OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT OF I

Your relationship with government is simple: government knows everything about you, and you know nothing about government. In practice this means government can do whatever it wants to you before you know it's going to happen. Government policy makers think this is a good way of ensuring citizen compliance. Thus, all of these investigations are retrospective -- they look back at the squirrely shit that government has pulled, and occasionally wring their hands about trying to avoid it happening in the future. Not inspiring reading, but necessary if you are to face the cold reality that Big Brother is more than watching.

Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

Postby admin » Sun Jun 14, 2015 8:25 pm

PART 1 OF 4

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SOUTHERN FRONT CONTRAS

What drug trafficking allegations was CIA aware of, and when, involving Southern Front Contras? How did CIA respond to this information, and how was this information shared with other U.S. Government entities?

The Southern Front Trafficking Reports

Agency Knowledge and Handling of Allegations of Southern Front Involvement in Drug Trafficking

General Summary and Background. In October 1984, CIA began receiving reporting that Southern Front ARDE leaders had agreed to assist a Miami-based drug trafficker in bringing narcotics into the United States. The information from this series of reports was furnished to senior officials of U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agencies.

CIA Records. In January 1984 Headquarters received information that indicated that helicopters purchased by Cuban-Americans on behalf of Eden Pastora's Contra organization--ARDE--were being held in a Miami warehouse owned by a businessman. A Miami-based Cuban-American was identified as the donor of the helicopters. In January a Headquarters cable noted that CIA had been advised by the FBI that Sarkis might be "subject to judicial [sic] investigation connected with alleged illegal activities." As a result, the Headquarters cable also advised that any Agency asset who was in contact with Sarkis be warned that "Sarkis may be involved in alleged drug trafficking."

In May 1984, Headquarters received a cable regarding Carol Prado, a senior ARDE official. The cable noted that there was "little to add at this time to what has already been reported [concerning] Prado's involvement in illegal drug and gun activities." The cable noted that the Department of the Treasury, the U.S. Customs Service and the FBI were "aware of the activities of this group and are watching them closely."

First Report. In October 1984, CIA received information indicating that senior ARDE officials, including several of Pastora's close associates--Adolfo Chamorro, Carol Prado and Gerardo Duran--had established a working relationship with a Miami-based drug trafficker. An October 1984 cable to Headquarters indicated that Adolfo Chamorro--Pastora's second-in-command--had just consummated a "mutual assistance agreement" with a Miami-based narcotics trafficker whose name was not known at the time of the report. The cable reporting this information to Headquarters noted that:

[ARDE] would provide [ARDE] operational facilities in Costa Rica and Nicaragua to facilitate the transportation of narcotics, and would obtain the assistance of Costa Rican Government officials in providing documentation, in exchange for financial support, aircraft, and pilot training for the [ARDE].

Further, the cable indicated that the unnamed Miami-based drug trafficker had:

Turned over helicopters to ARDE and made arrangements for a C-47 to be flown to El Salvador; and

Promised to pay ARDE $200,000 per month once the narcotics operations were underway. . . .

In October 1984, a cable asked Headquarters for permission to share this information with the local Department of Treasury office. The cable noted that Treasury had an ongoing investigation of suspected arms smuggling by ARDE elements in the Miami area, and that the Department had previously said that ARDE representatives "were in contact with [a Miami-based Cuban-American]. . . who is suspected of trafficking in narcotics." No information has been found to indicate a Headquarters response to this cable. However the information was disseminated by Headquarters to a senior officer in the Department of Treasury and other senior U.S. Government, intelligence, and law enforcement officials in Washington shortly thereafter.

October 1984 Sensitive Memorandum Dissemination. In October 1984, Headquarters disseminated a Sensitive Memorandum based upon the information that had been provided in mid-October. All the information was disseminated, except that a general reference to El Salvador as the destination for the C-47 flight was substituted for the specific reference to Ilopango Air Base.

A "Headquarters Comment" was included in the disseminated Sensitive Memorandum that indicated it was not known "whether Pastora himself was aware of the narcotics angle of the agreement." An additional Headquarters Comment pointed out that confirmation had been received that the ARDE had recently acquired two helicopters and a DC-3 transport plane.

The Sensitive Memorandum was disseminated to 13 senior U.S. Government, intelligence, and law enforcement officials by position title. Within CIA, this Sensitive Memorandum was also disseminated to senior officials.

Second Report. An October 1984 cable to Headquarters reported that the name of the Miami-based drug trafficker with whom ARDE officials were dealing was Jorge Morales. The cable restated the terms of the mutual assistance agreement that had been reported in mid-October and added the following details:

On October 31, Gerardo Duran, an ARDE pilot who was flying on Morales' behalf, was scheduled to fly from Miami to the Bahamas.

Morales and Adolfo Chamorro were in the process of setting up "bank accounts in Miami through which to funnel the monthly payments to the ARDE once the working relationship between Morales and the ARDE is in full operation."

No mention was made of Pastora in this report, except to identify him as the head of the ARDE.

November 5, 1984 Sensitive Memorandum Dissemination. On November 3, 1984, a Headquarters cable stated that the information provided on October 31 was being prepared for limited dissemination. Further, the cable advised that Headquarters intended to discuss with DoJ during the week of November 5 how to proceed regarding the handling of the source of the information--presumably in light of the information the source had provided regarding alleged narcotics trafficking. The cable advised that no direct action was to be taken with regard to Pastora. The Headquarters cable noted that:

Given the volume and the detail of the evidence we have received, it is difficult to believe that an operation of this magnitude could be conducted within the [ARDE] without [Pastora's] approval. We have been fastidious about insuring that all information is passed to appropriate agencies on a timely basis and we must avoid at all costs an accusation that [CIA] condoned narcotics trafficking by [ARDE].

On November 5, 1984, the information provided on October 31 was disseminated in Sensitive Memorandum format to 16 senior U.S. Government, intelligence, and law enforcement officials by position title.

CIA Report to DoJ. On November 7, 1984, CIA General Counsel Stanley Sporkin attached a cover memorandum to the October Sensitive Memorandum and forwarded it to DCI Casey. Sporkin's memorandum indicated that the information had already been shared with appropriate officials in the U.S. Government, but stated that he intended to have OGC directly contact DoJ Criminal Division Deputy Assistant Attorney General Mark Richard in order to protect "the public as well as the Agency's interests." On November 19, 1984, according to a January 15, 1985 OGC memorandum, an OGC representative orally briefed the Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division regarding the information.

A November 26, 1984 OGC memorandum for the record (MFR) indicated that OGC and DO officers had met with DoJ, FBI and DEA representatives on November 9 and November 19 to discuss the substance and implications of the information that had been disseminated in October and November. According to the MFR, DEA reported at the November 19 meeting that Jorge Morales was awaiting trial in Miami, along with 13 other defendants, on federal charges of engaging in a Continuous Criminal Enterprise. It was agreed at that meeting, stated the MFR, that DEA would brief an Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) in Miami about the information and that the AUSA would be asked, in turn, to discuss the matter with the Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division. Further, the MFR stated that the CIA representatives had agreed to make the source of the information available to be debriefed by DEA, the FBI and the AUSA.

Third Report. According to a November 1984 cable to Headquarters, Pastora, Adolfo Chamorro and Roberto Chamorro were scheduled to travel to Miami on that same day and that two ARDE pilots--including Gerardo Duran--had already arrived in Miami. The purpose of this travel was for Pastora and the two Chamorros to meet Morales. Reportedly the pilots were probably going to undertake a narcotics-related flight on behalf of Morales. The report also indicated:

Adolfo Chamorro had established a bank account in Miami and that, to date, Morales had transferred approximately $30,000 to the ARDE.

Morales appeared to be attempting to relocate his operations from the United States to Central America and the Bahamas.

Morales had indicated that he occasionally met with Fidel Castro in Cuba.

According to a December 1984 cable to Headquarters, Pastora and his associates had arrived in Miami and were staying at the home of a Miami-based Cuban-American. Further, Pastora was scheduled to meet with Morales.

December 1984 Sensitive Memorandum Dissemination. In December 1984, the information reported in November was disseminated in Sensitive Memorandum format to 13 senior United States Government, intelligence, and law enforcement officials by position title.

A December 1984 OGC MFR by Assistant General Counsel Betty Ann Smith indicated that OGC and DO officers had met on December 6, 1984 with representatives of DEA and the United States Attorney's Office in Miami and briefed them regarding the information that had been provided in November. Further, according to the OGC MFR, the source of the information had been debriefed by a DEA agent during this same meeting.

According to a December 1984 cable from Headquarters, CIA and DEA agreed during the December 1984 meeting that the source would report on any further ARDE/FRS narcotics trafficking. It was also agreed that subsequent information would be shared by CIA with the DEA and the Department of Justice.

According to a December 1984 cable, Pastora had met with Morales, Sarkis and a Miami-based Cuban-American. Reportedly Pastora said that the meeting with Morales had not gone well. Pastora "did not like Morales' pressuring him to immediately meet [Pastora's] end of their arrangement, which is providing pilots and operational facilities in Costa Rica for Morales' drug operations." No information has been found to indicate whether this information was shared with U.S. law enforcement agencies or disseminated outside the DO.

Eden Pastora

Background. Eden Pastora Gomez, whose "war name" was Commandante Zero, joined the Sandinistas in the early 1970s to seek the overthrow of Somoza. Especially popular after he stormed Somoza's National Palace in 1978, he was nonetheless excluded in 1979 from the Sandinista National Liberation Front's (FSLN's) nine-man Directorate and given relatively minor positions in the post-Somoza Sandinista Government. These setbacks displeased Pastora, and he also claimed to be dismayed by the leftward turn of the Sandinista regime. In 1981 Pastora broke with the Sandinistas, and he went into self-imposed exile in Costa Rica shortly thereafter.

Pastora formed the FRS in early 1982 and allied his group with several other Contra organizations to form the Costa Rican-based ARDE in September 1982. Pastora led ARDE's military struggle against the FSLN until July 1984, when the organization's leadership replaced him. An ARDE spokesman attributed Pastora's replacement to injuries received in the May 1984 bomb attack against him at La Penca, but Pastora's leadership had also been undermined by his refusal to join forces with leaders of the Northern Front. Pastora left ARDE in 1986 and withdrew from the military effort.

Between early 1982 and mid-1984, Pastora was the main recipient of the funds CIA channeled to Contras fighting on the Southern Front. However, the funding allocated by Congress for the Contras had been expended by August 1984, and CIA was forced to cease its material support. More comprehensive congressional restrictions on the Agency's ability to support the Contras took effect in October 1984 and remained in place until December 1985.

The cutoff of U.S. funding led associates of Pastora to begin looking for alternative sources of funds. In October 1984, CIA began receiving the reporting mentioned earlier that Southern Front leaders allied with Pastora had agreed to help Miami-based trafficker Jorge Morales bring drugs into the United States in exchange for his material and financial help to the Southern Front. A subsequent October Headquarters cable instructed those dealing with Pastora:

. . . not to take definitive action to declare the relationship with [Pastora] terminated. Rather, we want to back away from the man leaving him guessing as to the status of his relationship with [CIA]. We do not want to initiate contact with him under any circumstances, unless it is done for the purpose of manipulating him towards some objective clearly consistent with [U.S.] policy in the region.

The Agency's relationship with Pastora was one of its most significant with a Contra leader. While the drug trafficking allegations were a factor in the decision to terminate that relationship, the October 1984 Headquarters cable indicated that the Agency was responding to other factors as well. CIA also judged that the advantages of dealing with Pastora were outweighed by the poor performance of his Southern Front fighting forces, by counterintelligence issues arising from his contacts with the Sandinistas in Managua, and by operational restrictions imposed by Congress.

In November 1984, Headquarters instructed that "no direct action is to be taken with [Pastora]. Ideally, you will be able to avoid him altogether." A November reply stated that only four meetings with Pastora had occurred since July 1984 and that the last of these was on October 18. At the last meeting, it had reportedly been made clear that CIA could no longer provide any support, direct or indirect, to Pastora's organization.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. An October 1982 cable to Headquarters reported that INS had received information indicating that a meeting of Contra members was to be held in Costa Rica to discuss an exchange in the U.S. of arms for narcotics. A November 1982 cable identified Pastora as one of those who would be attending.

CIA began receiving reporting in October 1984 indicating that associates of Pastora in ARDE had agreed to work with known narcotics trafficker Jorge Morales. That same month Harold Martinez Saenz -- a former deputy FRS commander -- said that he could no longer support ARDE due to Pastora's ineffective leadership. Martinez had also stated that he did not want to become involved in drug and arms smuggling activities and corrupt handling of money, thus inferring that Pastora and his staff were involved in those activities.

Regarding the arrangement allegedly worked out with Morales by Pastora's FRS associates in 1984, Adolfo Chamorro says that Pastora was not aware of Morales' drug trafficking activities until after the meetings in October 1984 and after Pastora himself had met with Morales in December 1984. Cables in 1985 indicate that Pastora "temporarily discontinued" the arrangement with Morales in early January 1985 when he realized the potential political fallout from dealing with narcotics traffickers. Pastora says that he ordered that the planes donated by Morales be returned when he learned that Morales was a drug trafficker.

In April 1985, according to a Headquarters cable, the text of a February Sandinista radio broadcast from Managua alleged that Pastora and his associates were completing construction of three landing strips in the Guanacaste area of Costa Rica for light aircraft to be used for drug trafficking. The drug trafficking was being undertaken, the radio broadcast said, to substitute for the financing that was no longer available in the wake of a Congressional cutoff of Contra funding.

An April 1985 cable to Headquarters reported that an employee of Alpa Airlines had said that the company was concealing cocaine in yucca shipments destined for the United States. The cable reported that two of the five persons reported to be owners of Alpa were Gerardo Duran and David Mayorga.(12) Duran had already been identified as a close associate of Pastora. In addition, one of the planes allegedly used by Alpa Airlines was reported to belong to Pastora and ARDE.

A December 1985 Headquarters cable stated that Adolfo Chamorro had told a Southern Opposition Bloc (BOS) member that a Panamanian, Cesar Rodriguez, was gathering drug money for Pastora. Rodriguez was identified in this cable as a narcotics trafficker who had business ties to Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega.

A January 1986 cable reported to Headquarters that a Costa Rican associate of Pastora reportedly said that he had 200 kilograms of cocaine he wished to use in helping to finance Pastora's Contra activities.

In June 1986 and July-August 1987, CIA was told of a trip to Panama by Jose Davila, Carol Prado and Pastora. During the trip, Pastora reportedly had accepted $10,000 from Cesar Rodriguez, who was described as a narcotics trafficker from Colombia.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. CIA terminated its relationship with Pastora in October 1984, within two weeks of receiving the first reporting about ARDE's drug-related dealings with Morales. While other factors were involved, the drug trafficking allegations weighed in the decision.

A February 1986 cable requested an inter-Agency review of the information implicating David Mayorga in narcotics trafficking because he was one of Pastora's closest advisors. The same cable noted that this information "needs to be made available to those still bent on seeing that [Pastora] is given . . . funding." No information has been found to indicate that such a review took place.

On March 1986, a Station asked Headquarters for specific instructions regarding what role Pastora was to play in the Contra unification agreement. The Station outlined the drug allegations against Pastora's associates in the cable and stated that:

. . . .

in COS' view, a political or other kind of accommodation with [Pastora] in which [the Agency] plays a known mediating role places [the Agency] is an untenable and unjustifiable position for which, in COS' view, there can be no reasonable or acceptable explanation.

. . . .

We will work through one united command structure, built around the one which is currently in place. We [w]ill not work through the existing FRS structure because, simply put, it is too badly penetrated by Sandinistas and too many of the players have been associated with narcotics smuggling. We will be willing to incorporate members from the FRS structure into t[h]e unified structure, but only after they have been given a thorough security screening

. . . .

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As explained earlier, the reporting tying Pastora and senior members of his group to drug smuggling operations into the United States was disseminated by CIA to a broad range of senior USG intelligence and law enforcement officials.

OCA files indicate that the Agency forwarded to Steven Berry, Associate Counsel of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI), on January 29, 1985, a response to a question regarding Pastora's possible consummation of a working arrangement with Colombian drug dealers. The Agency response noted that all relevant details had been reported in the program summaries to HPSCI. The response added that:

To summarize, intelligence reporting indicates that members of Pastora's organization (FRS) have agreed -- either with Pastora's direct knowledge or tacit approval -- to provide pilots and landing strips inside Costa Rica and Nicaragua to a Miami-based Colombian drug dealer in exchange for financial and material support. Information pertaining to Pastora's involvement in drug trafficking has been forwarded to the appropriate Enforcement Agencies. [sic]

On August 1, 1986, CATF legal officer Louis Dupart forwarded to CATF Chief Fiers, LA Division Chief and LA Division Deputy Chief a MFR for a meeting with HPSCI Staffer Mike O'Neil held on July 9, 1986 in CATF Chief's office at O'Neil's request to discuss another topic. The memorandum stated that, in response to other questions from O'Neil, Chief/CATF said that Pastora had voluntarily renounced his role as a resistance leader.

On April 25, 1986, Headquarters authorized the sharing with DEA of documents that described the October 1984 agreement between ARDE officials and Morales. DEA reportedly planned to use the documents as background information prior to debriefing Adolfo Chamorro in Miami.

In July 1987, a Station reported to Headquarters that, unless advised otherwise, the Station intended to provide the local DEA office with a message from Octaviano Cesar. The message indicated that Marcos Aguado wanted to contact the CIA to provide specific information that tied Eden Pastora to "past drug trafficking."

On July 31, 1987, CATF Chief Alan Fiers testified to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) concerning the allegations that Morales had made in testimony at the Kerry Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) regarding Contra involvement in narcotics trafficking. Fiers discussed what CIA knew about drug trafficking allegations concerning Pastora and a number of former FRS/ARDE members. Fiers stated that the Agency did not have knowledge that Pastora was directly involved in the Morales narcotics deal, but also said:

We have a significant body of evidence with regard to involvement of the former members of ARDE in the Southern Front--Pastora's people being directly involved in cocaine trafficking to the United States. . . .

In addition, according to SSCI transcripts, Fiers used one of his biweekly meetings with the SSCI to share information with that Committee regarding allegations that Southern Front personnel were involved in narcotics trafficking. On October 14, 1987, Fiers stated to the SSCI regarding Pastora's plans to return to Nicaragua:

We frankly don't very much care what [Pastora] does right now. We don't think it would be a terrible problem for us. You must always remember that the Sandinistas know what we know. This guy is a cocaine runner. Period. He ran cocaine. And they know that and we know that and they don't want him back. He's a hot potato for anybody.

A January 4, 1988 MFR drafted by Robert Buckman, OCA, indicated that CATF provided a summary briefing on the Nicaraguan program for SSCI on the same date. At that briefing, Senator Bill Bradley inquired about allegations of drug trafficking, and Fiers responded that "Pastora had been involved with a Colombian trafficker, but the FDN was clean."

Adolfo Jose Chamorro

Background. Adolfo Jose Chamorro Cesar, also known as "Popo," is a Nicaraguan citizen currently residing in Managua. He had U.S. Permanent Resident Alien (PRA) status from 1983 until 1990, when he became the Nicaraguan Consul General in Miami. He is the nephew of Violetta Chamorro, the first elected president of Nicaragua after the Sandinista regime, and the uncle of Roberto "Tito" Chamorro, another Contra figure.

Adolfo Chamorro fought in the revolution to overthrow Somoza. Following Somoza's ouster in 1979, he served as an official of the FSLN. Chamorro's tenure as a government minister was short-lived, however, due to his arrest in 1981 in connection with a counter-revolutionary plot against the Sandinista Government. He then went into exile in Costa Rica. There he joined forces with Eden Pastora, his former FSLN commander, and the anti-Sandinista organization ARDE. In June 1983, Chamorro became the chief of military intelligence for ARDE.

In the summer of 1984, Eden Pastora left the ARDE and reorganized the FRS. Chamorro followed Pastora and became the FRS Deputy Military Commander. In October, Chamorro traveled to Miami to raise funds to support the FRS/ARDE coalition. In October 1984, Chamorro's name was linked with possible drug trafficking. On July 26, 1985, Chamorro broke with Pastora and the FRS and aligned himself with the newly formed BOS.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The Southern Front trafficking reports that began to be received in October 1984 stated that Adolfo Chamorro had been instrumental in making the arrangement for drug trafficker Jorge Morales to supply monetary support and aircraft in exchange for the use of FRS pilots. Chamorro reportedly set up a bank account in Miami through which money from Morales could be transferred to FRS/ARDE.

The reporting indicated that Chamorro and Morales had met again on October 30 to discuss their concerns about who within the Contras might have informed CIA about one of the aircraft that Morales had provided. Another meeting between Chamorro and Morales was reportedly planned for late November, this time to include Pastora. Chamorro says he was present at that meeting and that no conditions were attached to Morales' offer of support to the Contra cause.

In January 1986 cables noted that Chamorro had a relationship with Gerardo Duran, an FRS pilot who was arrested in Costa Rica for smuggling cocaine. Although no direct connection could be made between Duran's smuggling activities and Chamorro, the relationship between the two men had been noted with interest by a Central American Station and the local DEA office.

In October 1990, after the Contra war had concluded, the Miami Herald and El Nuevo Herald carried front-page articles charging that Chamorro, who was then serving as the Nicaraguan Consul General in Miami, had trafficked in narcotics from 1984 to 1986. The article stated that a Colombian pilot had testified during the trial of a Medellin drug lord that he had flown arms to Contra forces in Central America and cocaine shipments to Florida and that Chamorro was part of this arms/drugs network.

Chamorro characterizes his meetings with Morales in late 1984 as appropriate since he was the director of logistics for FRS/ARDE. He maintains that the purpose of the meetings was to discuss support to FRS/ARDE and that neither he nor anyone in FRS/ARDE knew at that time of any drug trafficking allegations against Morales. Chamorro states that FRS/ARDE contact with Morales was terminated when the drug allegations became known. Chamorro says that none of the members of FRS/ARDE were involved in drug trafficking and they never knowingly accepted drug money. While Chamorro admits to having met Duran on several occasions, he states that he was not aware of any agreement between Duran and Morales. He explains, however, that Duran may have made his own deal with Morales to ship drugs.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. By September 1986, Chamorro was one of the five BOS directorate officers. CIA was no longer opposing BOS and was providing support. A September 1986 cable to Headquarters had noted a suggestion made to BOS leader Alfredo Cesar that Chamorro should be interviewed by CIA Security because of his alleged involvement with drug trafficking. In January 1987, Headquarters instructed that it was to be emphasized to Cesar that U.S. Government funds could not be used to support Chamorro until the allegations against him were resolved.

Chamorro thereafter agreed to be interviewed by CIA Security. Based on the results of that interview, CIA Security was led to believe it was highly probable that Chamorro was involved in drug trafficking. A February 1987 cable reported that BOS had accepted Chamorro's resignation and removed him from the BOS payroll.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As explained earlier, the 1984 Southern Front trafficking reporting was disseminated by CIA to a broad range of senior U.S. Government intelligence and law enforcement officials. The reporting noted that Chamorro had reached an agreement with a Miami-based drug trafficker to provide FRS facilities to transport narcotics in exchange for financial support, aircraft and pilot training, named the narcotics trafficker with whom Chamorro had struck the deal as Jorge Morales, and stated that another meeting was planned between Morales, Chamorro and Pastora.

