Part 5 of __
In developing the more interesting question, involving the character, to of the historical data contained in the Pali buddhistical annals, I must enter into greater detail; and quote with greater explicitness the authorities from which my exposition is derived; -- as it is opposed in many essential respects, to the views entertained by several eminent orientalists who have hitherto discussed this subject, from records extant in other parts of India.
It is an important point connected with the buddhistical creed, which (as far as I am aware) has not been noticed by any other writer, that the ancient history, as well as the scheme of the religion of the buddhists, are both represented to have been exclusively developed by revelation. Between the manifestation of one Buddho and the advent of his successor, two periods are represented to intervene; — the first is called the buddhantaro or buddhotpado, being the interval between the manifestation of one Buddho and the epoch when his religion becomes extinct. The age in which we now live is the buddhotpado of Gotamo. His religion was destined to endure 5000 years; of which 2380 have now passed away (A.D. 1837) since his death, and 2620 are yet to come. The second is the abuddhotpado, or the term between the epochs when the religion revealed by one Buddho becomes extinct, and another Buddho appears, and revives, by revelation, the doctrines of the Buddlhistical faith. It would not be practicable, within the limits which I must here prescribe for myself, to enter into an elucidation of the preposterous term assigned to an abuddhatpado; or to describe the changes which the creation stated to undergo, during that term. Suffice it to say, that during that period, not only does the religion of each preceding Buddho become extinct, but the recollection and record of all preceding events are also lost. These subjects are explained in various portions of the Pitakattaya, but in too great detail to admit of my quoting those passages in this place.
By this fortunate fiction, a limitation has been prescribed to the mystification in which the buddhistical creed has involved all the historical data, contained in its literature, anterior to the advent of Gotamo. While in the hindu literature there appears to be no such limitation; in as much as professor Wilson in his analysis of the Puranas, from which (excepting the Raja Taringini) the hindu historical data are chiefly obtained, proves that those works are, comparatively, of modern date.
The distinguishing characteristics, then, between the hindu and buddhistical historical data appear to consist in these particulars; — that the mystification of hindu data is protracted to a period so modern that no part of them is authentic, in reference to chronology; and that there fabulous character is exposed by every gleam of light thrown on Asiatic history by the histories of other countries, and more especially by the writers who flourished, respectively, at the periods of, and shortly after, the Macedonian and Mahomedan conquests. While the mystification of the Buddhistical date ceased a century at least prior to B.C. 588. when prince Siddhato attained buddhohood, in the character of Gotamo Buddho.
According to the buddhistical creed, therefore, all remote historical data, whether sacred or profane, anterior to Gotama's advent, are based on his revelation. They are involved in absurdity as unbounded as the mystification in which hindu literature is enveloped.
For nearly five centuries subsequent to the advent of Gotamo, the age of inspiration and miracle is believed to have endured among the professors of his faith. His last inspired disciple, in Ceylon at least, was Malayadewo thero, the kinsman of Watagamini, who reigned from B.C. 104 to B.C. 76. It would be inconsistent with the scheme of such a creed, and unreasonable also on our part, to expect that the buddhistical data, comprised in those four and half centuries, should be devoid of glaring absurdities and gross superstitions. These defects, however, in no degree prejudice those data, in as far as they subserve the chronological, biographical, and geographical, ends of history.
Gotamo Buddho, by whom, according to the creed of the buddhists, the whole scheme of their historical data, anterior to his advent, was thus revealed, entered upon his divine mission in B.C. 588, in the fifteenth year of the reign of Bimbisaro, sovereign of Magadha (who became a convert to buddhism); and died in B.C. 543, in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatasatto, the son of the preceding monarch. These revelations are stated to have been orally pronounced in Pali, and orally perpetuated for upwards of four centuries, until the close of the buddhistical age of inspiration. They compose the "Pitakattaya," or the three Pitakas, which now form (if I may so express myself) the buddhistical scriptures, divided into the Wineyo, Abhidhammo, and Sutto pitako.
At the demise of Gotamo, Mahakassapo was the hierarch of the buddhistical church, in which a schism arose, even before the funeral obsequies of Buddho had terminated. For the suppression of this schism, and for asserting the authenticity of the Pitakattaya, the first "Dhammasangiti," or convocation on religion, was held at Rajagaha, the capital of Ajatasatto, in B.C. 543. The schism was suppressed, and the authenticity of the Pitakattaya in Pali was vindicated and established. Upon that occasion, dissertations, or commentaries, called "Atthakatha" on the Pitakattaya, were also delivered.
In B.C. 443, at the lapse of a century from Gotamo’s death, the second Dhammasangiti was held, in the tenth year of the reign of Kalasoko, at Wesali, for the suppression of a heresy raised by certain priests natives of Wajji, resident in that city. The hierarch was the venerable Sabbakami; and under his direction, Rewato conducted the convocation. The authority of the Pitakattaya was again vindicated; and the Atthakatha, delivered on that occasion, serve to develope the history of buddhism for the interval which had elapsed since the last convocation.
In B.C. 309, in the eighteenth year of the reign of Dhammasoko, the supreme sovereign of India, who was then a convert to buddhism, the third convocation was held at Patilipura; Moggaliputtatisso being then the hierarch.
In the ensuing analysis of the Mahawanso, will be found references to the portions of the Pitakattaya and Atthakatha, in which detailed accounts of these convocations may be found.
In B.C. 307, the thero Mahindo, the son of the emperor Dhammasoko, embarked on his mission for the conversion of Ceylon. The reigning sovereign of this island, Dewananpiyatisso, was converted to buddhism, and several members of his family were ordained priests. Many wiharos were founded by this monarch in this island, of which the Mahawiharo at Anuradhapura, was the principal. His minister Dighasandano built the pariweno, or college, called after himself, Dighasanda-senapoti-pariweno, which, as well as the royal incumbencies, were bestowed on Mahindo.
