 23, 36, 51, 142-143,
146, 306, 312
Zollner, J.K.F., 142
Zoroaster, 36, 65, 104
Zoroastrianism, 104-107, 124, 127, 214
Zurich Psychoanalytic Association, 194
Zurich School of psychoanalysis, 128,
184, 204, 220, 249
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