In January 1986, Chamorro was scheduled to travel to Washington, D.C., as part of a BOS delegation lobbying for support for the Contra movement. CIA Headquarters stated in a January 1986 cable that it was "attempting to highlight [Chamorro's] known involvement in drug activities to convince appropriate parties to forego meetings with BOS in [Washington]." On January 22, 1986, Acting DCI John McMahon sent letters to the Chairmen of the SSCI and HPSCI informing them that Chamorro would be visiting members of Congress during that week. McMahon wrote, "While I would not normally comment on visitors to Congress, I believe it essential that I provide you with some highly derogatory information on Chamorro. . . . Our information indicates that Chamorro. . . has been involved in drug smuggling to the United States." The letter went on to detail Chamorro's association with Jorge Morales. In addition, it gave information about other contacts Chamorro had with suspected drug traffickers and offered a briefing concerning Chamorro's activities.

On January 24, 1986, a Central American Station informed Headquarters that it had discussed Chamorro several times with local DEA officers. The January 8, 1986 arrest of FRS pilot Gerardo Duran on drug charges in Costa Rica, explained the cable, made Chamorro's connection with Duran highly suspect. The Station stated that it had informed DEA of its interest in what Duran might have to say about that relationship when DEA questioned him after his release, which was "expected momentarily due to lack of Costa Rican willingness to prosecute."

On January 6, 1986, the SSCI requested Agency comments regarding a December 27, 1985 article in The Washington Post alleging a link between the Contras and drug trafficking. The information from the 1984 reporting about Chamorro and his dealings with Morales was included in CIA's January 13, 1986 reply.

On April 25, 1986, a Station requested that DEA officials be alerted that Chamorro was due to arrive at Miami Airport after being arrested and expelled for illegally entering Costa Rica. The Station suggested that DEA officers in Miami might want to question Chamorro about possible drug trafficking. According to an April 1986 cable to Headquarters, Chamorro had been interviewed by DEA in Miami on April 25 and named others whom he alleged to be trafficking in narcotics, but did not incriminate himself. DEA chose to maintain contact with Chamorro, but a July 1986 Headquarters cable declined CIA participation, asking only that DEA keep the Agency informed.

On April 15, 1986, a Memorandum entitled "Contra Involvement in Drug Trafficking" was prepared by CIA in response to a request from then-Vice President Bush. This Memorandum, which was delivered to Bush by a CIA officer on April 15, 1986, was a summary of the 1984 Southern Front trafficking reporting concerning Chamorro's and Pastora's contacts with Jorge Morales. The CIA analyst who drafted the Memorandum says that there was no request for follow-up regarding the reporting that was summarized in the Memorandum. The analyst also says she was aware of no further mention of the Contras' involvement in drug trafficking in Agency intelligence disseminations until early 1987.

On January 21, 1987, ADCI Robert Gates provided Morton Abramowitz, Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, with a Memorandum that had been prepared by CIA to address all allegations then known to CIA regarding alleged Contra/drug trafficking connections. The Memorandum included the information from 1984 regarding Chamorro and his connections to Morales. DoS responded on February 9, 1987 by demanding that Chamorro be removed from BOS membership, stating that "the law specifically directs that no funds are to be distributed to or through any resistance group that retains in its ranks any individual who has been found to engage in drug smuggling." CATF Chief Fiers replied to DoS, in an undated Memorandum, that CIA had taken immediate steps on learning of Chamorro's affiliation with BOS to have Chamorro removed as a member or affiliate of BOS. Fiers' Memorandum went on to say that CIA believed it was highly probable that Chamorro was involved in drug trafficking, and that all relevant information known to CIA had been shared with DEA and the FBI.

On March 10, 1987, CATF provided CIA's OGC with two cables from February 1987 and March 1987, concerning Chamorro's "suspicious activities." These activities reportedly included dealing in stolen electronic equipment and allegedly warning his employees to inspect all incoming packages for drugs because he thought the FBI was watching him. CATF recommended on a routing sheet attached to the cables that OGC "report this information to the Department of Justice." A handwritten, but unsigned, note attached to the cables stated that the drug-related information was "probably reportable but does [Chamorro] have a direct role in the activity--he hasn't admitted to involvement." No information has been found to indicate how or whether this question was resolved. As explained in further detail below, this information was not reported to DoJ by OGC until January 1988.

On March 5, 1987, according to an OCA Memorandum for the Record written by Robert Buckman, CATF Chief Fiers briefed the SSCI on the situation in Nicaragua. Fiers told the Committee that CIA believed it was highly probable that Adolfo Chamorro was involved in drug trafficking and that BOS risked losing its U.S. aid "if it did not fully sever its ties with Chamorro."

On July 31, 1987, CATF Chief Fiers testified before the SSCI and stated that CIA had "unimpeachable" information that Chamorro had planned to meet Morales in November 1984.

On January 5, 1988, CIA General Counsel David Doherty sent a letter to William Weld, Assistant Attorney General for DoJ's Criminal Division, informing him that the Agency was forwarding information concerning Adolfo Chamorro in accordance with Section 1.7(a) of Executive Order 12333. The letter stated that Chamorro might be involved in smuggling drugs into the United States and that the Agency had information that Chamorro might have been involved in the sale of stolen electronic merchandise in Miami. The letter went on to say that "although this non-employee crime is not required to be reported, . . ." the Agency thought it sufficiently serious to share the information with DoJ. The General Counsel's letter was brought to the attention of the Iran-Contra Independent Counsel and DEA by Associate Attorney General Stephen S. Trott as an enclosure to a March 17, 1988 letter to Associate Independent Counsel Guy Struve.

Roberto Jose Chamorro

Background. Roberto "Tito" Jose Chamorro, a nephew of both former Nicaraguan President Violetta Chamorro and prominent Contra leader Adolfo Chamorro, was a Contra commander associated with the Southern Front forces. CIA records indicate that Roberto Chamorro first came to the attention of the Agency in 1984 when he was FRS Chief of Operations under Pastora's command. As of mid-1985, Chamorro reportedly was one of the FRS commanders who favored unification with other member groups in the anti-Sandinista forces. However, he reportedly believed that Pastora would have to be removed from military command for this to occur. By August 28, 1986, Chamorro had aligned himself with Alfredo Cesar's BOS organization.

According to a March 1, 1989 Department of Defense (DoD) cable, Roberto Chamorro "retired from the fight" in 1986 after learning that he would not be a commander in UNO.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The October and November 1984 reporting indicated that Roberto Chamorro--along with Adolfo Chamorro and Eden Pastora--would be attending a late November meeting with indicted drug trafficker Jorge Morales. No information has been found to indicate that Roberto Chamorro was actually present when the meeting took place in December 1984.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

Postby admin » Sun Jun 14, 2015 8:26 pm

PART 2 OF 4

In August 1985, Headquarters requested immediate "talking points" regarding U.S. objectives in Nicaragua. Included in the undated response were allegations of narcotics trafficking by some members of the FRS. This included Roberto Chamorro, but no details were provided to substantiate the allegation against him.

In April 1987, a cable informed Headquarters of information from a DoS Embassy officer who reportedly had heard from a contact that Chamorro was part of a group involved in shipping cocaine from Nicaragua via Costa Rica to the United States. The cable reported that it had no way to evaluate the authenticity of the information.

In July 1987, Jorge Morales testified before the SFRC Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations that he had met Roberto Chamorro in Costa Rica in 1984. He said he had asked Chamorro to supply him with bodyguards, but the bodyguards were never provided. When asked whether he had discussed drug trafficking while in Costa Rica, Morales replied affirmatively. However, he did not identify Roberto Chamorro as one of those with whom he reportedly had such discussions.

CIA Responses to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In August 1986, Chamorro was interviewed by CIA Security. On the basis of that interview, CIA Security did not have concerns about Chamorro's possible involvement in drug trafficking. Based on subsequent security interviews in January 1987, Security continued to not have concerns about Chamorro and drug trafficking.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As explained earlier, the 1984 Southern Front trafficking reporting included Robert Chamorro among those meeting with drug trafficker Morales. This information was disseminated by CIA to a broad range of senior U.S. Government intelligence and law enforcement officials.

On July 31, 1987, CATF Chief Fiers testified before the SSCI that CIA had a "brief period of contact" with Roberto Chamorro, the purpose of which was "damage limitation." Fiers further stated that the Agency was aware of Chamorro's "checkered background" but opted to "take that tack [of having contact with him] to limit [Chamorro's] potential to do damage" to the unification process.

A July 1987 cable to Headquarters indicated that senior ARDE/FRS pilot Marcos Aguado wished to discuss alleged drug trafficking within Pastora's group because Morales had reportedly implicated Aguado and Roberto Chamorro. The Station reported that it was not going to meet with Aguado due to counterintelligence concerns but had shared this information with the local DEA office.

Marcos Antonio Aguado

Background. Marcos Aguado was a Sandinista Air Force pilot (1979-1980) and then an Aeronica Airlines commercial pilot until his defection in 1983 when he joined the Contra resistance. By September 1984, he was appointed Chief of Air Operations for the FRS/ARDE and was a personal pilot to FRS/ARDE leader Eden Pastora. Aguado made numerous flights over Nicaragua to supply FRS/ARDE troops and later was named Chief of Staff of the FRS/ARDE General Staff. Aguado, according to Eden Pastora, is also Pastora's son-in-law. According to an April 1983 Headquarters cable, Aguado had been offered a job flying an aircraft for the Southern Front.

A December 1984 cable advised:

. . . .

. . . [Aguado] actively assisted [two individuals], Duran and Carol Prado in disruption of ARDE/MDN flight activities, and according to [another asset] was being sent to Ilopango to destroy the Islander aircraft, circa July 84. In addition, [Aguado] assisted in the [Pastora] [sic] search for the Cessna 310 that crashed 9 August on [Hull's] property, and the search for the pilot and helicopter stolen from [Pastora]. During this period, hostile threats against [CIA], [John Hull] and the former [Southern Front] pilot were noted.

. . . .

The cable also pointed out that Aguado had not flown any missions inside Nicaragua since September 1983. The cable also noted that Aguado "is closely associated with" Pastora, Adolfo Chamorro and Duran; "as such he may very well be actively participating in alleged narcotics activities . . . or at least aware of such activities."

According to a December 1984 cable to Headquarters, Aguado "has been designated by Pastora as one of his 18 commandantes, to be in charge of air operations and logistics at Ilopango."


Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The first indications to CIA of Aguado's possible involvement in drug trafficking were included in the October 1984 Southern Front trafficking information that:

1. During a mid-October 1984 visit to Miami, Florida, Sandino Revolutionary Front (FRS) official Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro, reached an agreement with an unidentified Cuban narcotics trafficker whereby the FRS will provide operational facilities in Costa Rica and Nicaragua plus assistance with Costa Rican government officials in obtaining documentation in exchange for financial support, aircraft and pilot training for the FRS. The Cuban . . . made arrangements for a C-47 to be flown from Haiti to El Salvador by FRS pilot Marco [sic] Antonio Aguado Arguello on 16 October 84.

2. The agreement with the Cuban also includes the training of two FRS pilots in Miami. The pilots will continue their FRS duties after the training but will also serve the traffickers by flying narcotics from South America to the FRS provided landing fields in Costa Rica and Nicaragua. From these staging areas the narcotics will be moved to the U.S.

. . .

In April 1985, a Station reported to Headquarters that Aguado had used a DC-3—the civilian designation for a C-47—to deliver supplies to FRS/ARDE forces in southern Nicaragua on March 29, 1985.

A January 1986 cable stated that:

[Marcos Aguado] should have knowledge of the recent arrest of Gerardo Duran Ayanegui regarding his alleged involvement in a shipment of 600 kilo[gram]s of cocaine from Jorge Morales (Colombian Mafia) to the U.S. Duran and Morales are closely associated with [Eden Pastora], [Aguado], Carol Prado, David Mayorga,. . . and others, all of whom, including [Aguado], are listed in Duran's phone book. Morales supplied [Pastora] with a C-47 aircraft and other air support; [Aguado] has piloted the C-47 for [Pastora] and is believed to maintain close contact with the above personnel.

The next Agency reporting of a drug-related allegation against Aguado came in an April 1986 cable to Headquarters. According to that cable, Adolfo Chamorro "plans to denounce Carol Prado, Eden Pastora and Marco [sic] Aguado as being the ones involved in drug-trafficking activities. Chamorro claims to have the evidence to prove this allegation." Headquarters was informed in an April 1986 cable that DEA had debriefed Chamorro on April 25, 1986 and obtained no information concerning narcotics trafficking. According to the cable, "all Chamorro wanted to talk about were politics and war."

In April 1987, a Station relayed to Headquarters information provided by a U.S. Embassy officer. The Embassy officer reported being told by a contact that Aguado, along with Carol Prado, David Mayorga, Adolfo Chamorro, Gerardo Duran, and another individual "are presently involved in shipping cocaine from Nicaragua via Costa Rica to the United States."

In March 1988, a cable reported to Headquarters that a suspected Guatemalan drug trafficker--Reyner Veliz Cruz--had recently been traveling with Aguado and described Veliz and Aguado as "new inseparable friends." Although not specifically alleging drug trafficking, the cable reported that Veliz, with co-pilot Aguado, arrived at Ilopango air base from Guatemala in February 1988, in a twin engine aircraft. The cable also reported that the two arrived at Ilopango from Pavas in another twin engine aircraft later in February 1988. Finally, the cable reported that Veliz and Aguado arrived at Ilopango in March 1988 in the same twin engine aircraft after customs officials had departed and the airfield was supposedly closed. The same cable noted that Aguado could not obtain a U.S. visa due to his suspected links in the past with drug traffickers. However, Aguado reportedly "has bragged that he still works for CIA" and "the customs personnel at Ilopango assume that Aguado has connections with drug trafficking, as well as good contacts within the Salvadoran Air Force. . . ." In this cable, the Station stated its approval to share the information with DEA personnel in Guatemala.

Enrique Miranda Jaime, a convicted drug trafficker, claims that Aguado flew weapons to Medellin, Colombia, during the 1980s and returned with cocaine that he stored at Ilopango. Miranda also alleges that Aguado was involved with Norwin Meneses and the movement of narcotics through Nicaragua. No information has been found to support Miranda's allegations.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that CIA ever attempted to develop additional independent information that would confirm or refute the allegations against Aguado. No information has been found to indicate whether CIA considered, or the reasons why they may have decided not to take, such steps.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. The October 1984 reporting included information about Aguado's alleged role in moving a C-47 from Haiti to El Salvador. This information was disseminated as a sensitive memorandum to senior U.S. Government intelligence and law enforcement officials.

According to a SSCI transcript entitled CIA Briefing on Drug Running, CATF Chief Alan Fiers, briefed SSCI Staff members on July 31, 1987 concerning allegations of Contra involvement in drug trafficking. The transcript shows that Fiers included information relating to Aguado in this briefing and described Aguado's alleged involvement in the October 1984 Morales-Chamorro agreement.

The transcript shows that Fiers also detailed for the SSCI Staff members Aguado's role in taking possession in Haiti of the C-47 aircraft provided by Morales that was later used by Aguado in March 1985 to deliver supplies to ARDE forces. In the briefing, Fiers also provided the SSCI Staff members with a summary of information concerning four or five flights by Gerardo Duran to Miami on behalf of Morales.

Gerardo Duran

Background. Gerardo Duran was a Costa Rican national who had close ties to Southern Front Contra personalities, including Eden Pastora, Carol Prado, Adolfo Chamorro, Jose Robelo, and Marcos Aguado. He served as a personal pilot for Pastora from 1984 until sometime in early 1985. He was employed as chief pilot for the Costa Rican-based aviation company, Alpa Aerolineas del Pacifico Fumigacions (Alpa Airlines), between 1985 and 1986.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. CIA first received allegations of Duran's possible involvement in drug trafficking in the October 1984 Southern Front trafficking report. That report included information that Duran was scheduled to make a flight for Jorge Morales in October 1984 from Miami to the Bahamas.

In November 1984, a cable informed Headquarters that Duran and another pilot were in Miami. According to the cable, the presence of Duran indicated a flight to move narcotics from Colombia to the Bahamas was imminent.

In December 1984, a cable advised Headquarters of allegations that Duran had recently returned to Costa Rica, had access to a Cessna 404 Titan aircraft and appeared to be involved in drug trafficking.

A February 1985 cable to Headquarters reported a possible connection between Duran and Pedro Portu, who "has a well-known background in narcotics trafficking." In February 1985, a Station reported to Headquarters that, according to "Popo" Chamorro, Duran was aboard an FRS Baron aircraft that had crashed in the Pacific Ocean while transporting an aircraft generator from Pavas airfield in Costa Rica to Ilopango air base in El Salvador. According to the cable, Marcos Aguado "believes that Duran was on another type of mission, possibly drug related."

A March 1985 cable to Headquarters reported that "both [Adolfo] Chamorro and Geraldo [sic] Duran have accompanied [Jorge] Morales to the Bahamas to look over his operations." The cable noted that a belief "that Duran and Quesada [sic] travelled to the Bahamas from Miami and made flights for Morales."

In March 1985, a cable noted that Duran had been suspected of making drug running flights to Miami and the Bahamas. Further, the cable stated that the "local [DEA] rep[resentative] reported that Duran is on their records as a trafficker and also for involvement in running Cubans into Mexico."

An April 1985 cable to Headquarters reported that Marcos Aguado had said that "Duran is suspected of being involved in drug trafficking. . . ." The cable did not, however, state why Duran was suspected of drug trafficking.

An April 1985 cable listed several names and noted that the majority of the reporting available to CIA concerning the listed persons, including Duran, had to do with alleged connections to narcotics trafficking. Also in April 1985, a cable to Headquarters reported that an employee of Alpa Airlines suspected that the company was transporting cocaine to the United States in yucca shipments and noting that Duran was the "chief pilot" for Alpa Airlines.

In May 1985, a Station sent a cable to Headquarters that summarized reporting from two sources regarding the involvement of FRS personnel in narcotics trafficking. It noted that, although there was "a lack of hard evidence," Duran was one of "the two individuals consistently named by both sources" as being involved in narcotics trafficking.

A May 1985 cable to Headquarters noted that, according to a contact, "Duran was on a drug flight when he ditched the Baron . . . in the Pacific [Ocean]." This was an apparent reference to the crash of an FRS-owned Baron aircraft while en route from Costa Rica to Ilopango air base in El Salvador that was described in a February 1985 cable.

A July 1985 cable to Headquarters noted suspicions that Alpa "is being used as a front for narcotics operations," and that reportedly on June 8 David Mayorga had said that:
. . . the 150 kilograms of cocaine that were captured near Barra Del Colorado, Costa Rica . . . in a Cessna Citation . . . were destined for Frudaticos to be packed into yucca for delivery to the U.S.

The cable also reported that there were suspicions "that Sergio Sarcovik and [Carlos] Vikes arranged for the pilots of this aircraft to leave the country, probably in the Cessna 206 . . . with Gerardo Duran as the pilot."

In January 1986, Duran was arrested by the Costa Rican Office of Judicial Investigation (OIJ) for his alleged involvement in cocaine trafficking. His arrest was the focus of a number of cables. A January 1986 cable advised Headquarters that:

[Marcos Aguado] should have knowledge of the recent arrest of Gerardo Duran Ananegui regarding his alleged involvement in a shipment of 600 kilo[gram]s of cocaine from Jorge Morales (Colombian Mafia) to the U.S.

In January 1986, Headquarters sent a cable asking for a query to be made to the local DEA offices for information they might have linking Gerardo Duran, "Popo" Chamorro, Jorge Morales, and David Mayorga to narcotics trafficking. A January 1986 cable to Headquarters stated:

. . . Gerardo Duran, who is presently in jail after witnesses put him at the scene of a 600 kilo[gram] coke deal in Guanacaste, is Costa Rican, not Nicaraguan. We have reported on his recent arrest.

In January 1986, Headquarters sent a cable that stated:

Please provide whatever details are available . . . on ref[erenced] arrest of Gerardo Duran for alleged involvement in smuggling of 600 kilo[gram]s of cocaine to the United States. FYI: [w]e reported [Chamorro's] involvement in drug smuggling to Co[n]gress via [DCI] letter to Intelligence Committee Chairmen. Letter included reference to Duran arrest and we would appreciate details in event there is follow up inquiry from Congress.(13)

In January 1986, a cable to Headquarters noted obtaining from DEA a copy of the OIJ report of Duran's arrest and provided information based on that report. The cable stated that Duran was arrested on January 8, 1986 and had admitted to loading "bundles"—the cable did not specify that the bundles included narcotics—onto an aircraft at Tamarindo airport in Guanacaste Province in December 1985. The cable stated further:

[OIJ] is still holding Duran but the decision to try him is pending. [Headquarters] will recall that [Manuel "Pillique"] Guerra and [Pastora] are quite close. In any event, [DEA] is certain they can get an indictment of Duran in Miami and they are pursuing that goal.

A cable to Headquarters in March 1986 stated:

Gerardo Duran, a [Pastora] pilot who [DEA] says was introduced to major narcotics trafficker Jorge Morales by [Pastora], is known by [DEA] to have participated in the air shipment of several hundred kilo[gram]s of cocaine from Liberia (Costa Rica) airport to the West Indies for onward shipment to the U.S. Duran himself was arrested by Costa Rican authorities for in-country possession of seven kilo[gram]s of cocaine and [DEA] is pursuing that case . . . and with the U.S. attorney.

According to an April 1987 cable, the Costa Rican press reported that "Duran was re-arrested this last week as a suspect in having helped transport 450 kilo[gram]s of cocaine through Costa Rica." The cable did not specify the destination of the cocaine. According to the cable, Duran was "first arrested in December 1985 with the same charge, but skipped bail." The cable also noted that Costa Rican "authorities suspect Duran of having ties with a smuggling ring which has used numerous airstrips in Guanacaste Province (Costa Rica) for clandestine drug flights."

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In May 1985, a cable advised Headquarters that "the Station is attempting to gather solid evidence . . . to confirm alleged weapons and/or narcotics trafficking by Duran and his [Contra] associates." The cable also suggested that:

It would be useful if future messages regarding alleged narcotics/weapons trafficking indicate approval of passage to [DEA], or whether the data is already shared with [DEA] office.

No information has been found to indicate that Headquarters responded to this suggestion.

In January 1986, Headquarters sent a cable asking Stations to "query local [DEA] offices for information they may have linking the following [including Duran] to involvement in narcotics trafficking." A Station responded in January 1986, saying:

[DEA] is aware of our interest in what Duran has to say about [Eden Pastora] and [Popo Chamorro] involvement in trafficking and will question him again after he is released. His release is expected momentarily due to lack of Costa Rican willingness to prosecute. However, [DEA] plans to prosecute him under a . . . law dealing with international trafficking; they think they can make the case stick, whereas [the Costa Ricans do] not.

A January 1986 response from another Station stated:

[DEA] records indicate that Gerardo Albert [sic] Duran Ayaneque, [sic] . . . was arrested for cocaine smuggling in January 1986. He had previously been suspected of smuggling drugs via aircraft in September 1985 . . . . Additional information on Duran is available to [DEA]/Miami case agent. If desired, please advise.

No information has been found to indicate any response by Headquarters to the cable.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As explained earlier, the 1984-85 reporting that included information about Duran's alleged participation in the Morales-ARDE narcotics trafficking discussions was disseminated to a broad range of senior U.S. Government intelligence and law enforcement officials.

A January 24, 1986 letter from ADCI John McMahon notified the SSCI and HPSCI that CIA had information concerning Adolfo Chamorro's involvement in narcotics smuggling. The letter reported Duran's arrest in Costa Rica for his alleged involvement "in a shipment of 600 kilo[gram]s of cocaine from [Jorge] Morales to the U.S." This letter was followed by a Headquarters cable requesting:

. . . whatever details are available to Station on ref[erenced] arrest of Gerardo Duran for alleged involvement in smuggling of 600 kilo[gram]s of cocaine to the United States. FYI: [w]e reported [Popo Chamorro's] involvement in drug smuggling to . . . Intelligence Committee Chairmen. Letter included reference to Duran arrest and we would appreciate details in event there is follow up inquiry from Congress.