Under the control of that high priest of Ceylon, fraternities were formed for all these religious establishments. The successions to which, regulated by certain laws of sacerdotal inheritance, still prevalent in the island, were uninterruptedly kept up, as will be seen by the ensuing pages.
The Pitakattaya, as well as Atthakatha propounded up to the period of the third convocation in India were brought to Ceylon by Mahindo, who promulgated them, orally, here; -- the Pitakattaya in Pali and the Atthakatha in Singhalese, together with additional Atthakatha of his own. His inspired disciples, and his successors, continued to propound them, also orally, till the age of inspiration passed away; which took place in this island (as already stated) in the reign of Wattagamini, between B.C. 104 and B.C. 76. They were then embodied into books; the text in the Pali, and the commentaries in the Singhalese language. The event is thus recorded in the thirty third chapter of the Mahawanso p. 207.
The profoundly wise (inspired) priests had theretofore orally perpetuated the text of the Pitakattaya and their Atthakatha. At this period, these priests, foreseeing the perdition of the people (from the perversions of the true doctrines) assembled; and in order that religion might endure for ages, recorded the same in books.
In the reign of the raja Mahanamo, between A.D. 410 and 432, Buddhaghoso transposed the Singhalese Atthakatha, also, into Pali. The circumstance is narrated in detail in the thirty seventh chapter of the Mahawanso, p. 250.
This Pali version of the Pitakattaya and of the Atthakatha, is that which is extant now in Ceylon; and it is identically the same with the Siamese and Burmese versions. In the appendix will be seen a statement of the divisions, and subdivisions, contained in the Pitakattaya. A few of these subdivisions are not now to be obtained complete in the chief temples of Kandy, and are only to be found perfect, among those fraternities in the maritime districts, who have of late years derived their power of conferring ordination from the Burmese empire; and they are written in the Burmese character.
The identity of the buddhistical scriptures of Ceylon with those of the eastern peninsula is readily accounted for, independently of the consideration that the missions for the conversion of the two countries to buddhism, originally proceeded to these parts at the same time, and from the same source; viz. at the close of the third convocation, as stated in the twelfth chapter of the Mahawanso: for Buddhaghoso took his Pali version of those scriptures, after leaving Ceylon, to the eastern peninsula. This circumstance is noticed even in the "essai sur le pali par Messieurs Burnouf and Lassen;" though, at the same time, those gentlemen have drawn two erroneous inferences; first, that buddhism was originally introduced by Buddhaghoso into Pegu; and, secondly, that his resort to the eastern peninsula was the consequence of his expulsion from India under the persecutions of the brahmans.
Passons maintenant dans la presqu ile au-dela du Gange, et cherchons-y le date de l'etablissement du bouddhisme, et, avec lui, du pali et de l'ecriture. Nous n'avons plus ici l'avantage de nous appuyer aur un texte original, comme pour l'histoire cingalaise. Car, bien que les Barmans possedent, dit-on, des livres historiques fort etendus, nul, que nous sachions, n'a encore eti traduit dans aucune langue d'Europe; nous sommes done reduits aux temoignages souvent contradictoires des voyageurs. Suivant Ie P. Carpanus, l'histoire des Bramans appelee Maharazoen (mot sans doute derive du sanskrit Maharadja), rapporte que les livres et l'ecriture palis furent apportes de Ceylan au Pegu, par un brnhmane nomme Bouddhaghosa (voix de Bouddha) l'an 940 de leur ere sacree, c'est-a-dire, l'an 397 de la notre. Cette date nous donne pour le commencement de l'ere sacree des Barmans, l'an 543 avant J.C., l'annee meme de la mort de Bouddha, suivant la chronologie cingalaise.
Il n'est pas etonnant que les habitans de la presqu' ile s'accordent en ce point avec les cingalaise, puisque c'est d'eux qu'ils disent avoir recu leur culte. Il est cependant permis de remarquer que leur temoignage sert encore de confirmation a la date de la mort de Bouddha (543 ans avant J. C.) que nous avons choisie entre toutes celles que nous offraient les diverses autorites. Celle de l'introduction du bouddhisme au Pegu, l'an 397 de notre ere, s'accorde egalement avec les dates qui ont ete exposeds et discutecs plus haut. On a vu, en effet que les livres bouddiques ecrits en pali, existaient a Ceylan, vers 407 de J. C., ce qui ne dit pas que cette langue n'ait puy etre connue anterieurement. Le pali a done pu rigoureusement etre porte de la dans la presqu'ile au-dela du Gange, l'an 397 de notre ere. D'ailleurs, le voyage de Bouddhaghosa se rattache a l'histoire generale de culte, de Bouddha dans l'Inde; car a l'epoque ou il a eu lieu la lutte du brahmanisme contra le bouddhisme s'achevait par la defaite de celui-ci, et nous avons vu ke dernier patriarche du culte proscrit quitter alors l'Inde pour toujours.
[Google translate: Let us now pass to the peninsula beyond the Ganges, and seek there the date of the establishment of Buddhism, and, with him, Pali and writing. We no longer have here the advantage of relying on an original text, as for the story Sinhalese. For, although the Brahmens are said to possess very extensive historical books, no one, as far as we know, has yet translated into any European language; we are therefore reduced to the often contradictory testimonies of travellers. According to P. Carpanus, the story of the Brahmens called Maharazoen (a word no doubt derived from the Sanskrit Maharadja), relates that Pali books and writing were brought from Ceylon to Pegu, by a Brahman named Buddhaghosa (voice of Buddha) the year 940 of their sacred era, that is to say, the year 397 of ours. This date gives us for the beginning of the sacred era of the Brahmens, the year 543 BC, the very year of the death of Buddha, according to the Sinhalese chronology.
It is not surprising that the inhabitants of the peninsula agree on this point with the Sinhalese, since it is from them they say they have received their worship. It is, however, allowed to remark that their testimony still serves as confirmation to the date of the death of Buddha (543 years before J. C.) which we chose among all those offered to us by the various authorities. That of the introduction of Buddhism in Pegu, the year 397 of our era, also agrees with the dates which have been exposed and discussed above. We have seen, in fact, that Buddhist books written in Pali existed in Ceylon around 407 AD. J. C., which does not say that this language could not have been known previously. The pali could therefore be rigorously worn thence to the peninsula the peninsula beyond the Ganges, the year 397 of our era. Moreover, the journey of Buddhaghosa is linked to the history general worship of Buddha in India; because at the time when the struggle of Brahmanism against Buddhism took place ended with his defeat, and we have seen the last patriarch of the proscribed cult then leave India forever.]
It will be observed, that the date mentioned here, docs not accurately accord with that of the Mahawanso. Mahanamo, the sovereign of Ceylon at the time of Buddhaghoso's visit, came to the throne A.D. 410, and he reigned twenty two years. The precise extent, however, of this trifling discrepancy cannot be ascertained, as the date is not specified of either Buddhaghoso's arrival at, or departure from, this island.
The subsequent portions of the Mahawanso contain ample evidence of the frequent intercourse kept up, chiefly by means of religious missions. between the two countries, to the close of the work. A very valuable collection of Pali books was brought to Ceylon, by the present chief of the cinnamon department, George Nadoris, modliar, so recently as 1812. He was then a buddhist priest, and had proceeded to Siam for the purpose of obtaining from the monarch of that buddhist country, the power (which a Christian government could not give him) of conferring ordination on other castes than the wellala; to whom the Kandyan monarchs, in their intolerant observance of the distinctions of caste, had confined the privilege of entering into the priesthood.
Tile contents of these Pitakattaya and Atthakatha, divested of their buddhistical inspired character, may be classed under four heads.
1. The unconnected and desultory references to that undefined and undefinable period of antiquity, which preceded the advent of the last twenty four Buddhos.
2. The history of the last twenty four Buddhos, who appeared during the last twelve Buddhistical regenerations of the world.
3. The history from the last creation of the world, containing the genealogy of the kings of India, and terminating in B.C. 543.
4. The history from B.C. 543 to the age of Buddhaghoso, between A.D. 410 and 432.
With these ample and recently revised annals, and while the Singhalese Atthakatha of the Pitakattaya, and various Singhalese historical works, were still extant, Mahanamo thero composed the first part of the Mahawanso. It extends to the thirty seventh chapter, and occupies 119 pages of the talipot leaves of which the book is formed. He composed also a Tika, or abridged commentary on his work. It occupies 329 pages. The copy I possess of the Tika in the Singhalese character, is full of inaccuracies; while a Burmese version, recently lent to me by Nadoris modliar, is almost free from these imperfections.
The historian does not perplex his readers with any allusion to the first division of buldhistical history. In the second, he only mentions the names of the twenty four Buddhos, though they are farther noticed in the Tika. In the third and fourth, his narrative is full, instructive, and interesting.
He opens his work with the usual invocation to Buddho, to the explanation of which he devotes no less than twenty five pages of the Tika. Without stopping to examine these comments, I proceed to his notes on the word “Mahawanso."
"Mahawanso” is the abbreviation of “Mahantanan wanso;" the genealogy of the great. It signifies both pedigree, and inheritance from generation to generation; being itself of high import, either on that account, or because it also bears the two above significations; hence "Mahawanso."
What that Mahawanso contains (I proceed to explain). Be it known, that of these (i.e., of the aforesaid great) it illustrates the genealogy, as well of the Buddhos and of their eminently pious disciples, as of the great monarchs commencing with Mahasammato. It is also of deep import, in as much as it narrates the visits of Buddho (to Ceylon). Hence the work is (Maha) great. It contains, likewise, all that was known to, or has been recorded by, the pious men of old, connected with the supreme and well defined history of those unrivalled dynasties ("wanso”). Let (my hearers) listen (to this Mahawanso).
Be it understood, that even in the (old) Atthakatha, the words "Dipatthutiya sadhasakkatan” are held as of deep import. They have there (in that work) exclusive reference to the visits of Buddho, and matters connected therewith. On this subject the ancient historians have thus expressed themselves: “I will perspicuously set forth the visits of Buddho to Ceylon; the arrival of the relic and of the bo-tree; the histories of the convocations, and of the schisms of the theros; the introduction of the religion (of Buddho) into the island; and the settlement and pedigree of the sovereign (Wijayo)." It will be evident, from the substance of the quotations here made, that the numerical extent of the dynasties (in my work) is exclusively derived from that source; (it is no invention of mine).
Thus the title “Mahawanso” is adopted in imitation of the history composed by the fraternity of the Mahawiharo (at Anuradhapura). In this work the object aimed at is, setting aside the Singhalese language, in which (the former history) is composed, that I should sign in the Magadhi. Whatever the matters may be, which were contained in the Atthakatha without suppressing any part thereof rejecting the dialect only. I compose my work in the supreme Magadhi language, which is thoroughly purified from all imperfections. I will brilliantly illustrate, then, the Mahawanso, replete with information on every subject, and comprehending the amplest detail of all important events; like unto a splendid and dazzling garland strung with every variety of flowers, rich in color, taste, and scent.
The former historians, also, used an analogous simile. They said, "I will celebrate the dynasties ("wanso") perpetuated from generation to generation; illustrious from the commencement, and lauded by many bards: like unto a garland strung with every variety of flowers; do ye all listen with intense interest.”
After some further commentaries on other words of the first verse, Mahanamo thus explains his motives for undertaking the compilation of his history, before he touches on the second.