As mentioned earlier, the Station responded in January 1986 with a cable providing Headquarters with details regarding Duran's arrest.

An April 1986 CATF cable included detailed information concerning the 1984 arrangements between Chamorro and Morales. The cable also detailed Duran's 1986 arrest in Costa Rica as background material for an interview of Chamorro and authorized sharing the information with the local DEA office.

On January 21, 1987, ADCI Robert Gates forwarded to Ambassador Morton Abramowitz, Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research, a memorandum that discussed allegations in CIA's possession regarding connections between drug traffickers and members of the Contras. This memorandum included Duran's connection with Morales, as well as his arrest in January 1986 "by Costa Rican authorities for his alleged involvement in transporting 600 kilo[gram]s of cocaine to the United States for Jorge Morales."

On November 2, 1988, DEA sent a request to CIA for any information in CIA's possession concerning four people, one of whom was Duran. On December 14, 1988, CIA responded that it had no relevant information that had not been provided previously to DEA.

Alfonso Robelo

Background. Alfonso Robelo was active in Nicaraguan politics for over 30 years. He was an original member of a five-person ruling junta of the Sandinista Government, a Southern Front Contra political leader and later Ambassador to Costa Rica during the presidency of Violetta Chamorro. Robelo's opposition to the Sandinistas crystallized in mid-1980 when he resigned his position on the Sandinista Council of State to protest the Council's expansion and addition of FSLN members. By early 1982, Robelo -- along with Eden Pastora and Brooklyn Rivera -- formed ARDE.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. An October 1984 cable to Headquarters reported that a Sandinista newspaper, El Nuevo Diaro, had stated on October 10, 1984 that Robelo and ARDE had accepted help from an unidentified drug trafficker in Miami. The article also said that two FRS/ARDE helicopters had been painted with a black substance to make them invisible to radar.

In June 1987, CIA learned that Robelo had been contacted by two Bolivians -- Enrique Crespou and Fernando Perou -- who had offered to make a "significant" monetary contribution to the Contras. Robelo said that they offered $150 million to the Contras with "no strings attached." Robelo said that the Bolivians were evasive in their answers about the origins of the funds. Robelo was advised not to accept any money from the Bolivians until its origins could be determined.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that CIA took any actions to follow up on the 1984 Sandinista newspaper allegation that Robelo and ARDE were involved in dealings with a drug trafficker.

In October 1988, a cable reported to Headquarters that Perou and Crespou had been accused during a press conference by Roberto Suarez Levy, son of imprisoned cocaine "king" Roberto Suarez Gomez, of being CIA agents. Suarez Levy also alleged that CIA and DEA were operating a cocaine lab in "Huanchaca," Bolivia. A Headquarters response stated that the only relevant information it had regarding Perou and Crespo was that they had met with Robelo in June 1987 and offered him $150 million for the Contras.

Robelo says he does not recall the meeting with the Bolivians or their reported offer of $150 million. He does not deny that the meeting may have taken place, but states that he participated in approximately 10 situations when people offered to donate large sums of money to the Contras but did not do so.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that CIA informed U.S. law enforcement or other agencies or the Congress about the 1984 Sandinista newspaper allegation. CIA informed Congress about the alleged offer of $150 million from the Bolivians in 1997 in the context of another matter.

Jose Salvador Robelo

Background. Jose Salvador Robelo Ortiz was a major figure in the Sandinista Party, serving first as an insurgent and later as a Sandinista Government official. By 1981, he devoted his full attention to Nicaraguan Democratic Movement (MDN) activities in San Jose with his cousin, Alfonso Robelo. His brother was Silvio Robelo, who was imprisoned by the GRN. Circa 1983, Jose Robelo became the Air Operations Coordinator within ARDE. He was later put in charge of maritime operations. Robelo gained a reputation for being disruptive and was considered to be of dubious reputation by the FDN. In September 1985, he was suspended indefinitely as Chief of UNO/Nicaraguan Revolutionary Armed Force (FARN) operations as a result of an internal investigation that held Robelo fully responsible for ordering the torture and execution of an alleged Popular Sandinista Army collaborator in August 1985. Although it is unclear when, Robelo later became active with the Southern Front again.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The first allegations of Robelo's involvement in drug trafficking were received by CIA in December 1984 when he was identified as a continuing associate of Jaime Ibarra Pasos, a.k.a. Pachelli. Pachelli was reportedly a known drug dealer in San Jose who trafficked approximately two kilograms of cocaine each month within Costa Rica. Pachelli was reportedly a close associate of Sebastian Gonzalez.

Also in December 1984, a CIA contact said that Gerardo Duran, a part-time FRS pilot, had recently returned to Costa Rica and had access to a Cessna 404. According to the contact, Duran reportedly had flown missions for Pastora and Robelo and might be involved in drug trafficking activities.

In April 1985, a cable reported that Robelo was associated with David Mayorga and another individual. Mayorga and the other individual reportedly were involved in drug trafficking.

In May 1985, a cable provided Headquarters with a summary overview of involvement of FRS personnel in narcotics trafficking. According to that overview, an ARDE Islander aircraft had made several trips to Miami and one to the Dominican Republic carrying Adolfo "Popo" Chamorro, who was implicated in drug trafficking. This aircraft reportedly was under the control of Robelo at the time. There was no indication of involvement by FRS personnel.

The April 17, 1989 edition of the Nicaraguan newspaper La Republica included a story that international agencies had published statements, based on information from the SFRC, that Robelo was involved in drug trafficking. The accusations of his involvement were based on comments made to the SFRC by Robert Owen. In the story, Robelo reportedly denied participation in any drug-related activities and criticized Owen because his statements were unfair and Robelo could not defend himself. Robelo also reportedly emphasized that he always adhered to the laws and would be willing to answer any questions in order to prove his innocence.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A January 1987 cable to Headquarters noted that Robelo had been alleged historically to be involved in narcotics trafficking and that the Station had successfully obtained Robelo's severance from all Contra elements. A September 7 cable to Headquarters describing Robelo noted that "in the past [Robelo] has been accused of possible involvement in narcotics trafficking to support the Nicaraguan resistance military efforts."

Sharing of Information with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that any of the information available to CIA regarding Robelo's alleged involvement in drug trafficking was shared with other U.S. Government agencies or the Congress.

Octaviano Cesar

Background. During the 1980s, Octaviano Cesar, brother of BOS leader Alfredo Cesar, played a role in the Southern Front. Agency officers met occasionally with Cesar--usually in the United States--to gather information and to help promote unity among the Southern Front groups. These infrequent meetings ended after Cesar was interviewed by CIA Security in April 1987. Based on this interview, CIA believed it was highly probable that Cesar was involved in drug trafficking.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The October 1984 Southern Front trafficking reporting noted that Miami-based drug trafficker Jorge Morales had a relationship with Octaviano Cesar and that Cesar had unsuccessfully sought to sell Morales blank Nicaraguan passports for $5,000 each. A second report claiming that Cesar had a relationship with Morales was received by Headquarters in January 1985 when Morales reportedly had described Cesar as a close friend.

On April 6, 1987, the CBS television program West 57th Street related allegations by Morales that Octaviano Cesar was his link to high levels of the U.S. Government regarding drug and arms smuggling. Further, the program reported that Cesar had accompanied Morales and Adolfo Chamorro on a trip to the Bahamas in late 1984, with Cesar and Chamorro agreeing to Morales' request that they carry checks for large sums of money through U.S. Customs on their return.

An April 1988 cable notified Headquarters that Octaviano Cesar had been arrested by Costa Rican authorities. The charges were described as credit payment default to a local business. There was a suggestion made that the arrest was part of a harassment campaign by Costa Rican authorities due to Cesar's alleged ties to drug trafficking.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. As mentioned earlier, CIA disseminated the October 1984 information regarding Octaviano Cesar's links to Morales as a sensitive memorandum. Cesar was forced by CIA to resign from BOS, although he continued for some time thereafter to be involved in the group's affairs. In April 1987 CIA received a letter from Octaviano Cesar in which he denied the accusations by Morales and put himself at the disposal of the U.S. Government to proceed with any investigation that would clear his name.

In April 1987, Octaviano Cesar was interviewed by CIA Security. Cesar was asked about his past association with Morales and allegations of drug trafficking. He reportedly stated that he had first been introduced to Morales around 1984 by Adolfo Chamorro's former wife, Marta Healy, and that he had been involved in additional meetings concerning Morales' offer of aircraft to the Southern Front forces. Regarding the 1984 trip to the Bahamas, Cesar said that the purpose was to test the flying skills of Marcos Aguado, and that he did not know of any other specific purpose until the return flight when Morales asked Cesar and Chamorro to claim when clearing U.S. Customs that several checks were theirs. Cesar reported that he had suspected that Morales was involved with drug money, but that his desire to help the Southern Front drove him to work with Morales. Cesar reportedly denied ever using or taking any money from Morales, except reimbursement for travel expenses. Cesar reportedly also said that Marta Healy had contacted him in late 1986 with a request from Morales that Cesar testify in the United States that Morales' drug trafficking had been undertaken to assist the Contra resistance. Cesar said that he had refused this request.

Based on Cesar's interview, CIA Security believed it was highly probable that Cesar was involved in drug trafficking and involved in taking money from Morales. On May 4, 1987, CATF Chief Fiers prepared and sent a detailed report to Elliott Abrams, Assistant Secretary of State and Chairman of the Interagency for Nicaragua, regarding concerns about Cesar and drug trafficking.

On July 21, 1987, Headquarters instructed several Latin America Stations to advise all personnel who were talking with Alfredo Cesar that Octaviano Cesar must avoid even the appearance of being involved in BOS activities. That same month, Alfredo Cesar agreed to bar Octaviano from serving in any official or unofficial BOS capacity.

A cable notified Headquarters in September 1988 that Cesar had informed Southern Front leaders that he intended to return to a prominent role in the resistance. This was reportedly because he had received a letter from the SFRC, signed by SFRC Chairman Senator John Kerry, absolving Cesar of all drug trafficking charges.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As explained earlier, the 1984 reporting, which included the information connecting Cesar to drug trafficker Jorge Morales, was disseminated to a broad range of senior U.S. Government intelligence and law enforcement officials.

An unsigned memorandum dated April 15, 1987 indicated that CIA had notified DEA's Miami office in January 1985 of Cesar's close association with Morales. The Agency informed DoS of suspicions regarding Cesar's involvement in drug trafficking in a July 20, 1987 memorandum from the Deputy Director for of the Office of African and Latin American Analysis of the CIA Directorate of Intelligence (DI), to Ambassador Morton Abramowitz, Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research. The memorandum responded to a DoS request for information concerning alleged Contra-drug trafficking connections and stated that Cesar was probably involved in the Morales and ARDE narcotics-related arrangements. It further stated that Cesar had resigned from BOS following public accusations of his involvement in drug trafficking. Attached to the memorandum was a copy of the January 21, 1987 memorandum concerning alleged Contra-drug trafficking connections that had been sent to Abramowitz by ADCI Gates.

On April 30, 1987, CATF Chief Fiers briefed the SSCI regarding the Contra program. As described in a May 1, 1987 Memorandum for the Record, Fiers explained the background of allegations of Contra involvement in drug trafficking dating back to November 1984. He added that Octaviano Cesar had a close relationship with Morales, was interviewed by CIA Security when this connection became known and that the focus of the interview related to concerns about drug trafficking.

According to a July 31, 1987 Memorandum for the Record, Fiers briefed the SSCI and a HPSCI Staff member that same day and stated that Cesar had been interviewed regarding drug trafficking when the Morales allegations arose. Fiers said CIA believed it was highly probable that Cesar was involved in drug trafficking. Fiers noted that this was reported to DoS and that the Agency had informed Cesar's brother Alfredo that Octaviano Cesar must step down from his BOS leadership role immediately.

Edmundo Jose Chamorro

Background. Edmundo Chamorro was, like his brother Fernando Chamorro, one of the principal members of the Eleventh of November movement that was involved in armed opposition to the Somoza regime in Nicaragua in the 1970s. A March 1981 cable informed Headquarters that Edmundo Chamorro had become one of the leaders of UDN/FARN.

In a July 1, 1982 cable, Headquarters expressed "grave doubts" about Edmundo Chamorro's reliability and security consciousness. A January 1983 cable informed Headquarters that a senior UDN/FARN member had expressed concerns that Edmundo Chamorro was engaged in the "misuse of [resistance] funds and inciting the people to premature guerrilla and sabotage acts." In early February, Fernando reportedly removed Edmundo from the movement. In April 1983, a Headquarters cable indicated that Edmundo Chamorro had "no leadership position of any sort in the UDN and has been excluded from active participation in the group's activities." The cable went on to say that Edmundo had "some serious character defects" and that his remarks were "often motivated by insecurity and vindictiveness."

In response to a January 1986 request from Headquarters for updated information concerning Chamorro, a cable provided background information regarding Chamorro's "baggage." No information has been found to indicate any CIA contact with Edmundo Chamorro after 1983.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A June 1986 cable to Headquarters stated that a local newspaper had published an article linking Edmundo Chamorro with drug traffickers. The Costa Rican Judicial Police reportedly had wiretapped conversations between convicted drug trafficker Horacio Pereira and Contra commander Sebastian Gonzalez Mendieta. The transcripts of the wiretaps allegedly indicated that Pereira and Gonzalez discussed the participation of several Contra leaders, including Edmundo Chamorro, in drug smuggling operations. In one conversation, Gonzalez reportedly advised Pereira to seek Edmundo Chamorro's assistance in providing logistics for drug transport.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. Upon learning of the Costa Rican newspaper allegations against Edmundo Chamorro, a June 1986 Headquarters cable asked for copies of the Pereira/Gonzalez wiretap transcripts that were mentioned in the article. Headquarters commented that "as it stands now it appears we are dealing with innuendo rather than hard facts about Edmundo and his connection to Gonzalez." In July 1986, Headquarters again cabled and stated, "Allegations of drug trafficking continue to plague our operations. Request status of . . . attempt to obtain [referenced] transcripts." A July 1986 reply expressed doubt that they could be obtained since they were being held as evidence to be used in court. No information has been found to indicate that the transcripts were pursued any further.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that any information regarding Edmundo Chamorro's alleged involvement in drug trafficking was shared by CIA with any other U.S. Government entity or the Congress.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

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PART 3 OF 4

Fernando Jose Chamorro

Background. Fernando "El Negro" Chamorro Rappaccioli, brother of Edmundo Chamorro, began his revolutionary career in the 1960s as the leader of a militant anti-Somoza organization known as the Eleventh of November. Although Fernando Chamorro's group was non-Marxist in doctrine, it worked closely with the FSLN to oust Somoza. In September 1978, Chamorro was arrested by the Somoza Government for anti-government activities. He was released, along with other political prisoners, in response to demands by FSLN activists who took over the National Palace in Managua. Upon his release, he left Nicaragua and was granted political asylum in Costa Rica.

As of January 1982, Fernando Chamorro was based in Honduras and was playing a major role in the Contra movement. He was a leader of both the UDN and FARN--the military arm of UDN.

CIA contact with Chamorro began in 1982, but according to a March 1985 cable to Headquarters, Fernando Chamorro's "ineffective actions" had negatively influenced his relationship with the Agency. Thus, Station suggested that CIA sever its contact with him.

An April 1986 cable informed Headquarters that Carlos Calvo, a former member of UDN/FARN, had been arrested at the Miami airport in October 1984 for attempting to leave the United States with $250,000 concealed in his clothing. According to the source, Calvo told the U.S. Customs Service that the money had been raised to support UDN/FARN and Fernando Chamorro had written a letter corroborating Calvo's story. A September 1986 cable verified to Headquarters that, although Fernando Chamorro reportedly had no previous knowledge of the money and no claim to it, he wrote a letter on Calvo's behalf on March 22, 1985 informing Customs that the money was meant to "help in the vital costs of the armed struggle for the liberation of Nicaragua." The letter also asked for assistance "in obtaining these, our sacred funds back." The money was not released by Customs. According to the September 1986 cable, Chamorro admitted that he believed Calvo was involved in a money laundering operation, but said that he did not believe that the money was drug-related. He rationalized that "if the money was going to be lost, it might as well go to a worthy cause."

A December 1986 cable to Headquarters reported that Chamorro had become the Southern Front Commander for UNO in December 1986. According to a December 29, 1986 cable to Headquarters, that "difficult as it may be to understand, [Chamorro] continues to hold considerable sway on most of the [UNO] commanders in the south." Fernando Chamorro resigned from UNO's political and military structures in March 1987.

A December 1987 cable informed Headquarters that Chamorro's wife had been diagnosed with a malignant brain tumor. In August 1988, Chamorro was hospitalized after suffering a cerebral hemorrhage and subsequently died. Later that month, his wife died.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. On March 16, 1986, the San Francisco Examiner published a story alleging that a UDN/FARN official--Francisco Aviles--had three years previously been involved in writing a letter to the San Francisco U.S. Attorney requesting that $36,000 seized from California-based drug trafficker Julio Zavala be returned to Zavala because it was Contra money. An April 1986 cable to Headquarters stated that Chamorro had questioned Aviles about the allegation after learning of the story. When Aviles could not provide satisfactory answers, Chamorro reportedly expelled him from the UDN/FARN. No information has been found to indicate that Chamorro was aware of Aviles' actions prior to 1986, or that Chamorro himself had ever been tied to California-based drug trafficker Julio Zavala.

A June 1986 cable stated that reportedly in August or September 1984 "Costa Rican drug trafficker Norvin [sic] Meneses sought the cooperation of 'El Negro' [Fernando Chamorro] to move drugs" to the United States.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In March 1986, when the San Francisco Examiner published its story linking Aviles to Zavala and a California drug trafficking ring, CIA began an immediate inquiry into the matter. An April 1986 Headquarters cable was sent to several Stations asking for all available information regarding the allegation that Aviles, a member of UDN/FARN under Fernando Chamorro, provided funds to Zavala. The cable stated that "we must act swiftly to ascertain the true facts. . . . We need to get the entire story immediately." In April 1986, a Station informed Headquarters that it had ascertained that Aviles was not personally associated with Chamorro, but served in the UDN/FARN as a human rights representative. Another Station reported in April that the FBI had found no evidence to link Zavala and the other arrested drug traffickers with Contra groups. A third Station also reported to Headquarters in April that its inquiry indicated that Chamorro had no links with, or knowledge of, any of those who had been arrested in connection with the California drug trafficking ring. According to an April cable to Headquarters, Chamorro stated that:

UDN/FARN has never accepted large denominations of monies from any organization which did not first state the source of the contributions; Francisco Aviles was not involved in Southern Front activities in 1983 - the timeframe [of the California arrests]; . . . and Aviles has been informed verbally that he has been expelled from UDN/FARN, a written order to follow shortly.

No information has been found to indicate that CIA took any actions to follow-up or verify the June 1986 allegation that Costa Rican drug trafficker Norwin Meneses had sought Chamorro's cooperation to move drugs to the United States.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. An April 1986 Headquarters cable stated that DoS had been advised of the San Francisco Examiner story and of the Agency's findings regarding Chamorro's actions against Aviles. According to an April 1986 Station cable to Headquarters, the story was also the subject of discussions between that Station and the FBI's Field Office.

In February 1988, Chamorro was the subject of an ongoing criminal investigation by the FBI that reportedly had been initiated on the basis of information that a Station had provided to Headquarters in a July 1987 cable for passage to DoJ. According to the July cable, Chamorro allegedly had purchased several vehicles with funds that were intended for humanitarian aid. The cable requested that Headquarters "inform [FBI] and [DoJ] of [Chamorro's] appropriations of [Contra] property." No information has been found to indicate whether or how this request was acted upon by Headquarters.

No information has been found to indicate that information regarding Chamorro's alleged involvement in drug trafficking was shared with other U.S. Government entities or the Congress.

Sebastian Gonzalez

Background. Sebastian Gonzalez Mendieta (a.k.a. "Commandante Wachan") was a veterinarian by training who was involved in the effort to overthrow Anastasio Somoza in the late 1970s. He served briefly--in assignments relating to agricultural issues--in the post-Somoza Government established by the Sandinistas. However, Gonzalez claimed in 1981 that he had become disillusioned with the leftward turn of the Sandinista regime and relocated to Panama. There he joined forces with Eden Pastora and other disaffected Nicaraguans.

During the early period of the Contra resistance, Gonzalez was initially associated with ARDE, primarily as a logistics coordinator, and played a liaison role between ARDE and the Panamanian Defense Forces (PDF). By late 1983, Gonzalez' relationship with ARDE had deteriorated, however, and he attempted to form a small band of fighters known as the Third Way Movement. Gonzalez subsequently moved to Panama and gradually lost touch with the Contras.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A September 1984 cable to Headquarters, based on indirect information from Fernando Chamorro, alleged that Gonzalez had used several flights to Costa Rica from Panama to carry cocaine along with the communications gear he was transporting for the ARDE. The cable went on to report that Gonzalez had stored 11 kilograms of cocaine in Liberia, Costa Rica, and had taken 10 of those kilograms to an unknown location. According to the cable, Chamorro had also said that Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega, as well as Gerardo Hidalgo Abaunza--who was arrested by the Government of Costa Rica while in possession of the one additional kilogram of cocaine that Gonzalez had stored--were involved in the drug trafficking operation.

In late September 1984, a cable reported to Headquarters that a Costa Rican press report stated that Gonzalez and another individual were involved in a flight that had crashed in the Pacific Ocean the previous week. It was implied that the plane, a Cessna 182 connected to Pastora's group, had no apparent business in the area of the crash and the crash would be investigated by the Government of Costa Rica.

In February 1985, a cable to Headquarters stated that Gonzalez was "well known in police circles in Costa Rica," and that it was likely that the case involving Hidalgo's possession of a kilogram of cocaine would not be followed up. Another Station, commenting in a cable to Headquarters on the same day, referred to this cable and stated:

[The cable] appears to indicate that case against [Gonzalez] rested solely on allegations made by Gerardo Hildago, who was caught red-handed by the Costa Ricans with several kilos of cocaine. . . . Assume from the overall tenor of [the cable] that drug case against [Gonzalez] is too weak to take to trial and that he is thereby to be cleared of the charges.

A March 1985, cable reported to Headquarters that ARDE's security chief had linked Gonzalez to Alpa Aviation. Alpa Aviation was reported to be partially owned by drug trafficker David Mayorga.

In May 1985, a Station reported its belief to Headquarters that Marcos Aguado, a Contra pilot, could provide "concrete evidence" of drug trafficking on the part of various Southern Front leaders, including Gonzalez. In August 1985, the Station reported to Headquarters that Alfonso Robelo had said that Gonzalez was linked to Tuto Munkel, a Nicaraguan who was reportedly engaged in drug trafficking, weapons smuggling and money laundering. Munkel, the cable said, reportedly supported Gonzalez' drug activities in Costa Rica.

In October 1985, a Station reported to Headquarters that it had been informed by the local DEA office that Hugo Spadafora had made vague allegations to DEA several weeks earlier that Gonzalez, Manuel Noriega and Jose Ortiz Robelo were engaged in drug trafficking. The chief of the local DEA office met Spadafora twice and, according to the cable, Spadafora had promised that he would provide evidence of drug trafficking by Gonzalez. Spadafora was murdered in September 1985 and no information has been found that Spadafora furnished any information to DEA after his second meeting with the chief of the local DEA.