Thus I, the author of the Mahawanso, by having rendered to religion the reverence due thereto, in my first verse, have procured for myself immunity from misfortune. In case it should he asked in this particular place. “Why, while there are Mahawansos composed by ancient authors in the Singhalese language, this author has written this Palapadoru-wanso?" In refutation of such an unmeaning objection, I thus explain the advantage of composing the Palapadoru-wanso; viz., that m the Mahawanso composed by the ancients, there is the defect, as well of prolixty, as of brevity. There are also (other) inaccuracies deserving of notice. Avoiding these defects, and for the purpose of explaining the principle on which the Palapadoru-wanso I am desirous of compiling, is composed, I proceed to the second verse.
On the twenty four Buddhos, Mahanamo comments at considerable length in his Tika. In some instances those notes are very detailed, while in others he only refers to the portions of the Pitakattaya and Atthakatha from which he derives his data. It will be sufficient in this condensed sketch, that I should furnish a specification of the main points requisite to identify each Buddho, and to notice in which of the regenerations of the world each was manifested, reckoning back from the present kappo or creation.
The following particulars are extracted from the "Buddhawansadesana,” one of the subdivisions of the Suttapitaka, of the Pitakattaya.
The twelfth kappo, or regeneration of the world, prior to the last one, was a "Saramando kappo,” in which four Buddhos appeared. The last of them was the first of the twenty four Buddhos above alluded to: viz.,
1. Dipankaro, born at Rammawatinagara. His parents were Sudhewo raja and Sumedhaya dewi He, as well as all the other Buddhos, attained buddhohood at Uruwelaya, now called Buddhaghya. His bo-tree was the “pipphala.” Gotamo was then a member of an illustrious brahman family in Amarawatinagara.
The eleventh regeneration was a "Sarakappo” of one Buddho.
2. Kondanno, born at Rammawatinagara. Parents, Sunanda raja and Sujatadewi. His bo-tree, the “salakalyana." Gotamo was then Wijitawi, a chakkawati raja of Chandawatinagara in Majjhimadesa.
The tenth regeneration was a "Saramando kappo" of four Buddhos.
3. Mangalo, born at Uttaranagara iu Majjhimadesa. Parents, Uttararaja and Uttaradewi. His bo-tree, the “naga." Gotamo was then a brahman named Suruchi, in the village Siribrahmano.
4. Sumano, born at Mekhalanagara. Parents, Sudassano maharaja and Sirimadewi. His bo-tree the "naga." Gotamo was then a Naga raja named Atulo.
5. Rewato, born at Sudhannawatinagara. Parents, Wipalo maharaja and Wipuladewi. His bo-tre. the "naga." Gotamo was then a brahman versed in the three wedos, at Rammawatinagara.
6. Sobhito, born at Sudhammanagara. His parents bore the name of that capital. His bo-tree, the "naga." Gotamo was then a brahman named Sujato, at Rammawati.
The ninth regeneration was a "Warakappo" of three Buddhos.
7. Anomadassi, born at Chandawatinagara. Parents, Yasaworoja and Yasodararadewi. His bo-tree, the “ajjuna." Gotamo was then a Yakkha raja.
8. Padumo, born at Champayanagara. Parents, Asamo maharaja and Asamadewi. His bo-tree, the “sonaka.” Gotamo was then a lion, the king of animals.
9. Narado, born at Dhammawatinagara. Parents, Sudhewo maharaja and Anopamadewi. His bo-tree, the “sonaka.” Gotamo was then a tapaso in the Himawanto country.
The eighth regeneration was a ‘‘Sarakappo” of one Buddho.
10. Padumuttaro, born at Hansawatinagara. Parents, Anurulo raja and Sujatadewi. His bo-tree the “salala.” Gotamo was then an ascetic named Jatilo.
The seventh regeneration was a “Mandakappo” of two Bnddhos.
11. Sumedo, born at Sudassananagara. Parents bore the same name. His bo-tree, the "nipa." Gotamo was then a native of that town, named Uttaro.
12. Sujato, born at Sumangalanagara. Parents, Uggato raja and Pabbawatidewi. His bo-tree, the "welu.” Gotamo was then a chakkawati raja.
The sixth regeneration was a “Warakappo,” of three Bnddhos.
13. Piyadassi, born at Sudannanagara. Parents, Sudata maharaja and Subaddhadewi. His bo-tree, the “kakudha.” Gotamo was then a brahman named Kassapo, at Siriwattanagara.
14. Atthadassi, born at Sonanagara. Parents, Sagara raja and Sudassanadewi. His bo-tree, the "champa.” Gotamo was then a brahman named Susimo.
15. Dhammadassi, horn at Surananagara. Parents, Saranamaha raja and Sunandadewi. His bo-tree, the "bimbajala.” Gotamo was then Sakko, the supreme of dewos.
The fifth regeneration was a "Sarakappo,” of one Buddho.
16. Siddhatho, born at Wibharanagara. Parents, Udeni maharaja and Suphasadewi. His bo-tree, the “kanihani.” Gotamo was a brahman named Mangalo.
The fourth regeneration was a "Mandakappo.’’ of two Buddhos.
17. Tisso, born at Khemanagara. Parents, Janasando raja and Padumadewi. His bo-tree, the “assana.” Gotamo was then Sujato raja at Yasawatinagara.
18. Phusso, born at Kasi. Parents, Jayaseno raja and Siremaya dewi. His bo-tree, the "amalaka." Gotamo was then Wijitawi, an inferior raja.
The third regeneration was a "Sarakappo," of one Buddho.
19. Wipassi, born at Bandhuwatinagara. Parents bore the same name. His bo-tree the “patali.” Gotamo was then Atulo raja.
The last regeneration was a "Mandakappo,” of two Buddhos.
20. Sikhi, born at Arunawattinagara. Parents, Arunawattiraja and Paphawattidewi. His bo-tree, the "pundariko.” Gotamo was then Arindamo raja at Paribhuttanagara.
21. Wessabhu, born at Anupamanagara. Parents, Suppalittha maharaja and Yasawatidewi. His bo-tree, the "sala.” Gotamo was then Sadassano raja of Sarabhawatinagara.
The present regeneration is a "Mahabadda kappo,” of five Buddhos.
22. Kakusando, born at Khemawatinagara. Parents, Aggidatto, the porahitto brahman of Khemaraja and Wisakha. His bo-tree the "sirisa” Gotamo was then the aforesaid Khemaraja.
23. Konagamano, born at Sobhawatinagara. Parents, a brahman named Yannadattho and Uttara, His bo-tree, the “udumbara.” Gotamo was Pabbato raja (the mountain monarch) at Mithila.
24. Kassapo, born at Baranasinagara. Parents, the brahman Brahmadatto and Dhanawati. His bo-tree, the “nigrodha.” Gotamo was a brahman named Jotipalo at Wappulla.
Gotamo is the Buddho of the present system, and Metteyyo is still to appear, to complete the number of the present “Mahabadda kappo.”
The Buddhos of this kappo, Gotamo excepted, are represented to have appeared in the long period which intervened between the reigns of Neru and Makhadewo. The recession to an age so immeasurably and indefinitely remote is a fiction, of course, advisedly adopted, to admit of the intervention of an “abuddhotpado,” with its progressive decrease and readjustment of the term of human life; which, according to the buddhistical creed, precedes the advent of each supreme Buddho. The Mahawanso does not attempt to give the designations of these preposterous series of monarchs, who are stated to have reigned during that interval; but the Pitakattaya and the Atthakatha do contain lists of the names of all the rajas of the smaller, and of the initial rajas of the larger, groups. Whenever these buddhistical genealogical materials are tabulurized and graduated, on the principle applied to the hindu genealogies, they will probably be found to accord with them to a considerable degree; making due allowance for the variation of appellations made by either sect, in reference to, or in consequence of, events and circumstances connected with their respective creeds.
In reference to the twelfth verse, the Tika explains that the name Uruwelaya, — the present Buddhagya, where the sacred bo-tree still stands, and at which place several inscriptions are recorded, some of which have been translated and published in the Asiatic Researches and Journals, -- is derived from "Uru” (sands) and “welaya” (mounds or waves); from the great mounds or columns of sand which are stated to be found in its vicinity, and which have attracted the attention of modern travellers also.
I shall only notice further, in regard to the first chapter, that the isle of Giridipo is mentioned as being on the south east coast of Ceylon, and is represented to abound in rocks covered with enormous forest trees. The direction indicated, points to the rocks nearly submerged, which are now called the Great and Little Basses. But as speculation and hypothesis are scrupulously avoided in my present sketch, I abstain from further comment on this point. Mahiyangano, the spot on which Buddho alighted in his first visit to Ceylon, is the present post of Bintenne, where the dagoba completed by Dutthagamini still stands. Selasumano, or Sumanakuto. is Adam’s peak. The position of Nagadipo, the scene of Buddho's second visit, I am not able to identify. It is indicated to have been on the north western coast of the island. The alleged impression of Buddho’s foot on Adam’s peak; the dagoba constructed at Kalyani, near Colombo; as well as the several dagobas built at Anuradhapura, and at Dhigawapi, and the bo-tree subsequently planted at Anuradhapura; together with the numerous inscriptions,— the more modern of which alone have yet been decyphered, are all still surviving and unobliterated evidences confirmatory of Gotamo’s three visits to Ceylon.
In opening the second chapter, Mahanamo supplies detailed data touching several of Gotamo's incarnations, prior to his manifestation in the person of Mahasammato, the first monarch of this creation. I shall confine myself to a translation of the portion of the commentary which treats of that particular incarnation. It will serve to assimilate his production or manifestation, by “opapatika” or apparitional birth, with the hindu scheme of the origination of the solar race.
At the close of that existence (in the Brahma world) he was regenerated a man, at the commencement of this creation, by the process of "opapatika." From the circumstance of mankind being then afflicted with unendurable miseries, resulting from the uncontrolled state of the sinful passions which had been engendered, as well as from the consternation created by the murder, violence, and rapine produced by a condition of anarchy, a desire manifested itself among men to live subject to the control of a ruler. Having met and consulted together, they thus petitioned unto him (the Buddho elect), "O great man! from henceforth it belongs to thee to provide for our protection and common weal." The whole human race having assembled and come to this decision, the appellation was conferred on him of "Mahasammato," "the great elect."
Valuable as the comments are on the genealogy of the Asiatic monarchs -- the descendants and successors of Mahasammato, -- they are still only abridged and insulated notes deduced (as already noticed) from the Pitakattaya and the Atthakatha; to which justice would not be done in this limited sketch of the buddhistical annals. As a proof, however of Mahanamo's general rigid adherence to the data from which his history is compiled, I may here advert to one of the instances of the care with which he marks every departure, however trivial, from the authorities by which he is otherwise guided. He says, in reference to the twenty eight kings mentioned in the 6th verse: "In the Atthakatha composed by the Uttarawiharo priests, omitting Chetiyo, the son of Upacharako, and representing Muchalo to be the son of Upacharako, it is stated that there were only twenty seven rajas, whose existence extended to an asankya of years."
In reference to these genealogies, I shall now only adduce the following extracts from the Tika, containing the names of the capitals at which the different dynasties reigned; and giving a distinct account of Okkako, (Ixkswaku of the hindus) and of his descendants, as well as the derivation of the royal patronymic "Sakya," -- to which no clue could be obtained in hindu annals; but which is nearly identical with the account extracted by Mr. Csoma de Koros from the Tibetan "kahgyur," and published in the Bengal Asiatic Journal of August, 1833.