An October 1985 cable to Headquarters discussed PDF requests that Gonzalez assist in:

. . . defusing an effort by family members of slain rebel Hugo Spadafora to implicate Manuel Antonio Noriega in drug trafficking. [Gonzalez] has been asked to participate in a popular morning radio talk program scheduled for 21 Oct, in which [Gonzalez] will reveal and denounce a not yet public plan by Spadafora's brother, Winston, to obtain documents in Costa Rica which allegedly show that [Gonzalez] was involved in drug trafficking.

A handwritten notation on this cable stated " . . . if the truth be known, we had reason to believe that [Gonzalez] has been involved in drugs about a yr [sic] - 1 1/2 yrs ago. . . ."

According to a June 1986 cable to Headquarters, the June 13 edition of the San Jose English language newspaper, the Tico Times, reported the sentencing of three people for drug trafficking. The article stated that local police had wiretapped conversations between Gonzalez and Horacio Pereira, one of those who had been arrested. Gonzalez allegedly had advised Pereira, described as a pool hall operator, to seek Edmundo Chamorro's assistance in providing logistics for transporting drugs.

According to a February 1988 Headquarters cable, former Panamanian Consul General in New York Jose Blandon had linked Gonzalez to narcotics trafficking in testimony before a congressional subcommittee the previous week. The Headquarters cable asked for comment on the allegation. In response, with regard to the narcotics allegation, a February 1988 cable replied:

. . . .

6. Regarding Blandon's accusation, we also have no details and I agree that whatever Blandon said could well relate to the earlier Costa Rican-related allegations.... Those allegations periodically arose . . . . Each time, [Gonzalez] firmly denied them, saying that the allegations originated with, as I recall, Eden Pastora or "El Negro" Chamorro to discredit him as a potential rival. We don't have any records here on that whole affair . . . .

A former CIA independent contractor officer recalls that he was in Pastora's house in October 1983. The independent contractor says this was after the La Penca bombing and the situation was extremely tense.(14) He says it was at this time that Spadafora told him that Gonzalez was involved in drug smuggling. The independent contractor says that he had a very close relationship with Spadafora, who "hated" Noriega and the United States, but saw the independent contractor as a Latin and not a person from the CIA. The independent contractor says Spadafora was the first to tell him that Noriega was smuggling drugs with the Contras and that Gonzalez was involved. The independent contractor states, however, that he and his colleagues never received any proof of the drug trafficking allegations against Gonzalez.

The independent contractor says that Gonzalez ran a shoe store in Costa Rica and used shoe boxes to transport drugs. He says he never learned anything about the route used in Gonzalez' drug smuggling, other than that the drugs went from Panama to Costa Rica and then maybe on to the Dominican Republic.

The independent contractor adds that he reported the Gonzalez-drug allegation in October 1983 to his superior, who replied that CIA had heard some rumors of drug trafficking involving the Contras. The independent contractor says they discussed the situation at his superior's home, including what was going on with Gonzalez as well as drug trafficking allegations involving Contra pilots and the nephew of Alfonso Robelo. The superior says he cannot recall who Gonzalez is.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In response to the allegations regarding drug trafficking by Gonzalez received in September 1984, it was reported in September 1984 that DEA had been asked for "assistance in verifying the story" and the local DEA office had confirmed the arrest of Gerardo Hidalgo in Costa Rica for possession of one kilogram of cocaine. It was requested that permission be granted to provide leads to the Government of Costa Rica as to the whereabouts of Gonzalez.

In September 1984, authorization was provided to furnish information to the Government of Costa Rica regarding Gonzalez' whereabouts.

An October 1984 cable to Headquarters on Gonzalez stated that reportedly Gonzalez denied any involvement in the cocaine trafficking incident that had been described in the September 1984 cable. The October cable stated that Gonzalez had seen his accuser, Hidalgo, only twice in his life, once in the early summer of 1984 and again in September 1984 in Liberia. Gonzalez claimed that someone else was using his previously lost identification card to register at a hotel in Liberia and that he has a "Panamanian-issued travel document to show that he was in Panama at the very time he is said to have been visiting Hidalgo" in Liberia and that "he will use the document to clear himself with the Costa Rican authorities." In regard to the aircraft that was ditched off the coast of Nicaragua, the cable stated that:

. . . [Gonzalez] said that he may have been mistakenly placed in the plane due to a similarity of names. The plane was piloted by [an individual with a similar surname]. According to [Gonzalez, this individual] is a pilot for [Fernando Chamorro]. [Gonzalez] said his own name is associated with the aircraft because he helped [Chamorro's] movement buy the aircraft and is listed as a [sic] owner of record.

In response to the June 1986 San Jose Tico Times report of wiretapped conversations linking Gonzalez to a pool hall operator who had been arrested for drug trafficking, Headquarters sent a cable in June 1986:

Appreciate heads up contained in [June 1986] cable re: Allegations of drug trafficking by Edmundo Chamorro and Juan [sic] Sebastian "Wachan" Gonzalez. Allegation also surfaced in evening news and has received some play here. In order to get a handle on allegation and in particular blow back on "El Negro" Chamorro, request station . . . obtain copies of transcripts of conversations outlined in para two ref. As it stands now it appears we are dealing with innuendo rather than hard facts about Edmundo and his connection to Gonzalez. Transcripts will shed light on nature of involvement with drug trafficking.

In July 1986, another cable from Headquarters requested a status report regarding the Station's attempt to obtain the transcripts. A response on July 16, 1986 stated it would be difficult to acquire tapes being held as evidence in court. No information has been found to indicate that the transcripts were ever obtained, or that this matter was the subject of further cables.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. According to a September 1984 cable to Headquarters, the San Jose DEA Office confirmed the arrest of Gerardo Hidalgo Abaunza on narcotics charges and the implications of Gonzalez' involvement. The cable also requested Headquarters "approval to provide leads [to Costa Rican law enforcement authorities] to whereabou[t]s of [Gonzalez] . . . ." The next day, Headquarters sent a cable that approved the request. An October 1985 cable to Headquarters noted that several weeks prior to that date Hugo Spadafora had made vague allegations to a local DEA officer concerning Gonzalez' links to narcotics trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that the allegations against Gonzalez were otherwise the subject of discussion between CIA and U.S. Government law enforcement agencies.

Then-DDCI Gates sent a memorandum to the DDI and DDO on March 28, 1988 asking for a briefing regarding Contra involvement in narcotics activities. The information that was provided to DDCI Gates in response on March 31, 1988 included information then available to CIA regarding individuals who were allegedly involved in or knowledgeable of ARDE narcotics trafficking. Allegations that Gonzalez was involved in narcotics trafficking were included in one of the documents that was compiled to support the briefing. No information has been found to indicate what was done by CIA on the basis of the information provided to DDCI Gates or whether it was shared further with the congressional oversight committees or other intelligence and U.S. law enforcement agencies.

Carol Prado

Background. Carol Prado Hernandez was a civil engineer who held several key positions in the FRS. In 1983, he assumed responsibility for operation of a Nicaraguan exile press office in Miami, and also worked on acquiring arms for ARDE. From late 1983 to 1985, Prado was working in the ARDE's logistics, propaganda and public relations sections and also serving as the communications chief. He was a close confidant of and advisor to Eden Pastora and headed the ARDE Headquarters staff in San Jose for a period of time.

A May 1984 Station cable considered Prado to be a "troublemaker" and possible agent of the Sandinista Government. From 1984 through 1987, however, Station Officers had occasional contact with Prado as part of their liaison with ARDE.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In January 1984, based on information provided by the FBI, a Headquarters cable noted that a contact of Prado's, arms dealer Sarkis Garabed Soghanalian, might be involved in drug trafficking. At this time, Prado reportedly was a Miami resident.

In May 1984 a cable to Headquarters reported an allegation that Prado was linked to drug trafficking. The cable reported that there was a request that CIA conduct an investigation of Prado's activities in Miami because of a belief that Prado had Pastora involved in "some kind of a drug deal." A May cable to Headquarters indicated that there was a report of a conversation between Prado and a Miami-based Cuban who helped fund and equip FRS/ARDE regarding the smuggling of Cubans into the United States. Reportedly there were also suspicions that Martinez and his colleagues were involved in drug trafficking.

A February 1985 cable informed Headquarters that Prado had appointed Carlos Pacheco to coordinate all air drop supply deliveries to the Contras. Pacheco was described by the cable as a close friend of alleged drug trafficker Gerardo Duran. The cable also reported that the Pacheco appointment had led to speculation among Southern Front members that Prado had selected Pacheco in order to coordinate drug trafficking flights better.

A March 1985 cable to Headquarters reported information that indicated that Prado's reputation was so tarnished by drug trafficking allegations that Pastora was prepared to remove Prado from ARDE as part of a proposed agreement with other Contra leaders to create a single opposition group and joint military command.

A May 1985 review was cabled to Headquarters of allegations that FRS personnel were involved in drug trafficking. The review cited Prado and Duran as the Contras who were most frequently linked to drug trafficking allegations. It also contained information that Prado had started looking for alternative sources of funding for ARDE activities in 1983. Prado reportedly had made several trips to Miami, Haiti and the Dominican Republic with Miami-based drug trafficker Jorge Morales to look at unspecified "operations."

A May 1985 cable to Headquarters stated that FRS/ARDE pilot Marcos Aguado could "easily" provide concrete evidence linking Prado, Pastora and other Southern Front Contras to drug trafficking. A June 1985 cable to Headquarters contained additional allegations of narcotics trafficking by Prado and Duran. According to this cable, it was alleged that Prado periodically received funds suspected of being drug profits from Duran. In a December 1985 cable to Headquarters, it was reported that Pastora had instructed Prado to obtain money from Duran and another individual, who was also alleged to be involved in drug trafficking.

An April 1986 cable to Headquarters stated that Adolfo Chamorro had been arrested on April 22, 1986 for entering Costa Rica illegally. Chamorro asserted while in custody that Pastora should be replaced because he was incompetent and Prado should be removed because he was involved in drug trafficking.

It was reported to Headquarters in an April 1986 cable that Chamorro had been interviewed by a Miami radio station after his return to the United States from Costa Rica. According to the cable, Chamorro claimed that Prado had been involved in illegal narcotics trafficking.

A June 1986 cable to Headquarters passed an allegation that reportedly linked Prado to drug money by stating that Prado had accepted $10,000 from Cesar Rodriguez, a known drug trafficker.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The May 1984 cable to Headquarters that contained allegations of drug trafficking against Prado also included a request for further information about Prado from the Departments of Treasury and Justice. No information has been found to indicate that this request was pursued or that any other CIA response resulted from the allegations of Prado's connections to drug trafficking.

The May 1984 cable also suggested that the Agency conduct an investigation into Prado's activities. No information has been found to indicate that this occurred.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that information regarding Prado's alleged involvement in drug trafficking was shared with other U.S. Government intelligence or law enforcement agencies or the Congress.

Jenelee Hodgson

Background. Jenelee Hodgson, a Creole member of the United Indigenous Peoples of Nicaragua (KISAN), was a leader of the Southern Indigenous Creole Community (SICC). In early 1980, she decided that the Sandinista revolution had lost its original direction and began opposing FSLN policies. After release from being jailed for three months because of her participation in 1980 Creole protests in Bluefields, Nicaragua, she was harassed by the Sandinista police. In 1982, she went into exile in Costa Rica.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A May 1986 cable advised Headquarters that Max Ewart, a Canadian who worked in KISAN's San Jose office, had claimed at a SICC meeting that Hodgson maintained close ties to the Sandinista regime through her two brothers, one of whom ran drugs into the United States for the Sandinistas. Ewart also reportedly claimed that Hodgson was closely associated with two other specifically named drug traffickers, and that she had arranged the release of one of them from imprisonment in Costa Rica for drug trafficking. The cable added the comment that it was believed Ewart had deliberately sought to discredit Hodgson and other members of the KISAN leadership group.

A June 1986 cable to Headquarters stated that Hodgson reportedly answered the charges against her at a June 1986 SICC meeting by pointing out that most of the accusations were based on hearsay and propaganda printed in the Sandinista newspaper Barricada. She reportedly presented evidence of her finances and supplies to the troops in the field and succeeded in making her case before the Creoles.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to a May 1986 cable to Headquarters, Hodgson had said that in mid-1985 she had stayed in the Miami home of a Nicaraguan Creole whom she had met through a cousin who was also living with the Nicaraguan Creole at the time. The cousin reportedly told Hodgson that he suspected that the Nicaraguan Creole and others were involved in illegal activities and urged Hodgson to leave. Hodgson said she met Ewart and witnessed the arrival of several crates of cocaine and its subsequent distribution to dealers at the Nicaraguan Creole's home. Hodgson reportedly said that the Nicaraguan Creole had supervised the distribution of this cocaine for Ewart. The May 1986 cable commented that Hodgson's story was credible. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency attempted to investigate further the drug trafficking charges that had been made against Hodgson.

A March 1987 Headquarters cable stated that Ewart had an unsavory record. The cable reported that he was involved in cocaine dealings in Florida and that it had been learned that in 1986 that Ewart was plotting, via unsubstantiated accusations of wrongdoing, to dispose of Hodgson and assume a leadership role.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency disseminated to U.S. law enforcement agencies the Ewart allegations regarding drug trafficking by Hodgson that had been reported in May 1986. However, a June 1986 Headquarters cable indicated that CIA shared Hodgson's allegations about Ewart's drug trafficking with both the FBI and DEA. Headquarters also recommended in the June cable that this information be shared with the INS office in Miami. No information has been found to indicate that this was done, or that any of this information was provided to the Congress.

Alfredo Cesar

Background. In the late 1970s, Alfredo Cesar Aguirre left Nicaragua and arrived in the United States where he became a spokesman for the FSLN. When the Sandinistas came to power in 1979, Cesar returned to Nicaragua to become the Chairman of the Central Bank, a ministerial position. In May 1982, Cesar resigned from the Central Bank and went into exile in San Jose, accepting a position with the Costa Rican Government as a financial advisor. Shortly thereafter, Cesar joined Eden Pastora, also in exile in San Jose, in the Contra movement.

In the mid-1980s, the United States sought to unify the splintered Contra movement. Cesar, as leader of BOS, opposed the signing of a unity accord. Headquarters stated in a January 1986 cable that Agency officers met with Cesar in December 1985 and January 1986 to discuss efforts to achieve political unity among the Contras, as well as the need for him to distance himself from Southern Front leaders who were alleged to be involved in drug trafficking.

A June 1986 Headquarters cable stated that Cesar had advised in June 1986 that he had signed the unity agreement with UNO.

By late October 1986, Cesar still had not fully integrated BOS into UNO. Cesar was informed that there would be "no [repeat] no additional funds" without integration into UNO.

A February 1987 cable informed Headquarters that financial support had been resumed for BOS in February 1987, but that it had been made clear that all future funding would be made through the unified Nicaraguan resistance. BOS was then incorporated into the unified Nicaraguan resistance.

In August 1988, Cesar was selected as the chief Contra negotiator for talks with the Sandinistas. In June 1989, Cesar returned to Nicaragua.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that Cesar was the subject of any drug trafficking allegations, but his brother, Octaviano Cesar, was the subject of such allegations.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to a January 1986 Headquarters cable, CIA informed him when urging Cesar to join with UNO in January 1986 that he would have to divest BOS of drug-related "baggage," specifically Adolfo Chamorro. A September 1986 cable to Headquarters noted that Cesar had been reminded "on more than one occasion" that Chamorro had a "possible association with narcotics trafficking." In January 1987, Headquarters cabled instructions for Cesar to be informed that U.S. Government funds could not be used to support any BOS member, such as Chamorro, until drug allegations against them were resolved. In February 1987, it was reported to Headquarters that Chamorro had been removed from the BOS payroll.

In April 1987, Cesar's brother, Octaviano Cesar, was interviewed by CIA Security regarding drug trafficking. CIA Security believed it was highly probable that Cesar was involved in drug trafficking.

Jose Davila

Background. Jose Davila Membreno was a vice president of the Social Christian Party--a democratic opposition party in Nicaragua, a Social Christian Party delegate to the National Assembly and a member of the post-Somoza Council of State. Also a member of the editorial staff of La Prensa until 1982, he went into exile in Costa Rica after Managua's imposition of a state of emergency. In September 1982, Davila was a founding member of the Nicaraguan Assembly of Democratic Unity--an exile group dedicated to political and civil action--but this group disintegrated within a year. At that point, Davila helped form another group--the Christian Democratic Solidarity Front--which joined ARDE in early 1983. Shortly thereafter, Davila became one of ARDE's leaders.

By 1984, Davila's influence within ARDE was in decline even though he remained a top official of the Christian Democratic Solidarity Front. In 1985, Davila aligned with BOS and was soon listed as a member of the BOS Executive Committee along with Adolfo Chamorro, Alvaro Jerez, Alfredo Cesar, and Bayardo Lopez. In May 1986, Davila, along with other ARDE field commanders under the command of Pastora and the FRS, agreed to align with UNO under the leadership of Fernando Chamorro. Davila also agreed to assume the responsibility for coordinating ARDE's political dealings with Chamorro and his staff. Davila then renounced his affiliation with BOS and Alfredo Cesar.

Davila was pivotal in encouraging leaders of BOS to join forces with UNO, and was a key figure in the restructuring of the Southern Front in August 1986.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. Agency records include no allegations that Davila had engaged in drug trafficking. Issues did arise in regard to his admissions of affiliation with Pastora's associates who were connected to drug trafficking.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In view of Davila's associations, he was interviewed by CIA Security. CIA Security believed his denials of involvement of drug trafficking were highly questionable. On November 3, 1987, Headquarters advised that Fiers had briefed SSCI Senators Bradley and Cohen and SSCI Staff members on October 14, 1987 regarding the problems associated with Davila. Fiers reportedly had stated that the Agency had no narcotics-related information regarding Davila other than his unfavorable interviews with Security. According to the Headquarters cable, it was the conclusion of the SSCI staffers that to cease contact with an individual solely on the basis of a security interview would be premature and ill advised.

No information has been found to indicate that CIA took any further action to attempt to resolve the drug trafficking issues relating to Davila.

Information Sharing with Other U. S. Government Entities. A July 1987 CIA cable to the FBI reported that CIA Security had concerns regarding Davila and the issue of narcotics trafficking.

On October 14, 1987, Fiers briefed SSCI Staff members and two U.S. Senators regarding Davila's unfavorable security interviews due to narcotics-related issues. The SSCI transcript of that briefing and an October 14 Office of Congressional Affairs (OCA) memorandum for the record (MFR) regarding that briefing do not indicate the basis for the statement in the November 1987 cable that it was the conclusion of the SSCI staffers that to cease contact with an individual solely on the basis of a security interview would be premature and ill advised.

The then-NOG Chief says that the lack of support in the SSCI transcript for the cable's assertion regarding Davila could have resulted from an informal, off-the-record discussion with the SSCI Staff members following the formal briefing. He states that there were always informal discussions following the official briefings and that guidance by Staff members was routinely proffered during these discussions.

According to the SSCI transcript, DCI George Tenet--then a SSCI Staff member--was present at the October 14, 1987 briefing. He says he does not recall the Fiers briefing, although he recalls that Fiers briefed the SSCI on a weekly basis on the Nicaraguan activities. While he says there may well have been a briefing on Contra involvement in narcotics, he has no recollection of such a briefing. Concerning whether guidance was given to Fiers by the SSCI Staff regarding Davila, Tenet says he
believes that while SSCI Senior Staff may have provided the advice referred to in the 1987 cable--he was not a member of the Senior Staff at the time[,] had no responsibility for covert action programs . . . and would not have been aware of discussions between SSCI and CIA which would have led to CIA [sic] staff advice.

Fiers responded in writing to questions and stated that he only has a vague recollection of the briefing. Regarding the cable assertion that SSCI "staffers" concluded that the relationship with Davila should not be terminated based solely on the basis of a security interview Fiers wrote, "I don't recall which particular staffer approved it."

The former Minority Staff Director James Dykstra says that it was unlikely that the SSCI Staff would express such a conclusion. He adds that Staff members might concur with something, but "not give direction that could be construed as a conclusion." He adds that "[The cable] doesn't have the ring of truth to it." He also notes that a statement by Fiers in the transcript regarding Davila that ". . . our druthers would be to continue to use him . . . " probably represented Fiers' request for permission to keep using Davila.

With regard to SSCI protocol, the former Minority Staff Director James Dykstra says that Fiers could have had "an off-line conversation" with the Staff and could have interpreted a casual remark as "direction" or approval because it was what he wanted to hear. Dykstra also says that, if the Staff had provided Fiers with any sort of advice, he would hope it would have been followed with a written document. Dykstra goes on to say that, if the Davila case was a real issue, it would been raised with himself or SSCI Staff Director. He says that this kind of issue was clearly in the domain of the Chairman or Vice Chairman of the Committee. He adds that "advice like this [conclusion to keep Davila] would have been cleared through the Staff Directors who would have briefed the [SSCI] Chairman or Ranking Minority Member." He continues that the matter probably would have been discussed between the Chairman and the DCI at one of their meetings.

No information has been found to indicate that the Davila issue was discussed between Fiers and SSCI Staff members at any time after the October 14, 1987 briefing.

Louis Dupart, former CATF Compliance Officer and author of the November 3, 1987 cable, says that he does not specifically recall the October 14, 1987 SSCI briefing. He says that he would not have written anything in a cable that he did not believe to be true. Dupart says that he was "ultra sensitive" to such matters at the time. What likely happened, according to Dupart, was that Fiers explained the situation to the SSCI members and Staff and no one said during the testimony--or in the discussion after it was over--that the Agency had to get rid of Davila. Dupart believes that Fiers likely inferred, therefore, that it was "okay" to continue to use Davila in the Contra program.

Harold Martinez

Background. Harold Martinez became deputy commander of FRS in circa 1982. He resigned this position in 1984 to join the ARDE. In 1986, he became a principal member of BOS. In May 1988, he became the second-in-command under the Nicaraguan Resistance/Southern Front.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. An October 1984 cable to Headquarters reported that Martinez alleged drug involvement by Pastora and Pastora's chief military officers. Then Deputy Commander of the FRS, Martinez had said that he could no longer work or remain affiliated with Pastora because of what he reported to be FRS leadership involvement with drug trafficking, arms smuggling and mismanagement of funds. Martinez provided no details or evidence to support his belief regarding corruption within the FRS, but he terminated his association with Pastora shortly thereafter.

In January 1987, CIA received information of Martinez's possible involvement in drug trafficking. In a December 1988 cable to Headquarters, it was reported to have been stated that Martinez " . . . undoubtedly had a connection with Pastora's drug activities" and warned against direct contact with either of the Martinez brothers.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking by Martinez. A July 1987 Headquarters cable reported that a new BOS leadership was elected during its transformation into a political party, and a five member directorate was chosen that included Martinez. Alfredo Cesar, who had been selected to be president of the directorate, had reportedly said that Martinez' support within BOS was too strong to be opposed. A December 1988 cable reported that Martinez was second-in-command under Nicaraguan Resistance/South Commander Ganso in May 1988.

Sharing of Information with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that information regarding Martinez' potential involvement in drug trafficking was shared with other U.S. Government intelligence or law enforcement agencies or the Congress.

Rene Corvo

Background. Rene Corvo, a Cuban-American veteran of the 2506 Brigade and the Bay of Pigs invasion, was the leader of an independent, heavily armed, anti-Sandinista military unit consisting of approximately eight Cuban-Americans and 40 Nicaraguans based in Costa Rica. Corvo reportedly stole equipment destined for the Southern Front to maintain his own force and divided equipment donated by Cuban-Americans between himself and Eden Pastora. In the late 1980s, according to information provided to the Agency by the FBI, Corvo was investigated for various Neutrality Act and arms trafficking violations and was rumored to be associated with plots against the lives of Pastora and U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica Lewis Tambs.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to a December 1984 cable to Headquarters, it was reported that Rene Corvo's unit was supported by Frank Castro and Corvo might be involved in drug trafficking by Castro. According to a December 1984 cable to Headquarters, Frank Castro reportedly was installing, or attempting to install, a cocaine processing laboratory in northern Costa Rica and was exploiting widespread paramilitary activities in northernmost Costa Rica as a cover for drug trafficking. Reportedly, Frank Castro sent his middleman to Costa Rica to purchase a ranch with a landing strip. Corvo was reportedly involved with Frank Castro and his middleman in this operation, and Corvo had traveled to Colombia shortly after returning to Costa Rica from Miami in November 1984, with the implication that this travel may have been drug-related. Further, Cuban-Americans supporting the Contra movement resented the alleged use of military activities as a cover for drug trafficking and feared that discovery and public exposure of the alleged drug trafficking would discredit Cuban-Americans and the insurgency in general. It was reported to Headquarters in December 1984 that reportedly:

There are fears that Corvo, who has received support from Frank Castro, may be exploiting the military infrastructure in northern Costa Rica as cover for engaging in drug trafficking.

In August 1985, it was reported to Headquarters that a clandestine landing strip at a ranch in Guanacaste Province of Costa Rica was under investigation by the Costa Rican Narcotics Division. There were suspicions, reportedly, that Fernando Chamorro and Jose Robelo Ortiz might have been involved in drug trafficking because they had visited the ranch on several occasions and were closely involved with Corvo.

On March 6, 1986 and on March 17, 1986, the FBI interviewed Jack Terrell. Information obtained in those interviews was sent to CIA Headquarters in cables dated March 11 and March 24, respectively. According to the FBI cables, Terrell was associated with the Civilian Military Assistance (CMA) and said that he had met Corvo and several others in a Miami motel in either late 1984 or early 1985. The cable reported that "tactics in Nicaragua" was the subject of discussion when Terrell was asked to leave the room and meet "Rene Corbo."(15) According to Terrell, he was advised not to meet Corvo "because he is into drugs and arms and he works directly for Francisco Chanes." The cable said that Tom Posey told Terrell that Corvo could provide the CMA with money, weapons, transportation, and "everything we've been looking for." According to the cable, Terrell met an individual early the next morning who confirmed what Terrell had been told earlier:

. . . regarding drugs, arms, Chanes, and Frank Castro and their relationship with Rene Corvo. [This individual] told Terrell that Frank Castro was the main liaison between the Colombian drug dealers and the Cubans.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency took any action to follow-up or verify any of the drug-related allegations against Corvo.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. In April 1986, CIA responded to a March 7, 1986, FBI request for information concerning Corvo and several other individuals. The CIA cable to the FBI noted that the Agency had received reports that Corvo was:

. . . the leader of an independent, well-equipped, heavily armed anti-Sandinista military unit consisting of approximately eight Cuban-Americans and 40 Nicaraguans based in Costa Rica along the Costa Rican-Nicaraguan border. Corvo was described by members of his unit as a dedicated anti-Communist and Bay of Pigs veteran who is unpredictable and violent. In November 85 [it was] reported that Corvo is an uncontrollable hothead and infamous for his drinking bouts in Costa Rica. He is a divisive element in the Southern Front armed force and has also absconded with equipment destined for the Southern Front to maintain his own force. He also divided equipment donated by Cuban-Americans between himself and Eden Pastora for whom the equipment was not intended. In Dec 85 it was reported that Corvo was involved with Frank Castro's drug activities in Costa Rica.

According to an October 16, 1986 OCA MFR, CATF Chief Alan Fiers briefed Senator John Kerry on October 15, 1986 in response to questions Kerry had raised after an October 10, 1986 Fiers briefing regarding the Nicaraguan Resistance. According to the MFR, Fiers

. . . passed a series of prepared sheets responding to the questions to Senator Kerry, who read each one carefully and occasionally asked additional questions. These sheets concerned: . . . Rene Corvo . . .

Also found in the OCA file is a separate, undated MFR that, although not described as such, may have been a copy of what was passed to Kerry regarding Corvo. That MFR contained a detailed summary of the reporting in December 1984 that alleged Corvo was involved with Frank Castro in installing a cocaine processing laboratory in Costa Rica. It also detailed the December 1984 reporting of possible drug-related travel by Corvo to Colombia and the allegations that the military infrastructure in Costa Rica was being used as a cover for narcotics trafficking. The summary also noted that a search of Agency records regarding Rene Corvo for the prior four years, including a complete listing of messages from other agencies concerning Corvo, had revealed no indication that Corvo had ever been "indicted, charged or arrested for narcotics trafficking."

At the conclusion of this briefing, according to the OCA MFR, there was an exchange between Fiers and Kerry concerning the possible complicity of various Contra personalities in drug trafficking to finance weapons purchases. The MFR stated that:

Fiers' position was that there was no Agency evidence to support this charge. Senator Kerry responded that while he accepted CIA might not have evidence to this effect, his own investigations have produced evidence to the contrary. Fiers said he would be interested in seeing this evidence and Senator Kerry implied he would make the evidence available to Fiers.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

Postby admin » Sun Jun 14, 2015 8:27 pm

PART 4 OF 4

Carlos Alberto Amador

Background. Carlos Alberto Amador Perez was a pilot for the Southern Front Contra forces during the 1980s. Although he was based in Costa Rica, he flew missions from Ilopango air base in El Salvador to deliver materiel to Contra forces inside Nicaragua as well as northern Costa Rica.

An August 1984 cable to Headquarters requested information concerning five new ARDE pilots, one of whom was Carlos Amador. The cable noted no derogatory information concerning the five pilots. Headquarters responded in an August 1984 cable that it had no information concerning Carlos Amador.

A November 1984 cable to Headquarters identified Amador as the primary ARDE Islander aircraft pilot.

A November 1984 cable to Headquarters identified Amador as one of ten investors in the 1981 creation of an aero taxi company at Los Brasiles airport in Nicaragua. According to the cable, the company, Alas De Nicaragua, S. A. (Alas), was a front for the FSLN and had five aircraft. As of October 1984, eight pilots, one of whom was a member of the Nicaraguan General Directorate of State Security (DGSE), were known to be working for Alas.

A February 1985 cable to Headquarters focused primarily on Ricardo Roberto Espinoza Castro, but referred to Espinoza and Carlos Amador as "the two new FDN pilots."

In an August 1985 Headquarters cable, Amador was described as "an exmember [sic] of the National Guard, [who] became disaffected by the FSLN's gradual takeover of [Alas] and dropped out." According to an April 1986 cable:

Circa August to December 1984, Amador was flying the ARDE Islander on these flights and his copilot was Roberto Espinoza. Amador stopped flying for the [Southern Front] in early 1985 and worked with the FDN in Honduras for a short period. After this, he went into "private business."

The drafter of this cable says that his use of the term "private business" was a euphemism that related to what he thought were the Private Benefactors. The term was not, he says, intended to suggest narcotics trafficking.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A February 1985 cable reported that Ricardo Roberto Espinoza Castro had been formerly employed by David Mayorga, who was suspected of being involved with the Southern Front in narcotics trafficking. According to a November 1984 cable, Espinoza had been flying and working with Amador. A July 1985 cable stated that Espinoza "was flying as a co-pilot and mechanic for Carlos Amador" in October 1984.

A July 1985 cable indicated that David Mayorga had been overheard telling Carlos Amador on June 8 that a 150 kilogram shipment of cocaine that had been seized in a Cessna Citation near Barra Del Colorado, Costa Rica, was destined for Frudaticos(16) to be packed into yucca for delivery to the United States. The cable also reported that an aircraft that was to be purchased by Sergio Sarcovik(17) had been ferried by Amador from the United States to Panama and that Amador used Marcos Hernandez to " 'fix' flight plans for flights into/out of Panama area."

An August 1985 cable to Headquarters stated that reportedly there had been an August 14 meeting that had involved four individuals at Pavas airfield near San Jose, Costa Rica. According to the cable, plans were made at that meeting to ferry two airplanes from Miami to Colombia and those planes were to be used in a drug smuggling operation at a future, but unspecified, date. Further, Amador was to ferry these aircraft from Miami to Colombia, via Belize and Panama, and was scheduled to depart San Jose for Miami. Reportedly, Amador was to fly a Cessna 206 to Colombia and then return for a Titan aircraft.

Referencing the August 1985 cable, another cable was sent on August 1985 to Headquarters providing additional information regarding Amador. According to the cable, Amador was scheduled to fly a Cessna 206 from Miami to Costa Rica, via San Salvador and Belize. Alpa had an airfield near Liberia in Guanacaste Province "which is used to receive and transship drugs." According to the cable, the "drugs are brought up from Colombia through Panama up to Limon, Costa Rica and then on to Alpa's private strip near Liberia." The cable identified other persons involved as probably Gerardo Duran, Sergio and Jorge Zarcovich, Carlos Viques, and a fifth individual. The cable explained that the information was viewed as "suspect," that is, not necessarily true, but noted that all of the information in the cable had been passed to the local DEA office.

In April 1986, a cable to Headquarters reported information from a March 18, 1986 DEA report regarding Carlos Amador. According to the cable, the DEA report noted that Amador had recently flown a Cessna 402 from Costa Rica to San Salvador where he had access to Hangar 4 at Ilopango air base. The cable also indicated that a"[DEA] source stated that Amador was probably picking up cocaine in San Salvador to fly to Grand Caymen [sic] and then to south Florida." The cable also reported that "[DEA] will request that San Salvador police investigate Amador and anyone associated with Hangar 4." The same cable included information from another DEA report, dated April 8, 1986, that linked Amador with Hangar 14 at Tobias Bolanos International Airport in San Jose. The cable also stated that Hangar 14 was allegedly owned by Sergio and Jorge Zarcovic. These two individuals reportedly were under DEA investigation in connection with a shipment of cocaine that was seized in Miami.

A June 1986 cable to Headquarters requested information concerning Carlos Amador. According to the cable, an Embassy officer who served as the point of contact for the regional DEA officer requested any information concerning Amador. According to the cable, the regional DEA representative said that Amador was suspected of being heavily involved in narcotics smuggling. Also according to the cable, the DEA representative had explained that:

Amador is a Nicaraguan who has a US passport, operates out of Costa Rica, allegedly is helping the Contras, frequently flies into Ilopango airport in San Salvador, and carries unspecified official credentials. No information was provided as to why Amador is suspected of narcotics trafficking. The Embassy officer said that if Amador is connected to [CIA], [DEA] will leave him alone, but if not they intend to go after him.(18)

As explained later, Headquarters responded to this request the following day.

A September 1986 cable from a Latin American Station reported the:

. . . names of two individuals linked with Carlos Amador, a Nicaraguan-born legal resident suspected of involvement in narcotics smuggling (subject of previous traffic). The two periodically fly with Amador from Colombia to El Salvador, and recently flew from El Salvador to Curacao under suspicious circumstances. (They carried several barrels of ether as cargo, and after departing San Salvador turned off their radio navigation equipment.)

The cable identified the two as Colombian pilots Victor Hugo Torres and German Vanegas. A September 1986 cable from a Latin American Station and an October 1986 cable from Headquarters indicated no information concerning Victor Hugo Torres or German Vanegas.

Three years later, in September 1989, a Headquarters cable referred to the September 1986 cable and stated that Amador was suspected of narcotics trafficking. The cable also linked Vanegas, described as holding a Colombian pilot license, with Carlos Amador and noted that Vanegas "periodically flies with Amador from Colombia to El Salvador."

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. An April 1986 cable responded to the April 1986 cable that had connected Amador to probable movement of cocaine to Grand Cayman and south Florida. The cable stated

. . . that the only thing Amador … transported during these flights [from Ilopango in late 1984] was military supplies. [It has been] reported that Amador did fly into Ilopango several times during 1985 in light twin engine aircraft on trips from [the U.S.] to either Costa Rica or Panama. [There were suspicions that] . . . Amador was involved with narcotics.

The cable also stated:

would appreciate Station advising [DEA] not to make any inquiries to anyone re Hanger [sic] no. 4 at Ilopango since only legitimate . . . . supported operations were conducted from this facility.

No information has been found to indicate whether this information was shared with DEA or that any response was received from DEA regarding the request that DEA be asked to avoid inquiries regarding Hangar 4.

The drafter of the April 1986 cable says that he does not recall whether he followed up on the drug allegations reported in the cable. However, he says he is certain that Amador did not pick up cocaine from Hangar 5 and he is not aware of Amador ever being inside Hangar 4. Further, he states that these Contra supply aircraft either dropped their cargo in Nicaragua, or landed and were unloaded in Costa Rica. He also says that, "We were still out there looking in aircraft. They were empty and they would load supplies." He also says, "I was not aware of anything else they carried in the aircraft."

The drafter of that cable notes that another entity conducted operations from Hangar 4. He says he is not certain about the nature or affiliation of that entity, but surmises it may have been associated either with Oliver North, the Private Benefactors, or the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office (NHAO). In any event, he says he had no contact with anyone associated with Hangar 4. As for his request that DEA be asked not to make any inquiries regarding activities in Hangar 4, the officer says his statement was not intended to thwart an investigation of activities in Hangar 4. He concedes, however, that the language in the cable could be read to suggest a meaning he did not intend.

According to the drafter, Amador could have come to Ilopango and visited the civilian portion of the air base, and the credentials issued to him by the El Salvadoran Air Force would have been effective on that side of the base as well.

The June 1986 cable to Headquarters that requested information concerning Carlos Amador also noted that an Embassy officer who served as the point of contact for the regional DEA officer had requested information concerning Amador. According to the cable, the regional DEA representative had said without further explanation that Amador was suspected of being heavily involved in narcotics smuggling but that DEA would leave him alone if he were connected with CIA.(19) On June 1986, a response to the cable stated:

In November 1984 a Carlos Amador was reported to be a pilot with ARDE.

In 1984 a Carlos Amador (born 1937) was reported to have been one of the original investors of the "Alas De Nicaragua, S.A." aerotaxi company, based in Los Brasiles airport. This company was at that time a front organization for the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). Amador had been a member of the National Guard but became disaffected by the FSLN's gradual takeover of above company and dropped out.

In 1985 a Carlos Amador was reported to be involved in a Colombia to Miami drug smuggling operation. He was to serve as the pilot.

In June 1986, Headquarters responded to the cable of June 1986. The Headquarters response provided essentially the same information as the previous June response, but with the following additional details:
. . . .
4. In April 1986, [Amador], described as a former ARDE member, flew a Cessna 402 from Costa Rica to San Salvador where [Amador] has access to Hangar no. 4. It is believed that [Amador] was picking up cocaine in San Salvador to fly to Grand Caymen [sic] and then to south Florida. [Amador] has a valid Salvadoran government I.D. that allows [Amador] to operate freely in that country.

Amador was one of many pilots flying into and out of Ilopango. Each of the pilots who flew into Ilopango in support of the Contras had an identity document, issued at the direction of the Salvadoran Air Force Commander, that would allow the pilot to fly into Ilopango without having to clear Salvadoran Customs. There was no CIA involvement in the issuance of these documents. No information has been found to indicate how Headquarters knew that Amador had such a credential in June 1986.

Information Sharing With Other U.S. Government Entities. In August 1985, Headquarters responded to the cable of the same date that reported that Amador was planning to ferry aircraft from Miami to Colombia for use in a planned drug smuggling operation. The Headquarters response stated:

1. This cable documents for the record [the authorization]. . . . to pass substance of [the August 1985 cable] to [DEA]/Miami. We will provide identical information to [DEA Headquarters].

2. Carlos Amador is possibly identifiable with Carlos Amador Perez, a pilot of Nicaraguan citizenship. Per . . . [cable] dated . . . . November 84, Carlos Amador Perez is an ARDE pilot. Per . . . . [cable] dated . . . . August 84 is [sic] part of the new ARDE structure. Per . . . [cable] dated . . . . November 84, Carlos Amador Perez was one of the initial investors of the Alas De Nicaragua SA, an aerotaxi company, based at Los Brasiles airport, which served as a front for the FSLN. Carlos Amador Perez, an exmember [sic] of the National Guard, became disaffected by the FSLN's gradual takeover of the company and dropped out. Per . . . . [cable] dated . . . . August 84, [Amador] was to travel with [an individual], piloting a Cessna with tail number "Titans." (Note: Titan is perhaps a model rather than number.)

The Headquarters cable also provided information regarding Jorge Zarcovik, and three other individuals. No information has been found to indicate whether CIA Headquarters actually passed this information to DEA Headquarters.

Referencing the August 1985 cable, a cable to Headquarters later in August 1985 provided additional information regarding Amador. According to the cable, Amador was scheduled to fly a Cessna 206 from Miami to Costa Rica, via San Salvador and Belize, on August 24, 1985. Alpa had an airfield near Liberia in Guanacaste Province "which is used to receive and transship drugs." The cable stated that the "drugs are brought up from Colombia through Panama up to Limon, Costa Rica and then on to Alpa's private strip near Liberia." The cable identified other persons involved as probably Gerardo Duran, Sergio and Jorge Zarcovich, and two other individuals. The cable explained that the information was viewed as "suspect," that is, not necessarily true, but noted that all of the information in the cable had been passed to the local DEA office.

No information has been found to indicate that information concerning allegations of drug trafficking by Amador was shared with the Congress.
Jose Orlando Bolanos

Background. Jose Orlando Bolanos was a Nicaraguan who resided in the United States as a young man, was sent to a youth reformatory in New Jersey in the mid-1950s for one year for breaking and entering, served in the U.S. Air Force for six years, was convicted of burglary in New Jersey, and was deported in December 1961.

According to Agency records, Bolanos fled Nicaragua in mid-1979. Bolanos claimed in June 1981 that he was UDN's principal fund raiser and that he had elicited the support of the Argentine Government to support his anti-Sandinista activities.

According to an August 1982 cable to Headquarters, Bolanos had said in June 1982 that he did not see the possibility of a Nicaragua free of communism and had retired from active participation in anti-Sandinista activities.

A January 1989 cable to Headquarters reported that the FBI office in Tallahassee had provided Bolanos' name. Following a review of Agency records, Headquarters responded in a February 8, 1989 cable that provided a summary of information relating to Bolanos from Agency files. The summary included information regarding Bolanos' prior criminal record and his alleged involvement in a potential drug-related transaction in 1982--discussed further below.

Allegations Of Drug Trafficking. A May 1982 cable reported to Headquarters that a DEA report indicated Bolanos had met in January 1982 with undercover DEA agents in Florida for the purpose of negotiating the sale of 1,000 kilograms of cocaine. Bolanos was reported to have asked for $25,000 to cover the expenses of introducing the undercover DEA agents to the Bolivian supplier of the cocaine.

The cable added Bolanos was considered to be "strongly anti-drug but at the same time as an operator committed to the Nicaraguan counter revolution" and that Bolanos "is attempting to garner expense money to continue his fund raising efforts for the counter revolution."

An officer says he recalls the 1982 DEA report and his May cable, and comments that Bolanos told him about a "scam" Bolanos was going to participate in to raise "expense money." The officer says it is his opinion that the events described in the May cable pertained to the scam and that Bolanos' intent was not to engage in drug trafficking but to " . . . take the [$25,000] and run."

CIA received other allegations of possible illegal conduct by Bolanos unrelated to drug trafficking:

A February 1982 FBI report stated that Bolanos had claimed that a group of anti-Sandinistas he was affiliated with was responsible for a lethal bomb attack on the Nicaraguan Embassy in El Salvador.

In May 1986, a cable reported to Headquarters that Bolanos was implicated in an FBI investigation into a 1981 shipment of "light weapons" from Miami to "anti-Sandinista forces." The cable did not state whether Bolanos was the subject of the investigation.

A December 23, 1992 U.S. Embassy/Guatemala telegram to DoS--with an information copy to the FBI--discussed a visa request by Bolanos. Citing information provided to the U.S. Embassy via a telephone call from a U.S. law enforcement agency, the Embassy telegram described Bolanos as someone who " . . . has been and continues to be extremely valuable to [two] government agenc[ies]."

The Embassy telegram also referred to a Bolanos claim in an interview with a U.S. Embassy official that he had worked with the FBI on a plan to bring a controlled delivery of cocaine from Bolivia to Guatemala for eventual shipment to the United States. The telegram cited Bolanos as claiming that he " . . . did not want to miss an opportunity to secure extra funds for the Contras" and that "his assistance would contribute to the war on drugs (a personal passion) . . . ." Bolanos claimed, according to the telegram, that he " . . . . would [in return] keep the advance payment on the first delivery for transfer to the Contra organization."

CIA Response to Allegations Of Drug Trafficking. In response to the May 1982 cable, Headquarters attempted to obtain from DEA Headquarters a copy of the report regarding Bolanos' meeting with undercover DEA agents to negotiate a cocaine sale. When this was unsuccessful, CIA asked a field Station to send a copy. No information has been found to indicate that CIA received a copy of the DEA report or took any other action in response to the allegations that had been received from DEA in 1982.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. All allegations of possible drug trafficking by Bolanos were received by CIA from other U.S. Government entities. On February 7, 1982, DEA requested that CIA conduct a records check on Bolanos in connection with "an ongoing investigation" of an unspecified nature. CIA's February 1982 response provided information pertaining to Bolanos' anti-Sandinista activities and other biographic information that included his early criminal activity in the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. CIA also advised DEA to contact the FBI and DoS for additional information regarding Bolanos.

The May 1982 allegation from a DEA report that Bolanos met with undercover DEA personnel to discuss a cocaine transaction in January 1982 was discussed in a January 21, 1987 Memorandum concerning alleged Contra drug trafficking connections that was coordinated with other Intelligence Community agencies and DEA. This Memorandum was prepared in response to a request from Morton Abramowitz, the DoS Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Research at the time, for allegations in CIA's possession regarding connections between the Contras and drug traffickers. The Memorandum noted that Bolanos had been offered expense money by undercover law enforcement officers in connection with the proposed cocaine transaction, but had refused and the transaction was never consummated.

A March 31, 1988 OCA MFR indicated that, on March 29, 1988, SSCI Staff Director Sven Holmes was provided a copy of the January 21, 1987 Memorandum that had been sent to Ambassador Abramowitz. A May 18, 1988 letter to the DCI from SSCI Chairman David Boren and Vice Chairman William Cohen indicated that the SSCI had "determined to commence an inquiry into those aspects of the narcotics trafficking problem in Latin America that fall within the Committee's jurisdiction." A June 6, 1988 DO position paper prepared for OCA in response to questions posed in the SSCI letter that were to be discussed in a June 8, 1988 meeting between CIA officials and SSCI Staff indicated that allegations against Bolanos were discussed in the January 21, 1987 Memorandum. The DO position paper did not describe the specific allegations against Bolanos.

No information has been found to indicate that CIA officials discussed the drug trafficking allegations against Bolanos at the June 8, 1988 meeting with SSCI Staff members. A June 9, 1988 DO MFR describing the meeting did not refer to the Bolanos allegations.

Subsequent to the February 1989 cable noting the FBI had provided Bolanos' name, a February 1989 Headquarters cable authorized passage to the FBI the "substance" of the file summary that Headquarters had provided in its February cable. The February Headquarters cable made clear, however, there was no authorization to pass any information to the FBI office relating to the January 1982 meeting between Bolanos and undercover DEA personnel. Instead, there were instructions to "advise [the FBI office] that they may wish to check with [DEA] for further information."

Markings on a December 2, 1992 unclassified U.S. Embassy/Guatemala telegram relating to a visa request by Bolanos indicate that the Agency informed DoS on March 19, 1993 that it should " . . . refer to the FBI, DEA and INS for possible information on Subject, as well as the [State] Department's own files."