Those nineteen capitals, were. — Kusawati, Ayojjhapura, Baranasi, Kapila, Hatthipura, Ekachakkhu, Wajirawutti, Madhura, Aritthapura, Indapatta, Kosambi, Kannagochha, Roja, Champa, Mithila, Rajagaha, Takkasilla, Kusnara, Tamalitti.
The eldest son of Okkako was Okkakamukho. The portion of the royal dynasty from Okkakamukkho to Suddhodano, (the father of Gotamo Buddho) who reigned at Kapila, was called the Okkako dynasty. Okkako had five consorts, named Hattha, Chitta, Jantu, Palini, and Wisakha. Each had a retinue of five hundred females. The eldest had four sons, named, Okkakamukho, Karakando, Hatthineko, and Nipuro: and five daughters, Piya, Sapiya, Ananda, Sananda, and Wiyitasena. After giving birth to these nine children she then died, and the raja then raised a lovely and youthful princess to the station of queen consort. She had a son named Jantu, bearing also his father’s title. This infant on the fifth day after his nativity was presented to the raja, sumptuously clad. The delighted monarch promised to grant any prayer of her's (his mother) she might prefer. She, having consulted her relations, prayed that the sovereignty might be resigned to her son. Enraged. he thus reproached her: "Thou outcast, dost thou seek to destroy my (other) children?" She, however, taking every private opportunity of lavishing her caresses on him, and reproaching him at the same time, with "Raja! it is unworthy of thee to utter an untruth;" continued to importune him. At last, the king assembling his sons, thus addressed them. "My beloved, in an unguarded moment, on first seeing your younger brother Junta, I committed myself in a promise, to his mother. She insists upon my resigning, in fulfilment of that promise, the sovereignty to her son. Whatever may be the number of state elephants and state carriages ye may desire; taking them, as wall as a military force of elephants, horses, and chariots, depart. On my demise, return and resume your rightful kingdom." With these injunctions he sent them forth, in the charge of eight officers of state. They, weeping and lamenting, replied, "Beloved parent, grant us forgiveness for any fault (we may have committed.”) Receiving the blessing of the raja, as well as of the other members of the court, and taking with them their sisters who had also prepared to depart, — having announced their intention to the king in these words, "We accompany our brothers," — they quitted the capital with their army, composed of its four constituent hosts. Great crowds of people, convinced that on the death of the king they would return to resume their right, resolved to adhere to their cause, and accompanied them in their exile.
On the first day, this multitude marched one yojana only; the second day, two; and the third day, three yojanas. The princes thus consulted together: "The concourse of people has become very great: were we to subdue some minor raja, and take his territory; that proceeding also would be unworthy of us. What benefit results from inflicting misery on others? Let us, therefore, raise a city in the midst of the wilderness, in Jambudipo." Having decided accordingly, repairing to the frontier of Himawanto, they sought a site for their city.
At that period, our Bodhisatto, who was born in an illustrious brahman family, and was called Kapilo brahman, leaving that family, and assuming the sacerdotal character in the "Isi" sect, sojourned in the Himawanto country in a "pannasala" (leaf hut) built on the borders of a pond, in a forest of sal trees. This individual was endowed with the gift called the "bhomilakkhanan;" and could discern good from evil, for eighty cubits down into the earth, and the same distance up into the air. In a certain country, where the grass, bushes, and creepers had a tendency in their growth, taking a southerly direction then to face the east: where lions, tigers, and other beasts of prey, which chased deer and hog; and cats and snakes, which pursued rats and frogs, on reaching that division, were incapacitated from persevering in their pursuit; while, on the other hand, each of the pursued creatures, by their growl or screech only, could arrest their pursuers; there this (Kapila Isi,) satisfied of the superiority of that land, constructed this pannasala.
On a certain occasion, seeing these princes who had come to his hut, in their search of a site for a city, and having by inquiring ascertained what their object was; out of compassion towards them, he thus prophesied: “A city founded on the site of this pannasala will become an illustrious capital in Jambudipo. Amongst the men born here, each will be able to contend with a hundred or a thousand (of those born elsewhere). Raise your city here, and construct the palace of your king on the site of my pannasala. On being established here, even a chandalo will become great like unto a Chakkawatti raja." "Lord" observed the princes, “will there be no place reserved for the residence of Ayyo?” “Do not trouble yourselves about this residence of mine: building a pannasala for me in a corner, found your city, giving it the name 'Kapila.'" They, conforming to his advice, settled there.
The officers of state thus argued: "If these children had grown up under their father's protection, he would have formed matrimonial alliances for them; they are now under our charge:" and then addressed themselves on this subject to the princes. The princes replied: "We see no royal daughters equal in rank to ourselves; nor are there any princes of equal rank to wed our sisters. By forming unequal alliances, the children born to us, either by the father's or mother's side, will become degraded by the stain attached to their birth; let us therefore form matrimonial alliances with our own sisters." Accordingly, recognizing in their eldest sister the character and authority of a mother, in due order of seniority (the four brothers) wedded (the other four sisters).
On their father being informed of this proceeding, he broke forth (addressing himself to his courtiers) into this exultation; "My friends, most assuredly they are sakya. My beloved, by the most solemn import of that term, they are unquestionably sakya," (powerful, self-potential).
From that time, to the period of king Suddhodano, all who were descended (from those alliances) were (also) called Sakya.
As the city was founded on the site where the brahman Kapilo dwelt, it was called Kapilanagara.
The account of the first convocation on religion, after Gotamo's death, is so clearly and beautifully given in the third chapter, that no explanatory comments are requisite from me. For detailed particulars regarding the construction of the convocation hall at Rajagaha, and the proceedings held therein, the Tika refers to the Samantapasada Atthakatha on the Díghanikayo, and the Sumangala wilasini Attakattha.