A May 1993 cable to Headquarters reported that the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) was conducting an investigation into allegations that Bolanos was engaged in cocaine trafficking, arms smuggling and illegal immigrant smuggling into the United States. The cable did not provide any specific information regarding the allegations, but asked Headquarters to provide information from Agency files pertaining to Bolanos that could be shared with the INS office.

Headquarters responded in a June 1993 cable indicating that, since Bolanos was the target of a criminal investigation in the United States, information in CIA files pertaining to Bolanos should be disseminated "at Headquarters level." Nevertheless, a June 1993 cable from Headquarters provided a brief file summary relating to Bolanos' prior criminal record and his business interests and indicated approval to pass this file summary to INS. Moreover, the Headquarters cable stated that "INS should also be referred to DEA and the FBI for additional information . . . relating to Bolanos." However, the following day Headquarters sent a cable directing that the summary be used for internal purposes only and reiterated that INS should direct its inquiry to Headquarters. No information has been found to indicate any communications between INS and CIA Headquarters in this regard.
Moises Nunez

Background. During the 1980s, Cuban-American Moises Nunez was affiliated--either as an owner or a senior manager--with three seafood companies: Productos Del Atlantico in Limon, Costa Rica; Ocean Hunter/Mr. Shrimp in Miami; and Frigorificos De Puntarenas in Puntarenas, Costa Rica. Frigorificos was among the companies that were used by the Department of State in the mid-1980s to channel humanitarian aid to the Contras. In the mid-1980s, Nunez was also a narcotics officer with the Government of Costa Rica.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to a November 10, 1986 DEA Investigation Report, the DEA office in Costa Rica had, over two or three years, "received information from various sources regarding Nunez' alleged involvement in cocaine smuggling through Frigorificos De Puntarenas." The DEA Report noted that Nunez had entered the United States from Costa Rica in late 1985 in the company of a documented money launderer and that Nunez' name had been found among the personal papers of an individual arrested in connection with the seizure of cocaine.

The November 1986 DEA report also cited "hearsay" information obtained from two sources who alleged that cocaine was flown from Colombia to Costa Rica, where it was unloaded at airstrips owned by John Hull and another U.S. citizen. The cocaine was then reportedly transported to Frigorificos for shipping as frozen seafood to Ocean Hunter/Mr. Shrimp in Miami. These sources identified Nunez and Frank Chanes(20) as running the Frigorificos operation. No information has been found to indicate that either this November 1986 DEA Report or the information on which it was based was made available to CIA at that time.(21)

A September 1984 cable to Headquarters indicated a request had been made for traces concerning Nunez from the DEA. The cable indicated the response received was "no derogatory results from these traces," although no information has been found to indicate that the Agency requested traces on Nunez from DEA Headquarters at that time.

A Headquarters cable in April 1986 provided a synopsis of an April 11 article in The Washington Post regarding an FBI probe into allegations that the Contras and their U.S.-based supporters were engaged in arms smuggling and narcotics trafficking. The last paragraph of the article noted that one Contra cocaine smuggling operation centered on an unnamed leading member of the 2506 Brigade who owned a seafood export business he was allegedly using to smuggle cocaine into the United States. An April 1986 Headquarters cable indicated that Headquarters believed Chanes was the individual referred to in this paragraph of The Washington Post story.

American journalists Martha Honey and Tony Avirgan filed suit in U.S. federal court in May 1986 against individuals whom they alleged had been involved in the 1984 La Penca bombing and in drug trafficking to support the Contras. Nunez was among those named in the suit, the details of which were obtained at the time by CIA.

According to the December 1988 Report of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, titled "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy," Senator John Kerry had advised CIA, the Justice Department, DEA, State Department, and the NHAO in May 1986 of allegations he had received that Luis Rodriguez and his companies--Frigorificos and Ocean Hunter--were involved in money laundering and drug trafficking. No record has been found to indicate that CIA ever received this information from Senator Kerry.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. Immediately following the April 11, 1986 Washington Post story, a Headquarters cable asked for a determination to be made concerning the nature of the business relationship between Nunez and Chanes. The April response noted that the source of the information contained in the FBI report that was cited as the basis for The Washington Post story was Jack Terrell. It was noted that it had been reported many times that "Chanes is a close personal friend and business associate" of Nunez.

An April 1986 response from Headquarters stated that the basis for the Agency's concern about Nunez was FBI information indicating that Chanes and "his partner" had offered the Civilian Military Assistance Group ten percent of the profits from the sale of frozen lobster. The cable indicated that this allegation, coupled with The Washington Post claim that one of the cocaine traffickers owned a seafood business, could cause trouble for Nunez if Chanes should be involved in "illegal activity." Headquarters acknowledged that it was aware of the Nunez-Chanes business relationship, but stated that it had no record of the precise nature of that relationship.

A September 1986 Headquarters cable contained information from CIA files concerning Chanes. Among the reports cited was a January 1986 cable reporting that DEA had seized over 400 pounds of cocaine that was concealed in cargo addressed to Ocean Hunter. The cable noted, however, that "there is no information to substantiate or refute that Chanes was either directly or indirectly involved in drug trafficking." No information has been found in CIA records to indicate that Chanes was ever arrested for or charged with drug trafficking.

On March 25, 1987, CIA questioned Nunez about narcotics trafficking allegations against him. Nunez revealed that since 1985, he had engaged in a clandestine relationship with the National Security Council (NSC). Nunez refused to elaborate on the nature of these actions, but indicated it was difficult to answer questions relating to his involvement in narcotics trafficking because of the specific tasks he had performed at the direction of the NSC. Nunez refused to identify the NSC officials with whom he had been involved.

Headquarters cabled in April 1987 that a decision had been made to "debrief" Nunez regarding the revelations he had made. The next day however, a Headquarters cable stated that "Headquarters has decided against . . . debriefing Nunez." The cable offered no explanation for the decision.

Then-CATF Compliance Officer and Policy and Plans Chief Louis Dupart does not recall why the decision was made not to send anyone to debrief Nunez. He says, however, that the Agency position was not to get involved in this matter, and to turn it over to others because "it had nothing to do with the Agency, but with the National Security Council. We. . . . told Congress and [Independent Counsel for Iran-Contra] Walsh. That's all we had to do. It was someone else's problem."

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. According to an April 13, 1987 MFR written by OCA's David Pearline, CIA Counterintelligence Chief Gus Hathaway and Dupart briefed Senators Rudman and Cohen of the Senate Select Committee on Secret Military Assistance to Iran and Nicaraguan Opposition on April 10, 1987 regarding Nunez' claim of his involvement with the NSC. Rudman and Cohen reportedly asked that the Senate Committee Staff interview Nunez on these matters. Dupart offered to facilitate an interview in a third country. No information has been found to indicate whether such an interview occurred.

In his written response to CIA/OIG questions, Fiers states that he does not recall "precisely" why no one was sent to debrief Nunez. However:

My recollection is that because of the NSC connection and the possibility that this could be somehow connected to the Private Benefactor program (otherwise known as the Iran Contra affair) a decision was made not to pursue this matter, but rather to turn it over to Judge Walsh [the Independent Counsel for Iran-Contra]. I don't recall exactly the decision making process; it is my recollection, however, that this was a group/consensus decision. Perhaps legal records will shed more light on this.

In September 1987, Nunez was interviewed in San Jose. The interview report indicated that Nunez denied any relationship with the NSC or with anyone doing work for the NSC. The report made no mention of drug trafficking. A February 1988 CIA memorandum indicated that information on Nunez was turned over to the Iran-Contra OIC in response to its requests for information relating to its investigation.

In a December 12, 1991 memorandum, the DEA Administrator requested information from CIA concerning Nunez and any association he may have had with the Agency, indicating that Nunez had become involved in a criminal investigation. The U.S. Customs Service sent a request to CIA for information concerning Nunez on December 17, 1992. The Agency's responses to DEA on December 13, 1991 and to Customs on December 14, 1992, respectively, made no mention of Nunez' possible involvement in drug trafficking, although Customs was referred to the Agency's Office of Security (OS) for additional information. No information has been found to indicate any further request from, or any further response to, DEA or the Customs Service in regard to Nunez.

Gustavo Quezada

Background. Gustavo Quezada Acuna, also known as "Waykie," was a former Chief of Transportation in the Nicaraguan Air Force who left Nicaragua in March 1982 and was granted political asylum in the United States. Quezada joined the FDN air arm in early 1985.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A March 1985 cable to Headquarters relayed information regarding connections between Contra figures and the Miami-based drug trafficker Jorge Morales. Contra and Costa Rican pilots were making drug flights for Morales in accordance with an agreement between Morales and "Popo" Chamorro. Reportedly Quezada and Gerardo Duran had been in contact with Morales and had made flights for Morales. The implication was that the flights that Quezada and Duran were making for Morales were drug-related, but the cable did not specifically state this.

In a March 1985, a cable informed Headquarters that there were "rumors" among the Contras that Quezada "had become involved with narcotics traffickers." In addition, the local DEA representative had indicated that Quezada was "definitely in contact with known narcotics traffickers" and was involved in activities that had resulted in DEA confiscation in the United States of an aircraft, 400 kilograms of cocaine and U.S. currency. The nature of Quezada's "involvement" or "contact with known narcotics traffickers" was not specified in the cable. The March cable did, however, offer the opinion that there was "no evidence at this time connecting [Quezada's] activity with [Pastora's] narcotics operation."

A May 1987 U.S. Customs Service response to a CIA trace request stated that a 1986 Treasury Department record referred to Quezada's alleged involvement in narcotics smuggling via aircraft. No information has been found to indicate whether this information was based on the same allegations that were reported by DEA in March 1985, or on other activities by Quezada.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The March 1985 cable to Headquarters indicated that Quezada had provided both verbal and written reports in his defense. The cable noted, however, the written report had been reviewed and found not to address the allegation that he had been involved in activities relating to the DEA seizure of 400 kilograms of cocaine in the United States. The written report provided by Quezada had been shared, according to the cable, with the DEA Country Office.

The March 1985 cable also expressed the opinion that whether Quezada was "a witting or unwitting accomplice [in drug trafficking] has yet to be determined, although all indications are pointing towards [Quezada] being aware of more significant information" than he had provided in his report. The cable indicated that CIA was sending a representative to a meeting between Quezada and representatives of a U.S. law enforcement agency in an effort to obtain his cooperation.

A March 1985 cable reported to Headquarters that Quezada had met and agreed to cooperate with a U.S. law enforcement agency. The cable reported that the DEA representative had said that Quezada "possibly was unwitting of the recent narcotics trafficking activity as arrests and confiscation of materiel [sic] occurred after [Quezada] had broken contact." The cable reported that DEA would continue investigating to clarify Quezada's involvement in illegal activities in the United States.

In May 1985, a cable informed Headquarters that Quezada had been contacted by the "infamous Gerardo Duran" and that Duran had told Quezada that Marcos Aguado--a pilot for Pastora--wanted to talk to Quezada.

No information has been found to indicate that any further action was taken by CIA to resolve these allegations. No information has been found to indicate that CIA was ever advised after March 1985 of the results of the DEA investigation into Quezada's possible involvement in drug trafficking.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. According to cables reporting in March 1985, CIA and DEA officials met to discuss the allegations against Quezada. DEA was the source of the most specific allegations received by CIA regarding drug trafficking on the part of Quezada. CIA reportedly assisted the local DEA representative in gathering information that would clarify the validity of the allegations.

No information has been found to indicate that information relating to allegations of drug trafficking by Quezada was provided to Congress by CIA.

Felipe Vidal

Background. Felipe Vidal del Calvo, a Cuban-American, was associated with John Hull and, Moises Nunez.

Vidal served as a logistics coordinator for the Contras. In November 1988, Vidal became an independent contractor for the Agency, continuing to work with the Contras.

His employment with CIA was terminated in February 1990 because he had been linked in the Costa Rican press to the La Penca bombing. This media attention had, according to a January 1990 cable to Headquarters, "raised his profile to an unacceptable level."

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A June 1986 FBI response to a trace request by CIA indicated that he had been convicted in Miami of several felonies between 1969 and 1980, including a 1971 conviction for conspiracy to violate U.S. narcotics laws. The FBI response also indicated Vidal had been arrested in January 1977 for selling marijuana and conspiracy to sell marijuana, although those charges had been dismissed. Vidal's complete arrest record was included in the Agency's Office of Security (OS) file regarding him. Other CIA records included a reference to his conviction for illegal possession of a firearm, but included no mention of his 1971 conviction, or 1977 arrest, in connection with narcotics trafficking.

A December 1984 cable reported to Headquarters that Vidal had ties to Rene Corvo, a Cuban-American who might be involved in drug trafficking with Frank Castro. A June 1986 MFR written by CATF's Costa Rica desk officer concerning Vidal noted that Vidal had helped Corvo raise funds in Miami for the Contras and that he had joined Corvo's Cuban-American brigade in Costa Rica in mid-1983. This relationship ended in mid-1984, according to the MFR.

In May 1986, American reporters Martha Honey and Tony Avirgan filed a civil suit against Vidal, Hull, Nunez, Adolfo Calero, and others, alleging that they were behind the 1984 La Penca bombing attempt on Eden Pastora's life and were funding their conspiracy through cocaine trafficking. These allegations were widely publicized in the U.S. and Costa Rican media. In 1990, a new round of press accounts, published in connection with a Costa Rican Public Ministry report on the bombing, identified Vidal and Hull as the masterminds behind the plot and said that the official report had called for charging the two with murder.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A June 1986 internal CIA OS memorandum noted that FBI trace results regarding Vidal "reflect an assortment of assault, robbery, narcotics and firearms violations." No information has been found to indicate that the information regarding Vidal's record that was made available to OS by the FBI was shared outside OS.

CATF Compliance Officer Louis Dupart says that he was not aware of Vidal's 1971 conviction for narcotics trafficking, but notes that the OS would not have shared the arrest record with the DO because Vidal was a U.S. person. Dupart states that he would have questioned whether "we need this guy" had he known about Vidal's arrest record at the time of his recruitment.

CATF Chief Fiers, in his written response to CIA/OIG questions states that he:

. . . was aware that [Vidal] had a record of misbehavior and general thuggery as youth. I do not recall nor do I believe that it was ever mentioned that this included a drug conviction.

The June 1986 memorandum from OS stated that Vidal had completed a favorable security interview in February 1986.

In January 1987, CATF advised the Station by cable that Vidal should have another security interview to determine whether he was involved with drug traffickers. Although the CATF cable dismissed the allegations in the Costa Rican press as a "rehash of Honey/Avirgan stories," it noted that it would be "prudent" to reexamine Vidal.

Vidal was interviewed again by CIA Security in January 1987. According to a February 11, 1987 report, CIA Security did not have concerns about Vidal's alleged involvement in drug trafficking, since being involved in the Contra movement. On the basis of this report, a February 1987 Headquarters cable indicated that CATF had provided Vidal with documentation so he could continue working for CIA.

In July 1987, CATF cable cited two worrisome concerns about Vidal. The first was that Vidal recently listed his former employer as Ocean Hunter, a firm allegedly linked to narcotics trafficking activity. Second, Vidal had recently been mentioned several times "by true name" in television and news commentaries regarding Contra involvement in narcotics trafficking.

A July 1987 cable responded to Headquarters that the "negative repercussions" from Vidal's past employment with Ocean Hunter were balanced by the fact that he had favorable security interviews, and there were other indications of his reliability. In July 1987, the LA Division Chief asked OS to continue security processing. An August 10, 1987 response indicated that the Director of Security declined to continue security processing and that OGC had concurred in that decision.

An August 5, 1987 memorandum explained OGC's reasoning for its concurrence in not continuing security processing involving Vidal again. According to the memorandum, Associate Deputy General Counsel Gary Chase advised against further security processing of Vidal because "narcotics trafficking relative to Contra-related activities is exactly the sort of thing that the U.S. Attorney's Office will be investigating." Thus, Chase reportedly expressed "concern over the possibility that the [security] process . . . could be exposed during any future litigation."

No information has been found to indicate that Vidal was questioned a third time by the Office of Security. According to an August 1987 cable, however, Vidal was questioned by a CATF attorney in "July/August 87" regarding allegations of Contra involvement in drug trafficking. According to the cable, Vidal's answers satisfied the attorney. CATF Compliance Officer Dupart recalls that he was the attorney and that he was satisfied that Vidal had not been involved in drug trafficking during his relationship with CIA.

In January 1990, after Vidal had again been accused in the Costa Rican press of being involved in the La Penca bombing, Headquarters decided to end his employment.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. According to the December 1988 Report of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, Senator John Kerry had informed CIA, DoJ and the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office in May 1986 of allegations that Luis Rodriguez and two of his companies--Frigorificos De Puntarenas and Ocean Hunter (which employed Vidal in 1985)--were involved in drug trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that CIA ever received this information from Kerry.

A January 1986 cable provided a biographic profile of Vidal to Headquarters. The profile included information that Vidal had been employed by Ocean Hunter in 1985. However, no information has been found to indicate that CIA was aware of Ocean Hunter's link to drug trafficking until a September 1986 Headquarters cable noted that DEA had seized 414 pounds of cocaine in Miami in January 1986 that was concealed in a shipment of yucca from David Mayorga and was "allegedly addressed to Ocean Hunter, Inc."

According to an October 16, 1986 MFR written by OCA's Deputy Director of Senate Affairs Alvin K. Dorn, CATF Chief Fiers briefed Senator John Kerry on October 15. The MFR indicated that Fiers provided Kerry with several "prepared sheets" responding to questions raised by Kerry following an October 10 Fiers briefing. One of the sheets provided information concerning Vidal, including his employment with Ocean Hunter, his relationship with Rene Corvo and his two convictions for illegal possession of firearms in the early 1970s. There was no mention in this sheet, however, of Vidal's arrests and conviction for drug trafficking.

According to a July 10, 1987 OGC memorandum, the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida was investigating neutrality and gun running violations by Contra-related individuals and was concerned that some of these individuals would "allege that they were conducting their activities on behalf of CIA or the National Security Council" if they were indicted. Consequently, in order to determine whether such a defense "would have any viability," the U.S. Attorney's Office had requested that CIA provide "any documents" in its possession "which report on the Contra-related activities" of 18 named individuals and companies. Vidal and Ocean Hunter were among the names on the U.S. Attorney's list. The OGC memorandum requested that the DO indicate whether CIA had a relationship with any of these individuals or companies. Handwritten notations on the list indicated that the DO advised OGC that no information had been found regarding Ocean Hunter. No information has been found to indicate why information in CIA files pertaining to Ocean Hunter was not reported to OGC at this time or whether the incomplete information was provided to the Florida U.S. Attorney's Office.

A September 1988 Headquarters cable indicated that the Iran-Contra Independent Counsel had requested in April 1988 an interview with Vidal in connection with its prosecution of CIA employee Joseph Fernandez. The cable requested that the Station verify whether it had informed Vidal of the Independent Counsel's request in April. A September cabled response to Headquarters indicated that Vidal had been informed of the Independent Counsel's request, and that he had refused to meet with the Independent Counsel. Nonetheless, a March 1989 memorandum to then-General Counsel Russell Bruemmer from an OGC attorney indicated that CIA was trying to persuade Vidal to consent to an interview with the Independent Counsel and that consideration was being given to paying any legal expenses Vidal might incur. No information has been found to indicate whether Vidal ever met with the Independent Counsel.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

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PART 1 OF 2

NORTHERN FRONT CONTRAS

What drug trafficking allegations was CIA aware of, and when, involving Northern Front Contras? How did CIA respond to this information, and how was this information shared with other U.S. Government entities?

Adolfo Calero

Background. Adolfo Calero Portocarrero, an American-educated businessman and politician, was originally active--as were many other Nicaraguan political figures who went on to become Contra leaders--in working to bring down the regime of Anastasio Somoza. After Somoza's ouster in 1979, U.S. Embassy officials reported from Managua that Calero initially sought to work with the FSLN Government, claiming that all sectors needed to contribute to the political and economic reconstruction of Nicaragua. However, Calero had publicly criticized the Sandinistas by late 1980 for "setting themselves up as gods." In December 1982, he left Nicaragua in protest of FSLN policies.

On leaving Nicaragua, Calero joined the FDN and became a member of its leadership. In January 1983, he traveled to Panama, Costa Rica and Colombia to seek support. That same month, he helped draft a FDN peace initiative calling for elections, pluralism, nonalignment in foreign affairs, and respect for individual and human rights. Calero later became President and Commander-in-Chief of the FDN, the preeminent Contra group that pursued resistance activities on the Northern Front from bases in Honduras.

When pressures to unify the Contra forces led to the creation of UNO in mid-1985, Calero--along with Arturo Cruz and Alfonso Robelo--was named to share authority and decision making control of the military effort. Disputes with Cruz and Robelo led to Calero's resignation from the UNO leadership in early 1987. However, with the founding of a successor coalition, the Nicaraguan Resistance (RN), in May of that year, Calero was restored to a senior leadership position. In that position, Calero differed with Enrique Bermudez, the RN military commander, over strategies for cease fire negotiations.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A number of Central American publications and public figures mentioned the Northern Contra Front forces in the context of broad-based charges of drug trafficking by the Contras. A cable informed Headquarters in February 1988 that a Nicaraguan exile had alleged at a meeting in Miami, Florida, that Enrique Bermudez, Adolfo Calero, Aristides Sanchez, and another individual were all involved in drug smuggling. The purpose of the meeting in Miami at which this allegation was made was to invite former Nicaraguan National Guard members to return to Nicaragua under a Sandinista amnesty program. The Nicaraguan exile reportedly offered no substantiation for his allegations. According to the cable, he had been characterized by both a U.S. law enforcement source and CIA as mentally unstable.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to a February 1988 Headquarters cable, CIA records were searched in February 1988 regarding the Nicaraguan exile in response to his allegations that Calero and other UNO/FDN leaders had engaged in drug smuggling. The cable indicated that a number of sources characterized him as unstable, a swindler and as having a reputation of being a drug dealer in Nicaragua before leaving that country in 1983.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. In February 1988, the information contained in the February 1988 cable concerning the drug trafficking allegation by the Nicaraguan exile against Calero and other Contra leaders was forwarded by CIA to the FBI.

No record has been found to indicate that the allegation received by CIA regarding Calero and drug trafficking was reported to Congress.

Enrique Bermudez

Background. Enrique Bermudez Varela served as an officer in the Nicaraguan National Guard Corps of Engineers from 1952-1979. During his military career, he was a student at the U.S. Army School of the Americas, the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and the Inter-American Defense College. After completing his study at the Inter-American Defense College, Bermudez was assigned as the Nicaraguan Defense Attaché in Washington from 1976 to 1979. During that period, Bermudez was openly critical of the Somoza Regime and its General Staff.

Subsequent to the Sandinistas' consolidation of control in Nicaragua as the Government of National Reconstruction (GRN), Bermudez was identified in the first half of 1980 as the "War Chief" of the anti-Sandinista organization, Democratic Armed Force. In the spring of 1981, Bermudez was identified as the Chief of the Military arm of the Nicaraguan Democratic Revolutionary Alliance (ADREN), the 15th of September Legion. In September 1981, the ADREN merged with the Nicaraguan Democratic Union (UDN) and formed the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN).

Bermudez was ousted as the FDN's Chief of General Staff in late 1982 as part of the restructuring of the FDN, and he was then appointed the "Political-Military Coordinator" of the FDN Directorate with responsibility for oversight of the FDN's military organization. Nevertheless, he remained the de facto leader of the FDN military organization. In January 1983, he identified himself as the FDN directorate member responsible for military affairs and effectively the "Commander-in-Chief" of FDN forces. In February 1984, the FDN General Staff was abolished and replaced by a combined Civil-Military command with Adolfo Calero as Commander-in-Chief and Enrique Bermudez as Chief, Military Affairs.

Throughout the 1980s, Bermudez was dogged by attacks on his leadership and by accusations that he was a Somoza supporter and that he had attempted to recruit former Nicaraguan National Guard personnel into the FDN. Bermudez was finally ousted by the Army of the Nicaraguan Resistance (ERN)/North General Staff from his position as the resistance's senior military leader in February 1990.

On February 16, 1991, Bermudez was assassinated in Managua, Nicaragua. Speculation was widespread that he was killed by Sandinista supporters.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A September 1981 cable informed Headquarters that reportedly Bermudez had advised the ADREN leadership against engaging in drug smuggling to the United States, but that a decision had been made to pursue such activities to finance ADREN's anti-Sandinista operations. Reportedly, as a result, an initial effort was made in July 1981 when an ADREN member carried cocaine to Miami aboard a commercial flight. Although Bermudez was the ADREN Military Chief and a member of the ADREN leadership, there was no indication that he was directly involved in such activities.

A February 1988 cable informed Headquarters that a Nicaraguan exile had alleged at a meeting in Miami, Florida that Enrique Bermudez, Adolfo Calero, Aristides Sanchez, and another individual were all involved in drug smuggling. The purpose of the meeting in Miami at which this allegation was made was to invite former Nicaraguan National Guard members to return to Nicaragua under a Sandinista amnesty program. The Nicaraguan exile reportedly offered no substantiation for the allegation that any of the named Contra leaders were involved in drug smuggling. Both a U.S. law enforcement source and CIA had characterized him as mentally unstable.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The September 1981 allegation that the ADREN had decided to smuggle drugs into the United States to finance its activities was disseminated by CIA on September 14, 1981 in a cable to the State Department; DIA; NSA; Commander-in-Chief, U.S. Southern Command; and U.S. Ambassadors in Central America. The information also was disseminated to DEA, FBI, Customs, Treasury, and Intelligence Community agencies on October 28, 1981 as an Intelligence Information Report.

In February 1982, CIA Headquarters responded to a name trace request with a cable stating that Enrique Bermudez "is not associated with the 'renegade' 15th of September Legion members who are probably using their acquaintance with him as a means to gain some respectability." The 15th of September Legion was the designation of the military wing of the ADREN and was described by the Headquarters cable as engaged in criminal activities, including drug smuggling.

A CIA records search was conducted in February 1988 regarding the Nicaraguan exile in response to his allegations that month that Bermudez and other UNO/FDN leaders had engaged in drug smuggling. The search, according to a February 1988 Headquarters cable, indicated that a number of sources characterized him as unstable, a swindler and as having a reputation of being a drug dealer in Nicaragua before leaving that country in 1983.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As mentioned earlier, a CIA intelligence report entitled "ADREN Operations to Smuggle Narcotics Into the U.S. to Finance Its Anti-Sandinista Activities" was disseminated to DEA, FBI, Customs Service, Treasury, and Intelligence Community agencies on October 28, 1981. The report related the allegation that the ADREN leadership intended to smuggle drugs into the United States to finance its activities against the GRN. The report also included the allegation that, in the initial effort in July 1981, cocaine was carried to Miami aboard a commercial flight by an ADREN member. The information had been shared with the State Department, DIA, NSA, Commander-in-Chief, U.S. Southern Command and U.S. Ambassadors in Central America by cable on September 14, 1981.

On February 9, 1988, the information contained in the February 1988 cable concerning the drug trafficking allegation by the Nicaraguan exile against Bermudez and other Contra leaders was forwarded by CIA to the FBI.

No record has been found to indicate that either of the allegations received by CIA regarding Bermudez and drug trafficking was reported to the Congress.

Mario Jose Calero

Background. In the mid-1980s, Mario Calero, the brother of Contra leader Adolfo Calero, was the FDN's purchasing agent in New Orleans. An August 1985 cable to Headquarters reported that the FDN had contracted with a Honduran-registered airplane charter company named "Compania ORBE" to transport non-lethal aid from New Orleans to the FDN. The company was reported to be operating one DC-6. The cable indicated that FDN officials had become uneasy in dealing with ORBE officials because they charged the FDN unusually low rates, appeared to be overly eager to please and appeared to not be knowledgeable about certain aspects of the air charter business. As a result of these concerns, the FDN reportedly had decided that FDN personnel would not be allowed to accompany the DC-6 when it returned to the United States after each charter flight. Moreover, the cable indicated that Mario Calero had informed unnamed U.S. law enforcement officials that the ORBE aircraft was only under charter by the FDN when it carried FDN cargo from New Orleans to Honduras, and was not under FDN charter on its return flights to the United States.

In July 1988, Mario Calero and six other individuals were indicted in Miami, Florida, for Neutrality Act violations involving arms smuggling. However, the charges against Calero and five of the six other defendants were dismissed in July 1989.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A February 1986 cable to Headquarters reported an allegation that Mario Calero was engaged in drug trafficking. No specific details of the alleged drug trafficking were provided, although the cable noted that the individual making the allegation provided it to an FDN supporter following a meeting with Eden Pastora. No information has been found to indicate that CIA took any action to investigate the validity of the allegation. The FDN supporter and the individual who reportedly made the allegation say they do not know of any information linking Mario Calero to drug trafficking.

An April 1988 cable to Headquarters reported that a person had been approached by several individuals, including Mario Calero, who were interested in locating an alternative airport for shipping supplies to the Contras. The individuals also reportedly indicated they had an unspecified association with CIA. The person who had been approached said that, although he had no basis for his suspicions, he was concerned that these persons might take advantage of his good name by sending illegal supplies to the Contras or engaging in drug trafficking.

In December 1985, a cable reported to Headquarters that the Associated Press planned to publish a story on the FDN that included a claim that Mario Calero was taking kickbacks on FDN arms purchases. The cable did not provide any specific information, however, regarding the nature and extent of the alleged kickbacks.

In December 1985, a cable informed Headquarters that rumors were circulating in the local Latin community to the effect that Mario Calero was personally profiting from U.S.-originated aid for the FDN that transited New Orleans and that CIA was aware of this. The cable also said that the FBI and U.S. Customs Service had received similar reports, some possibly generated by media inquiries regarding Calero's activities. The cable added that there was no information to substantiate the allegations and that there was no indication of any CIA contacts with Mario Calero in New Orleans.

A December 1985 response observed that the allegations may have been based on jealousy and speculation, especially with respect to Mario Calero's expanded activities as a purchasing agent acting on behalf of the DoS-sponsored Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office (NHAO).

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that CIA took any action in response to allegations of drug trafficking by Calero. However, a November 1986 Headquarters cable warned that Mario Calero's poor reputation was a potential hindrance to the Contras:

Mario Calero has one of the most seamy reputations of all the people involved in the Nicaraguan Democratic Resistance. Rightly or wrongly, he is seen as being up to his knees in corruption. Moreover, he is viewed as being nothing more than a hatchet man for the hardcore unreconstructed right of the FDN. In short, he is a symbol to our critics of all that is perceived to be rotten in the FDN. Whether or not this reputation is justified is immaterial: it is real.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. In March 1986, CIA responded to a trace request from the FBI by noting that it had received unconfirmed allegations that Calero had accepted kickbacks. Additionally, the CIA response stated that CIA would appreciate any information the FBI could provide regarding the allegations. No information has been found to indicate such a response from the FBI.

No information has been found to indicate that Congress was informed that CIA had received drug trafficking allegations against Mario Calero. However, a June 12, 1985 routing slip from the DO to CIA's Comptroller contained, as an attachment, DO responses to a number of questions regarding the Contras that the House Appropriations Committee (HAC) had asked CIA on May 2, 1985. One question related to allegations of corruption by Contra officials. A portion of the DO response to that question stated:
There have been a number of allegations that Mario Calero may be skimming funds from NHAO but we have nothing to confirm it. The Agency is by law forbidden to engage in law enforcement activities in the U.S. . . . .

No information has been found to indicate the date and circumstances of CIA's conveyance of this information to the HAC.

Juan Ramon Rivas

Background. Juan Rivas, whose war name was El Quiche, was a former Nicaraguan National Guard officer who joined the Contra resistance in 1981. Upon the organization of the FDN, he became the instructor of the first fighters to enter Nicaragua in July 1982. He later helped organize the Jorge Salazar Force, an FDN combat unit, and became its commander. By August 1986, Rivas had constructed a task force of five regional commands with a total of 5,000 combatants. He was selected to be Chief of Staff of the ERN/North in March 1988, the only candidate who apparently was acceptable to all the commanders.

A CIA employee who dealt with the Contras from 1986 to 1988 says Rivas "was a subordinate of [ERN military commander] Enrique Bermudez and interfaced with representatives of the Agency as Enrique Bermudez would empower him to do so on any particular issue." In this regard Rivas was acting no differently than other Contra commanders.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to a February 1989 cable to Headquarters, a Central American Station "was asked to check out a report in November 1988 received by the [U.S.] Embassy from DEA alleging" that Rivas was identical with a person of the same name who had reportedly escaped from a Colombian prison after being arrested on a drug trafficking charge.

According to the February cable, a CIA contract officer noted Rivas had said he had deserted from the Nicaraguan National Guard in 1979 when the first combat with the FSLN began in southern Nicaragua. At that point, Rivas said he had relocated to Guatemala, acquired a false passport and shortly thereafter moved to Colombia to find work. Rivas reportedly said that he became involved in the drug trade at a low level--packaging drugs; transporting them within the city of Barranquilla, Colombia; and passing them to traffickers for overseas shipment. He claimed, however, that he did not personally smuggle drugs outside of Colombia. The Colombian authorities caught him, and he was sent to prison. Rivas, then 21 years of age, remained in prison for four or five months before escaping. He said that he then returned to Guatemala, decided not to return to the drug trade and joined the Nicaraguan resistance.

The CIA independent contractor says pursuing this question with Rivas was very difficult, in part because Rivas was always surrounded by a lot of "gunmen." Thus, the independent contractor says he believed he might be at personal risk if he accused Rivas in their presence. Nonetheless, he says he attempted to verify the DEA information. The problem of the gunmen took some time to resolve, but eventually he was able to discuss the allegation with Rivas alone.

The CIA independent contractor adds that Rivas had said that he had been involved in Colombia in taking drugs to ships in international waters. The CIA contract officer also says that Rivas told him he arranged the escape from the Colombian prison by paying a bribe.

The CIA independent contractor says that he never saw Rivas again after their discussion. He states that he does not believe Rivas was involved in drug trafficking while working with the Contras. He notes that Rivas had a horse at the Yamales camp that was reputedly worth $100,000. However, he said that he does not believe the source of Rivas' funds was drug trafficking, but Rivas' family money and overcharging the Agency for supplies.

As reported in a March 1989 cable to Headquarters, Bermudez said that, when Rivas joined the resistance forces:

. . . he had quite a bit of money. At the time [Rivas] had just broken a relationship with [an American] who was the daughter of a very rich US citizen and those who met [Rivas] at the time assumed his money came from the girl and/or her father. [Rivas] contributed most of his remaining resources to the FDN cause and has only a small ranch in Guatemala left from his earlier relationship. Some in the FDN may have suspected at the time that the father-in-law was engaged in drug trafficking.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. Following receipt of the information the CIA contract officer obtained from Rivas, CIA briefed the U.S. Ambassador to Honduras and the Deputy Chief of Mission. The February 1989 cable to Headquarters reported that Rivas' departure from the ERN would be "devastating," but that there appeared to be no other option.

In February 1989, Headquarters responded and requested that Rivas' admissions be discussed with the DEA representative at the Embassy, who was to be asked to take no action at that time and to "advise him that [the CIA] will inform [DEA Headquarters] on his behalf when appropriate." The cable also noted that it presumed the Ambassador would support this position in discussions with the DEA representative in view of the serious political damage to the U.S. Government that could occur should the information about Rivas become public.

The cable also indicated that Headquarters was particularly interested in knowing whether the DEA representative was obliged to inform the Government of Colombia of the admissions and whether Rivas was on a DEA "watchlist." The cable also provided instructions to discuss Rivas' admissions with Enrique Bermudez and asked whether he had any prior knowledge of Rivas' drug connection. The cable contained a caution that it was important that no U.S. Government official encourage Rivas "to disappear" and that there were significant legal liabilities--not further explained--to providing Rivas any such advice or encouragement.

In February 1989, a cable informed Headquarters that the Rivas case had been discussed with the DEA representative. The DEA representative reportedly said that there was no DEA action to be taken since the information concerning Rivas was "historic" and there was no indication of current trafficking by Rivas. The DEA representative also reportedly said that DEA had no obligation to inform the Government of Colombia and that Rivas was not on any DEA watchlist.

On February 15, 1989, CATF sent a memorandum to Deputy Director for Operations (DDO) Richard Stolz outlining Rivas' background and his admissions of involvement in the drug trade in 1979. CATF proposed that, because of his importance to the Contras, Rivas be maintained as the Chief of Staff of ERN/North and that the House Permanent Select Committee for Intelligence (HPSCI) and the Senate Select Committee for Intelligence (SSCI) be briefed. The CATF memorandum noted that:

. . . although this recommendation is not without political risk, the removal of Rivas, at this time, following the Central American Presidents' call for the dissolution of the ERN as an armed force, would adversely impact ERN morale and force integrity [sic] to an unquantifiable extent.

A February 22, 1989 note for DDO Stolz from Deputy General Counsel for Operations John Rizzo stated that:

Under the circumstances, I do not believe that the existence of the 1979 drug charges requires us to remove Rivas as ERN/N[orth] Chief of Staff or otherwise disassociate ourselves from him. CIA regulations in this area focus solely on individuals currently in narcotics trafficking: we have to sever our relationship with anyone involved in trafficking to the United States, and we have to make a risk/benefit analysis about continuing to deal with anyone involved in trafficking outside the U.S. There is no indication that Rivas fits either category. What we have here is a single, relatively petty transgression in a foreign country that occurred a decade ago and that is apparently of no current interest to DEA.

(Underlining in original.)

A March 1989 cable to Headquarters stated that the Rivas matter had been discussed with Bermudez the previous day. Reportedly, Rivas had already approached Bermudez and explained the problem. The cable noted that, according to Bermudez, Rivas indicated that he wished to resign from the resistance. Bermudez said he had calmed Rivas down and pointed out that his resignation at such a critical time would have "devastating affects [sic]." Rivas took some time off and then resumed his functions. He was, reportedly, waiting for guidance from Bermudez, "who recognizes the possibility of a scandal but does not want Rivas to leave."

A March 1989 Headquarters cable noted that Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Cresencio Arcos, along with the CATF Chief of Operations, had met with Bermudez in Washington. Arcos reportedly told Bermudez that Inter-American Affairs Assistant Secretary-Designate Bernard Aronson and Acting Inter-American Affairs Assistant Secretary Michael Kozak had decided that Rivas' admission of involvement in drug trafficking in 1979 necessitated his separation from the Contras as soon as possible. In order to prevent Rivas' departure from being viewed erroneously by ERN troops as a signal of imminent demobilization, Arcos advised Bermudez that Rivas should fade gradually from the scene. Bermudez agreed with this assessment and said that Rivas would be amenable to this approach as long as he had a way to earn a living.

In March 1989, a cable informed Headquarters that the Station's COS, the Ambassador and the Deputy Chief of Mission agreed that recent media coverage of ERN human rights violations made the ERN more vulnerable to drug trafficking charges "no matter how far removed." As a result of this discussion, the Deputy Chief of Mission was instructed by the Ambassador to meet with Rivas as soon as possible and inform him that he must leave the ERN. The cable reported that the Deputy Chief of Mission was also to ask Rivas if he knew of anyone else in the ERN who had been involved in drug trafficking.

According to an April 1989 cable to Headquarters, Rivas announced on March 29 his intention to resign for medical reasons.

At some unspecified time in early 1989, most probably in late April, a CATF officer drafted a cable to the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) regarding an application by Rivas for U.S. Permanent Resident Alien (PRA) status. The cable draft described Rivas' involvement in drug trafficking in Colombia as well as his arrest, incarceration and escape. It also described Rivas' service with the Contras, noting that he had served with distinction and saying that the Agency had no evidence that Rivas had been involved with illegal drugs since 1979. The draft concluded with a request "that Rivas' service be taken into consideration at the time that his application for PRA status is reviewed."

The version of the cable that was actually transmitted to INS and the FBI on May 6, 1989 omitted the request that Rivas' service with the Contras be considered when his application was reviewed. The cable did, however, include all pertinent information concerning Rivas' admission of his involvement in drug trafficking in 1979.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As noted above, allegations of involvement in drug trafficking by Rivas were first brought to CIA's attention by the U.S. Embassy in November 1988 in the form of a request for further information concerning a DEA report. After confirmatory information was obtained from Rivas in late January 1989, it was shared almost immediately with the Ambassador and the Deputy Chief of Mission. It was then shared with the DEA representative. INS and FBI were informed by CIA of Rivas' past connection with drug trafficking on May 6, 1989 in connection with Rivas' application for PRA status.

On March 15, 1989, a two-page memorandum prepared by CATF provided "talking points" for OCA to brief the HPSCI and SSCI regarding Rivas. The memorandum outlined Rivas' involvement in drug activities in Colombia in 1979, his arrest, incarceration and escape and briefly described his record as "the ERN/N[orth]'s most capable commander." It also noted that:

During the month of February 1989, Rivas departed from Yamales. In early March 1989 he was in Miami, Florida seeking U.S. residency for himself and for his wife . . . . Rivas is not on the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) "watchlist," and, according to DEA, there is no indication that Rivas is currently involved in illicit drug activity. Further, DEA considers the information on Rivas "historical" and has no intention of informing the Colombian government about Rivas, nor would DEA normally do so.

According to a March 15, 1989 OCA MFR signed by the OCA Deputy Director for Senate Affairs Robert Buckman, he briefed SSCI Staff member David Holliday on March 15 concerning Rivas and told him that the Department of State had determined that Rivas "should be removed from his post and that Resistance leaders agreed." The March 15 MFR also stated that Holliday had said "that he would inform the Committee. He did not regard this as a serious matter." A March 10, 1989 OCA MFR written by OCA Deputy Director for House Affairs Norm Gardner stated that HPSCI Staff member Mike O'Neil was briefed on March 16, 1989 and that O'Neil "appreciated the briefing but had no real comments or remarks to make."

A March 28, 1989 CATF MFR reported a March 17, 1989 briefing on the Nicaragua program for HPSCI Staff members Dick Giza, Mike O'Neil, Duane Andrews, and Steve Nelson. The allegations of drug trafficking concerning Rivas were identified in the MFR as one of the topics of the briefing. CATF Chief of Operations (COPS) reportedly informed the Staff members that the Department of State had decided that Rivas would be "separated from the Resistance" and that Arcos had informed Bermudez of this decision on March 14. The COPS also reportedly told the Staff members that Rivas and his wife were applying for PRA status in the United States. In response to a question concerning U.S. Government support for Rivas, the COPS reportedly said that the CIA was not planning to assist in resettling Rivas.

Stedman Fagoth

Background. Stedman Fagoth led the MISURASATA Indian Movement, a loose knit organization of Indians from Nicaragua's Atlantic coast area. Fagoth's efforts in 1981 to raise money on behalf of the MISURASATA among exiled Nicaraguans in Miami apparently brought him to CIA's attention. Agency records indicate that Fagoth exhibited erratic behavior.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A January 1985 cable asked Headquarters for any information pertaining to a U.S. citizen. According to the cable, the U.S. citizen had offered to provide DEA with information pertaining to alleged Sandinista drug trafficking. The U.S. citizen had reportedly claimed to DEA that he had an association with a group called "The American Freedom Fighters," which was actively providing various types of aid to "the anti-Sandinista forces in Nicaragua."

A January 1985 cable--citing the Defense Attaché Office and other U.S. Embassy reporting--responded that the U.S. citizen, among other things, had allegedly sought Fagoth's assistance in stealing boats from Nicaragua. This reportedly was part of an alleged plan by the U.S. citizen that called for taking the boats to Honduras where they would be loaded with guns and then moved onto Colombia, where the guns would be exchanged for narcotics for the U.S. market. Headquarters, in a January 1985 cable, responded that it had no information in its files pertaining to the U.S. citizen.

In November 1987, a cable to Headquarters reported a KISAN official who was now a political rival of Fagoth's had said that Fagoth had suggested to him and others in 1982 or 1983 that they should go to Colombia to raise money for "the cause." According to this KISAN official, who claimed to have declined Fagoth's suggestion, the clear implication was that the trip would involve a drug deal of some sort. However, he said that a senior advisor to Fagoth at that time had agreed to the trip.

A November 1987 cabled response expressed skepticism regarding the portion of the November report that pertained to the senior advisor. According to the cable:
Station finds it difficult to believe that [the senior advisor] would cooperate with [Fagoth] and go to Colombia on a drug deal to make extra money for the cause, especially since [the senior advisor] does not particularly care for or trust [Fagoth]

An April 1988 cable to Headquarters stated that the senior advisor had said "in an effort to further denigrate [Fagoth]" that Fagoth had approached him in 1984 with a scheme to kill Colombian cocaine traffickers who were moving through "the Yucatan" to the United States and to seize the drugs they were carrying. The proceeds from the stolen cocaine reportedly were to go to the "Indian movement." The senior advisor claimed to have declined the offer, but believed that Fagoth and other associates probably had consummated the scheme. The senior advisor also claimed that Fagoth—along with two Honduran military officers—had sold marijuana or other drugs.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking No information has been found to indicate that CIA followed up or pursued the drug-related allegations involving Fagoth to determine their validity.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. Agency records indicate that CIA was in contact with the FBI regarding Fagoth.

On July 7, 1987, CIA sent to the DoS copies of a summary report of "questionable activities on the part of Stedman Fagoth." This report included information from Agency records pertaining to alleged human rights abuses and the theft of U.S. Government-provided funds and materials by Fagoth that might "bear on his eligibility to receive [U.S.] support." The report also cited Fagoth's violence in dealing with his Miskito rivals and the charges of corruption linked to him. The report contained no references to the January 1985 allegations relating to Fagoth's possible involvement in a drug trafficking scheme with the U.S. citizen. The report predated the CIA's receipt--in November 1987 and April 1988--of additional drug-related allegations against Fagoth.

No information has been found to indicate that allegations of drug trafficking involvement by Fagoth were shared with the Congress.

Roger Herman

Background. Roger Herman Hernandez, a Nicaraguan citizen, was political director of KISAN, a resistance organization composed mainly of Indians and Creoles that operated on the Atlantic coast of Honduras and Nicaragua. He was a strong supporter of U.S. policy in the region. By 1990, he was increasingly involved in the effort to reestablish democracy in the Atlantic coast region

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A December 1986 Tegucigalpa U.S. Embassy telegram reported that, according to an Embassy source, Herman and the Haylock family of Roatan Island in Honduras were smuggling cocaine into the United States. Herman had reportedly obtained cocaine from Nicaragua and used Hondurans who were friendly to KISAN or unidentified U.S. personnel to carry it in small quantities to his brother in Miami. The Embassy source also reportedly claimed that on two occasions the Nicaraguan diplomatic pouch had been used for this purpose and that the Haylocks were using one of their boats, originally modified to smuggle weapons to KISAN, to traffic in cocaine.

The Embassy cable also noted that the Embassy could not vouch for the credibility of the source, and that Embassy checks revealed the source's colleagues were concerned that the source was "paranoid and mentally impaired." The cable also noted that the allegations against Herman may reflect "factional dissension within KISAN."