The fourth and fifth chapters are the most valuable in the Mahawanso, with reference to the chronology of Indian history. It will be observed that in some respects, both in the names and in the order of succession, this line of the Magadha kings varies from the hindu genealogies.Reserving the summing up of the chronological result till I reach the date at which the Indian history contained in the Mahawanso terminates, I shall proceed to touch on each commentary which throws any light on that history, in the order in which it presents itself, in that interval.
The first of the notes I shall select, contains the personal history of Susunago, who was raised to the throne on the deposition of Nagadasako. With the exception of a somewhat far-fetched derivation suggested of that usurper's name, the account bears all the external semblance of authenticity. This note is interesting in more than one point of view. It describes the change in the Magadha dynasty to have proceeded from the deposition, and not from the voluntary abdication, of Nagadasako. It, likewise, is not only corroborative of the tolerance of courtesans in the ancient social institutions of India, which was, I believe, first developed by professor Wilson's translation of the hindu plays; but shows also that there was an office or appointment of "chief of courtesans," conferred and upheld by the authority of the state. Professor Wilson thus expresses himself in his essay on the dramatic system of the hindus, on this point."The defective education of the virtuous portion of the sex, and their consequent uninteresting character, held out an inducement to the unprincipled members, both of Greek and Hindu society, to rear a class of females, who should supply those wants which rendered home cheerless, and should give to men hetæra or female friends, and associates in intellectual as well as in animal enjoyment. A courtesan of this class inspired no abhorrence: she was brought up from her infancy to the life she professed, which she graced by her accomplishments, and not unfrequently dignified by her virtues. Her disregard of social restraint was not the voluntary breach of moral, social, or religious precepts -- it was the business of her education to minister to pleasure; and in the imperfect system of the Greeks, she committed little or no trespass against the institutes of the national creed, or the manners of society. The Hindu principles were more rigid; and not only was want of chastity in a female a capital breach of social and religious obligations, but the association of men with professed wantons was an equal violation of decorum, and, involving a departure from the purity of caste, was considered a virtual degradation from rank in society. In practice, however, greater latitude seems to have been observed; and in the "Mrichchakatí "a brahman, a man of family and repute, incurs apparently no discredit from his love for a courtesan. A still more curious feature is, that his passion for such an object seems to excite no sensation in his family, nor uneasiness in his wife; and the nurse presents his child to his mistress, as to its mother; and his wife, besides interchanging civilities (a little coldly, perhaps, but not compulsively), finishes by calling her 'sister,' and acquiescing therefore in her legal union with her lord. It must be acknowledged that the poet has managed his story with great dexterity, and the interest with which he has invested his heroine, prevents manners so revolting to our notions, from being obtrusively offensive. No art was necessary, in the estimation of a hindu writer, to provide his hero with a wife or two, more or less; and the acquisition of an additional bride is the ordinary catastrophe of the lighter dramas."
The following is a literal translation of the note in question, in the Tika.
Who is this statesman named Susunago? By whom was he brought up? He was the son of a certain Lichchawi raja of Wesali. He was conceived by a courtesan ("Naggarasobhini," literally "a beauty of the town") and brought up by an officer of state. The foregoing is recorded in the Atthakatha of the priests of the Uttarawiharo (of Anuradhapura). Such being the case, and as there is no want of accordance between our respective authorities, I shall proceed to give a brief sketch of his history.
Upon a certain occasion, the Lichchawi rajas consulted together, and came to the resolution, that it would be prejudicial to the prosperity of their capital, if they did not keep up the office of "Naggarasobhini tharantaran" (chief of courtesans). Under this persuasion, they appointed to that office a lady of unexceptionable rank. One of these rajas, receiving her into his own palace, and having lived with her, there, for seven days, sent her away. She had then conceived unto him. Returning to her residence, she was delivered, after the ordinary term of pregnancy. The issue proved to be an abortion. Deeply afflicted, and overwhelmed with shame and fear, causing it to be thrown into a basket, carefully covered with its lid, and consigning it to the care of a female slave, she had it placed, early in the morning, at the Sankharatanan (where all the rubbish and sweepings of a town are collected). The instant it was deposited there (by the slave), a certain nagaraja, the tutelar of the city, observing it, encircling it in its folds and sheltering it with its hood, assumed a conspicuous position. The people who congregated there, seeing (the snake), made the noise "su," "su," (to frighten it away); and it disappeared. Thereupon a person who had approached the spot, opening (the basket) and examining it, beheld the abortion matured into a male child, endowed with the most perfect indications of greatness. On making this discovery, great joy was evinced. A certain chief who participated in this exultation, taking charge of the infant removed him to his house; and on the occasion of conferring a name on him, in reference to the shouts of "su," "su," above described, and to his having been protected by the nagaraja, conferred on him the name of "Susunago."
From that time protected by him (the chief), and in due course attaining the wisdom of the age of discretion, he became an accomplished acharayo; and among the inhabitants of the capital, from his superior qualifications, he was regarded the most eminent person among them. From this circumstance, when the populace becoming infuriated against the raja Nagadasako deposed him, he was inaugurated monarch, by the title of Susunago raja.
In the tenth year of the reign of Kalasoko, the son and successor of Susunago, a century had elapsed from the death of Gotamo, and the second convocation on religion was then held, under that monarch's auspices, who was a buddhist, at Wesali; -- his own capital being Pupphapura. The fourth chapter contains the names of the sovereigns, and the term of their respective reigns during that period, as well as the circumstances under which the second convocation originated, and the manner in which it was conducted. The Tika contains some important comments on the "schisms” with which the fifth chapter commences.
Not to interrupt the continuity of the historical narrative of India, I shall proceed with the translation of the notes on the Nandos, and on Chandagutto and his minister Chanakko. I regret that want of space prevents my printing the text of these valuable notes. I have endeavoured to make the translation as strictly literal as the peculiarities of the two languages would admit.Subsequent to Kalasoko, who patronised those who held the second convocation, the royal line is stated to have consisted of twelve monarchs to the reign of Dhammasoko, when they (the priests) held the third convocation. Kalasoko's own sons were ten brothers. Their names are specified in the Atthakatha. The appellation of "the nine Nandos" originates in nine of them bearing that patronymic title.
The Atthakatha of the Uttarawiharo priests sets forth that the eldest of these was of an extraction (maternally) not allied (inferior) to the royal family; and that he dwelt in one of the provinces: it gives also the history of the other nine. I also will give their history succinctly, but without prejudice to its perspicuity.
In aforetime, during the conjoint administration of the (nine) sons of Kalasoko, a certain provincial person appeared in the character of a marauder, and raising a considerable force, was laying the country waste by pillage. His people, who committed these depredations on towns, whenever a town might be sacked, seized and compelled its own inhabitants to carry the spoil to a wilderness, and there securing the plunder, drove them away. On a certain day, the banditti who were leading this predatory life having employed a daring, powerful, and enterprising individual to commit a robbery, were retreating to the wilderness, making him carry the plunder. He who was thus associated with them, inquired: "By what means do you find your livelihood?" "Thou slave," (they replied) "we are not men who submit to the toils of tillage, or cattle tending. By a proceeding precisely like the present one, pillaging towns and villages, and laying up stores of riches and grain, and providing ourselves with fish and flesh, toddy and other beverage, we pass our life jovially in feasting and drinking.” On being told this, he thought: "This mode of life of these thieves is surely excellent: shall I, also, joining them, lead a similar life?" and then said, "I also will join you, I will become a confederate of your’s. Admitting me among you, take me (in your marauding excursions).” They replying "sadhu,” received him among them.
On a subsequent occasion, they attacked a town which was defended by well armed and vigilant inhabitants. As soon as they entered the town the people rose upon and surrounded them, and seizing their leader, and hewing him with a sword, put him to death. The robbers dispersing in all directions repaired to, and reassembled in, the wilderness. Discovering that he (their leader) had been slain; and saying. "In his death the extinction of our prosperity is evident: having been deprived of him, under whose control can the sacking of villages be carried on? even to remain here is imprudent: thus our disunion and destruction are inevitable:” they resigned themselves to desponding grief. The individual above mentioned, approaching them, asked: "What are ye weeping for?" On being answered by them, "We are lamenting the want of a valiant leader, to direct us in the hour of attack and retreat in our village sacks;" "In that case, my friends, (said he) ye need not make yourselves unhappy; if there be no other person able to undertake that post, I can myself perform it for you; from henceforth give not a thought about the matter.” This and more he said to them. They, relieved from their perplexity by this speech, joyfully replied "sadhu;" and conferred on him the post of chief.
From that period proclaiming himself to be Nando, and adopting the course followed formerly (by his predecessor), he wandered about, pillaging the country. Having induced his brothers also to cooperate with him, by them also he was supported in his marauding excursions. Subsequently assembling his gang, he thus addressed them: "My men! this is not a career in which valiant men should be engaged; it is not worthy of such as we are; this course is only befitting base wretches. What advantage is there in persevering in this career, let us aim at supreme sovereignty?" They assented. On having received their acquiescence, attended by his troops and equipped for war, he attacked a provincial town, calling upon (its inhabitants) either to acknowledge him sovereign, or to give him battle. They on receiving this demand, all assembled, and having duly weighed the message, by sending an appropriate answer, formed a treaty of alliance with them. By this means reducing under his authority the people of Jambudipo in great numbers, he finally attacked Patiliputta (the capital of the Indian empire), and usurping the sovereignty, died there a short time afterwards, while governing the empire.
His brothers next succeeded to the empire in the order of their seniority. They altogether reigned twenty two years. It was on this account that in the Mahawanso) it is stated that there were nine Nandos.
Theır ninth youngest brother was called Dhana nando, from his being addicted to hoarding treasure. As soon as he was inaugurated, actuated by miserly desires the most inveterate, he resolved within himself; "It is proper that I should devote myself to hoarding treasure;" and collecting riches to the amount of eighty kotis, and superintending the transport thereof himself, and repairing to the banks of the Ganges -- by means of a barrier constructed of branches and leaves interrupting the course of the main stream, and forming a canal, he diverted its waters into a different channel; and in a rock in the bed of the river having caused a great excavation to be made, he buried the treasure there. Over this cave he laid a layer of stones, and to prevent the admission of water, poured molten lead on it. Over that again he laid another layer of stones, and passing a stream of molten lead (over it), which made it like a solid rock, he restored the river to its former course. Levying taxes among other articles, even on skins, gums, trees, and stones, he amassed further treasures, which he disposed of similarly. It is stated that he did so repeatedly. On this account we call this ninth brother of theirs, as he personally devoted himself to the hoarding of treasure, "Dhana-nando."
The appellation of "Moriyan sovereigns” is derived from the auspicious circumstances under which their capital, which obtained the name of Moriya, was called into existence.
While Buddho yet lived, driven by the misfortunes produced by the war of (prince) Widhudhabo, certain members of the Sakya line retreating to Himawanto, discovered a delightful and beautiful location, well watered, and situated in the midst of a forest of lofty bo and other trees. Influenced by the desire of settling there, they founded a town at a place where several great roads met, surrounded by durable ramparts, having gates of defence therein, and embellished with delightful edifices and pleasure gardens. Moreover that (city) having a row of buildings covered with tiles, which were arranged in the pattern of the plumage of a peacock's neck, and as it resounded with the notes of flocks of "konchos” and "mayuros" (pea fowls) it was so called. From this circumstance these Sakya lords of this town, and their children and descendants, were renowned throughout Jambudipo by the title of "Moriya." From this time that dynasty has been called the Moriyan dynasty.