Agency Response to Allegations Of Drug Trafficking. The December 6, 1986 allegations against Herman were included in a January 1987 Interagency Assessment regarding the Contras and drug trafficking that was prepared by CIA for the Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research. A February 9, 1987 memorandum to CATF Chief Fiers from Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams proposed that CIA "formally ask DEA and any other appropriate agencies to undertake an investigation of [the] information [that had been] developed by the Agency" on Herman.

Fiers responded in an undated memorandum to Abrams that CATF had directed the field to undertake a full investigation, which would include questioning by CIA Security, as soon as the Agency had learned of the allegations against Herman. The Fiers memorandum said that, when the results of this investigation were received, "should there be any questions in our minds that Mr. Herman has any connections with drug smuggling, it will be raised with the Interagency Group/Nicaragua."

A CIA Security interview was conducted with Herman in February 1987. Based on this interview, CIA Security determined it was highly probable that Herman was involved in drug trafficking. In further security processing in May 1987, Herman said that he was confused over the term "trafficking." He reportedly said that he thought "trafficking" referred to personal use of illegal drugs. After this interview, CIA Security did not have concerns about Herman and drug trafficking.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that CIA reported the results of its inquiries into the drug trafficking allegations against Herman to Abrams or the Interagency Group.

The drug allegations against Herman were included in the January 1987 Memorandum prepared for Assistant Secretary of State Abramowitz. No information has been found to indicate that CIA acquired any other information linking Herman to drug trafficking.

No information has been found to indicate that CIA advised Congress of the Embassy source's allegations regarding Herman or the results of CIA inquiries in response to those allegations.

Sebastian Pinel

Background. A March 1981 cable to Headquarters identified Pinel (also spelled Pinell), a.k.a. "Chatan," as a "leader of one counterrevolutionary group in Honduras" and cited his views of paramilitary training options. A May 1981 cable to Headquarters concerning Nicaraguan counterrevolutionary groups made reference to "a smaller exile group under the leadership of Sebastian 'Chatan' Pinel." A March 1982 cable to Headquarters reported on a Contra-related meeting in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, that was held at a house that "belongs to Sebastian Pinell Chatan [sic], a Nica[raguan] Contra sympathizer."

A December 1980 cable to Headquarters regarding Sandinista deployments said, "There is a Sebastian 'Chatan' Pinel resident in Tegucigalpa and known ... as reputedly an anti-FSLN activist." A March 1981 cable to Headquarters that was sent in response to information regarding another Contra personality stated: "Sebastian Pinel, one of subject's comrades, is known, although extent of his involvement in counterrevolution [is] somewhat vague."

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A February 1985 Headquarters cable to DEA indicated that a source had said that Sebastian Pinel--described as a Nicaraguan exile living in Buena Park, California--may be involved in the dealing of cocaine. The cable also said that Pinel was reported by the source to be in Spain and that, although Pinel was reportedly "broke," he "may be on the verge of a major drug deal." The cable also said that Pinel was a "partner" and "best friend" of Horacio Pereira, a known drug trafficker.(22) No information has been found to indicate the identity of the source of this information or the circumstances under which the information was obtained by CIA.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. Headquarters sent a cable to DEA in February 1985 reporting the alleged drug trafficking activities by Pinel.

Information Sharing With Other U.S. Government Entities. The February 1985 Headquarters cable to DEA provided information to DEA regarding alleged drug trafficking activities by Pinel. No information has been found to indicate CIA informed Congress regarding Pinel's alleged drug trafficking activities.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

Postby admin » Sun Jun 14, 2015 8:31 pm

PART 2 OF 2

Arnoldo Jose Arana

Background. Arnoldo Jose Arana Garcia, also known as Frank Arana, was born in Nicaragua and held U.S. Permanent Resident Alien status during the Contra war period. Arana had been an officer in the Nicaraguan National Guard. Following the Sandinistas' overthrow of the Somoza regime, Arana emigrated to the United States. He joined the FDN's Special Air Branch in March 1983 and was identified in an October 1985 cable as Chief of Operations of the FDN air arm. A November 1985 cable from Headquarters indicated that Arana was the FDN's press officer.(23) A May, 1989 cable indicated that Arana held a senior position in the ERN/North leadership.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In April 1983, the Agency was informed by the FBI in response to a CIA trace request that Arana was under criminal investigation by a U.S. "presidential" task force on narcotics. No additional details were provided by the FBI at that time.

A November 1985 Headquarters cable indicated that the Immigration and Naturalization Service believed that some members of Arana's family "may be in jail on drug charges." An FBI memorandum dated January 23, 1986 indicated that Arana was "alleged to be the primary pilot in a drug smuggling enterprise" involving his brothers and others. However, the FBI report noted that " . . . to date, there has been no prosecutive action." On May 14, 1987, DEA responded to a May Agency trace request and indicated that Arana had planned to smuggle 100 kilograms of cocaine into the United States from South America in October 1983.

A May 1989 cable reported that ERN/North Air Force Commander Julio Gomez--who had previously held the same position in the FDN as had Arana-- said that "he always had doubts about Arana's activities." Gomez also claimed, however, that he had received a letter from a Texas police department indicating that an investigation into Arana's activities had revealed nothing illegal.

The May cable also reported that Gomez had stated that the media in Texas had recently reported allegations of drug smuggling in connection with a helicopter ferry flight from Tegucigalpa to Brownsville, Texas. Arana was reportedly the pilot, and the helicopter was owned by Jose Perez. Gomez said that Arana and Perez visited the DEA office in Tegucigalpa to clear up the matter once they learned of the allegations. Gomez reportedly believed that the purpose of the flight was to get the helicopter to the United States where it could be dismantled and shipped to a further destination in the United States or Canada. He did not know whether the drug allegations were "well-founded."

According to a June 1989 cable to Headquarters, CIA officers met with local DEA officers on June 14 in an effort to assess Gomez' story about the helicopter flight. Following this meeting, the cable reported, the DEA officers had confirmed that Arana had visited their offices in early May 1989 with Manuel Perez, Jose's brother. The cable reported that information from the DEA office in Texas seemed to clear Arana in the Brownsville incident, and DEA "thought it a closed case." The cable added, however, that DEA had uncovered additional information of possible drug trafficking involving the Perez brothers and that DEA believed, if "Arana is mixed up with the Perez brothers, he is probably dirty." The Perez brothers were the owners of record of SETCO--a small air services company that had been formed by Juan Matta Ballesteros, a convicted cocaine kingpin, according to DEA and U.S. Customs.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. As mentioned earlier, the FBI advised CIA in April 1983 that Arana was under investigation by a presidential task force on narcotics. Between September 1983 and December 1985, the Agency requested periodic updates from the FBI regarding the Arana investigation in an effort to resolve the allegations. The FBI responded on January 23, 1986 that Arana and his brothers were involved in a drug smuggling enterprise. No information has been found to indicate that the FBI provided other updates to the Agency during this time. In 1988, the Agency twice requested updates concerning the Arana investigation from the FBI. No information has been found to indicate that the FBI provided the requested updates to the Agency.

An unsigned, handwritten note was attached to the May 1989 cable that identified Arana as a senior member of the ERN/North leadership. The note stated: "Arnold Arana former Guardian National [sic]--still active and working, we [CIA] may have a problem."

As to whether CIA should have pressed the FDN (ERN/North) to expel Arana because of the task force on narcotics investigation, CATF compliance officer Louis Dupart says that "an investigation is not proof of wrong-doing." Although Octaviano Cesar was expelled from UNO for suspected involvement in drug trafficking as a result of CIA concerns, Dupart says that the Cesar case was different because CIA Security believed it was highly probable Cesar was involved in drug trafficking.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. The June 1989 cable reporting on the meeting with local DEA officers regarding the drug trafficking allegations against Arana indicated that CIA was working closely with DEA on "several issues." No information has been found to indicate the nature, extent, or results of this cooperation as it pertained to Arana.

No information has been found to indicate that the Agency provided information to Congress regarding allegations of Arana's involvement in drug trafficking. According to the official congressional transcript of a CIA briefing to SSCI Staff members on July 31, 1987, CATF Chief Fiers stated that "[CIA has] never found any evidence indicating that the FDN or those around the Northern Front, as it is known today, had been involved in cocaine or any drug dealings, and we have looked very closely at that." According to that transcript, Fiers did not mention that CATF had been informed by Agency counterintelligence personnel on May 21, 1987 that Arana--an FDN official--was the subject of a presidential task force on narcotics investigation.

Fiers' written response to questions states that he was not aware that Arana was the subject of a federal narcotics investigation. Moreover, his response states that:
Since my beginning asociation [sic] with the Central America program up until being shown information about Arana by the IG, it was my firm belief that no member of the FDN known to me was the subject of drug smuggling allegations. (I was aware, however, that Arana was not a productive pilot, . . . . and spent too much time in Miami.)

Jose Francisco Cardenal/Bergman Arguello/Eduard Jose Sacasa-Urouyo/Rolando Murillo/Juan Savala (or Zavala)/Renato Pena/Roger J. Ramiro

Jose Francisco Cardenal: Background. CIA records indicate that Cardenal, a former Vice President of the Nicaraguan Government Council of State, arrived in Miami, Florida, sometime in May 1980 after having left Nicaragua as an opponent of the Sandinista Government. According to an August 1982 cable to Headquarters , Cardenal was described as one of the early leaders of UDN/FARN "which splic [sic] from the ADREN group in Sept 80 [sic] and member of one of the Nicaraguan counterrevolutionary groups in March 81."

According to a September 1982 cable:

[Cardenal] is at present travelling extensively to try and unify various groups and factions of Nicaraguan exiles into a common front. He has an almost encyclopedic knowledge of Nicaraguan personalities and family histories which makes him especially adept at the establishment of relationships and political ties. An obsticleis [sic] the military arm of the [Contras], whose officials are jealous of their prerogatives, and not enthusiastic about coalitions or common fromts [sic]. The plans are to overcome that hostility, bring about a unification of factions and groups for the overthrow of the Sandinista regime and the installation of a democratic governemt [sic].

According to a January 1983 cable to Headquarters Cardenal was ousted from the FDN over political differences with the FDN leadership. Following his ouster, Cardenal attempted to organize some of his followers into a rival organization--the Nicaraguan Insurrection Front--without success. According to a March 1983 cable, Headquarters reported that Cardenal "no longer holds any leadership position in any exile opposition organization."

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. An October 1982 cable to CIA Headquarters reported that an informant in the local Nicaraguan exile community had provided information to the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) that indicated that Cardenal and other Contra-related individuals might be linked to drug trafficking:

On 20 October 1982, an [INS] officer called . . . . to relay information he had received from an informant in the Nicaraguan exile community in the San Francisco area. According to this informant, there are indications of links between [a specific U.S.-based religious organization] and two Nicaraguan counter-revolutionary groups. These links involve an exchange in [the United States] of narcotics for arms, which then are shipped to Nicaragua. A meeting on this matter is scheduled to be held in Costa Rica "within one month." Two names the [INS] informant has associated with this matter are Bergman Arguello, a UDN member and exile living in San Francisco, and Chicano Cardenal, resident of Nicaragua. Cardenal was in San Francisco the week of 11 October 1981 [sic] to speak at a freedom rally sponsored by a Cuban freedom group with reported links to Omega 7.

The [INS] officer stated that he had called [the FBI], but was told that nothing could be done as the responsible agent was away on TDY for an uncertain period of time. His call to [CIA] was prompted by the report of a meeting in Costa Rica within the month. We have confirmed that the [FBI] agent is indeed away for an unspecified period of time and that he is the only one who could act on this matter.

In view of para[graph] 2 above, is there anything that should [be done] with the information reported in para[graph] 1? The [INS] officer described his informant as quite reliable, although he has no independent means of verifying the informant's information. Both the [INS] officer and his informant are available to provide further information if needed.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. An October 1982 Headquarters cable responded to the October report and request for advice by stating:

If there is good reason to believe that the allegations contained in para[graph] 1 . . . . may have some basis of fact, [Headquarters] would be interested in investigating them further. Request . . . . recontact [with] the [INS] officer in order to attempt to determine the following information:

A. An evaluation of the [INS] source's access to this information. Did he learn it from direct involvement with the individuals named or from a third source? [Please] provide identity of source if available.

B. Is the date mentioned in the last sentence of para[graph] 1 . . . (11 October 81) correct, or did the source mean 1982?

C. Can the source provide any additional details regarding the alleged meeting to take place in Costa Rica? We would be interested in knowing who is scheduled to attend and under what auspices it is to be held?

. . . .

In a November 1982 cable to CIA Headquarters, a response stated:

1. While the thread of activities reported in [the October 1982 cable] and in this message leads abroad and involves several aspects of intelligence interest, in responding to [Headquarters] request for information we are discussing the alleged activities of several U.S. persons and verging on reporting of information which is more properly in the purview of U.S. law engorcement [sic] agencies. In drafting response to this message, request [Headquarters] comment on this aspect of our reporting so that we may provide all useful assistance within the limits of our charter re[garding] U.S. persons.

. . . .

3. According to the [INS] source, the UDN/FDN meeting in Costa Rica is scheduled to take place within the next three weeks. It was implied to [INS] source that the meeting will be a harbinger of future violence (no further information). Although the meeting is supposed to be secret, cameras will be allowed at the meeting. . . . The following also are expected to attend:

UDN:
Bergman Arguello Galo, . . . ; applicant for political asylum;
Eden Pastora, "Commandante Zero";
Eduard Jose Sacasa-Urouyo, . . . ; applicant for political asylum;
Jose Rolando Murillo, . . . ; applicant for political asylum;
and two U.S. persons.

FDN:
Renato Pena, . . . ; applicant for political asylum;
and three others named by [INS] source but believed to be U.S. persons.

. . . .
6. In sep
arate contacts with [INS], representatives of the [specific U.S.-based religious organization] have mentioned the [organization's] involvement with anti-Nicaraguan government groups. INS does not know if [the organization's] representatives will be present at the Costa Rica meeting, although [INS] assumes that some [organization] representatives will attend. [INS] officer noted that recently, a group of [organization] members from Guatemala and the Dominican Republic was in Seattle in transit to Honduras.

7. The correct date for the San Francisco meeting sponsored by the Coalition for the Free World is 17 September 1982. Another meeting sponsored by this group is scheduled for 4 November 1982. Nicaraguan and [specific religious organization] groups are members of the coalition.

. . . .

In November 1982, CIA Headquarters replied in a cable that stated:

1. Appreciate follow-up information on the subject of alleged Nicaraguan exile activities. [Headquarters] is understanding of . . . . position in [paragraph 1 of November . . . , 1982 cable]. In light of the apparent involvement of U.S. persons throughout, agree you should not pursue the matter further. [Headquarters] will affect [sic] coordination as necessary with [FBI] on this case; assume [INS] will make this and any additional information on the subject available to [FBI] San Francisco.

. . . .

A November 1982 cable to CIA Headquarters reported that:

Per [the November 1982 Headquarters cable], we have contacted [INS] officer and asked him to ensure that [FBI] is kept advised of INS-acquired information on alleged Nicaraguan exile activities. [INS] officer stressed that he has offered the information to [FBI] several times, but has been rebuffed. He will try again, nevertheless.

Since [the other November 1982 cable], [INS] source offered additional information, which may be of interest to you: during the week of 1 November 1982, Eden Pastora flew from Tegucigalpa to San Jose, Costa Rica. Canadian Consul-General in Costa Rica was on the same plane and recognized Pastora. [INS] source has been told that Juan Savala is head of the UDN/FDN training camp in Costa Rica near Lake Nicaragua. . . . During a meeting held in San Francisco on 4 November 1982, a U.S. person known to be affiliated with the Cuban Independence Movement, CID, stated that Eden Pastora will split with the UDN/FDN because of its alleged [CIA] ties. On the other hand, Fernando Chamorro, known as "El Negro," wishes to make contact with CIA.

We will have no further contact with [INS] on this matter unless advised otherwise by [Headquarters].

No information has been found to indicate whether a meeting in fact took place in Costa Rica to discuss an exchange of narcotics for arms as described in the October 1982 cable. However, a November 1982 Headquarters cable discussed the alleged meeting and stated:

1. It is HQS opinion that much of information contained in [the October 1982 and November 1982 cables] simply does not make sense (i.e., UDN/FDN cooperation, need to obtain armament through illegal means, shipment of arms to Nicaragua, involvement with the [specific U.S.-based religious organization]). We see a distinct possibility that the [INS] source was either intentionally or unintentionally misinformed. However, since the information was surfaced by another [U.S. Government] agency and may return to haunt us, feel we must try to confirm or refute the information if possible. To best [anyone's] knowledge, have the [Contras] scheduled any meeting in the next few weeks? If so, what information do you have regarding the attendees? Do you have any other information which might relate to contents of [referenced messages].

. . . .

A November 1982 response to Headquarters reported that:

. . . . On 16 November, [Eden Pastora] has dispatched Carlos Coronel and Arturo Cruz, Jr. to U.S. for series of meetings, among them meeting with [FRS] supporters in San Francisco.

No record has been found to indicate that Headquarters was provided with any additional information in response to the November Headquarters cable. Nevertheless, CIA records do indicate that Cardenal was in San Jose, Costa Rica, from around October 30 or 31, 1982 until November 5, 1982 and again from around December 27 to December 31, 1982 for meetings with Contra leaders. No information has been found to indicate that these meetings pertained to any exchange of narcotics for arms. Moreover, no information has been found to indicate what contacts, if any, Cardenal may have had with representatives of the specific U.S.-based religious organization.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. A January 1981 cable from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) requested that CIA provide ATF with "brief background info[rmation] and any derogatory information" regarding Cardenal from CIA files. According to the ATF cable, Cardenal "is believed to be involved in violations of U.S. criminal laws under jurisdiction of ATF."

In a February 1981 cable to ATF in response to the January 30 cable, CIA provided biographical information regarding Cardenal and included information that Cardenal "was in contact with a group of Nicaraguans who are preparing an invasion of Nicaragua from Honduras and Costa Rica." The cable also referred the ATF to the FBI "for possible information on subject."

Moreover, a February 1981 CIA cable to ATF in response to "your telephonic request dated 17 February 1981" informed ATF that:

. . . .

2. The files of the Directorate of Operations contain no additional information which would aid in the assessment of subject. Furthermore, this Directorate has no interest in Cardenal whatsoever.

In a March 23, 1981 cable to CIA, the FBI reported that it was:

. . . conducting a sensitive Neutrality Act investigation which may involve a Nicaraguan national, Francesco [sic] Jose Cardenal and an American citizen. Also possibly involved are two groups, the Nicaraguan Democratic Union and the Nicaraguan Armed Revolutionary Forces, both believed to be headquartered in Nicaragua with possible ties to the United States.

In its cable, the FBI requested that CIA furnish it with any information from its files pertaining to the two individuals and groups.

A March 1981 CIA cabled response provided the FBI with the same information that had been provided in February 1981 to ATF. The cable also included information that Cardenal had been unsuccessful in an attempt to obtain weapons and financial support from the El Salvador Government. Moreover, the cable stated that:

. . . .

3. This Agency has no information on [the American citizen].

4. It is suggested that the Department of Treasury/ATF and the Department of State be queried for information on the Nicaraguan Democratic Union, the Nicaraguan Armed Revolutionary Forces (FARN) and for additional information on Cardenal.

In an April 1981 cable to CIA, the FBI reported that it was involved in a "pending investigation concerning possible violation of the Neutrality Act by Jose Fransesco [sic] Cardenal and others." According to the cable, the FBI--citing the information that CIA had provided in the March 25 cable--reported that a consensually monitored conversation had taken place between Cardenal and "a private individual cooperating with this Bureau" and that:

The FBI feels this [conversation] may refer to your information, and your Agency should be aware the above conversation becoming [sic] public record if prosecution is forthcoming. The cooperation and the individual's identity will become public inasmuch as he/she has agreed to testify.

In its August 23, 1982 cable response to CIA, the FBI reported that:

Jose Francisco Cardenal was the subject of an FBI Neutrality Act investigation in 1981. He was allegedly involved in the recruiting of personnel to participate in a military coup to overthrow the current Nicaraguan Government. In August, 1981 [sic] evidence collected on Cardenal was presented to the U.S. Attorney's Office for possible prosecution. Based on the facts presented, it was determined that there was insufficient evidence to proceed with prosecution.

This Bureau has presently discontinued its investigation. We have no additional pertinent information not already known and/or in your possession.

In a memorandum to CIA dated March 8, 1985, the FBI requested a "name check request" on Cardenal. A March 1985 CIA cable to the FBI provided biographical information regarding Cardenal and information that Cardenal had been--according to an undated March 1983 report--organizing "the Nicaraguan insurrectional front to mobilize popular support against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua." In addition, the cable stated that Cardenal "has shown a disregard for security by indiscriminately divulging details of confidential information."

Bergman Arguello Galo: Background. According to the October 1982 cable, an INS informant described Arguello as a UDN representative who was to attend a secret meeting in Costa Rica to discuss a narcotics for arms exchange. Moreover, the November 1982 cable indicated that Arguello was the individual who had discussed the purported narcotics for arms exchange.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. According to a February 11, 1983 memorandum from CIA's OGC to the INS regarding Arguello:

The Agency requests that you arrange for an asylum interview for the subject [sic] in your Miami District Office, on an immediate basis. We ask that the interview be conducted during the week of 14 February 1983.

It is our understanding that the subject has already submitted an application. On the chance that he has not, or that it cannot be located, we will instruct the subject to obtain new forms, complete them, and bring them to the interview.

Thank you for your attention to this matter.

No information has been found to indicate any INS response to the February 11 OGC memorandum. An INS Biographic Information Form G-325A signed by Arguello on "10-11-84" included a notation under "Other Agency Use" that stated "No Derogatory Information" and the date "14 Jan 85."

On March 18, 1983, CIA requested that the FBI conduct "priority traces" on Arguello. A March 30, 1983 CATF memorandum from the FBI stated that " . . . FBI has no record on [Arguello]."

Eden Pastora: Background. Eden Pastora is described in the November 1982 cable as a UDN representative who was to attend the secret meeting in Costa Rica regarding an exchange of narcotics for arms. No information has been found to indicate that Pastora attended such a meeting, although the November 1982 cable discussed earlier indicated that Pastora flew from Tegucigalpa, Honduras, to San Jose, Costa Rica, "during the week of 1 November."

Eduardo Jose Sacasa-Urouyo: Background. "Eduard" Sacasa was described in the November 1982 cable as a UDN representative who was to attend the secret meeting in Costa Rica regarding an exchange of narcotics for arms. CIA records indicate that an individual named Eduardo Sacasa-Urouyo was associated with the UDN during the 1980s and was a close associate of Fernando Chamorro. Other than the November cable, no information has been found to link Sacasa with drug trafficking.

Rolando Murillo Escobar: Background. Murillo was described in the November 1982 cable as a UDN representative who was to attend the secret meeting in Costa Rica regarding an exchange of narcotics for arms. No other information has been found to link Murillo with drug trafficking.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. According to a March 1983 CIA cable to the FBI that requested information in FBI files regarding Murillo, Murillo was described as "a former member of the Nicaraguan National Guard and former resident of the San Francisco area." Murillo reportedly was living in Costa Rica, according to the cable. A memorandum dated March 30, 1983 stated that "FBI has no record on subject."

Juan Savala/Zavala Mora: Background. Juan Savala was described in the November 1982 cable as "head of the UDN/FDN training camp in Costa Rica" where the INS informant claimed the secret meeting would take place to discuss an exchange of narcotics for arms. The November cable did not, however, indicate what role--if any--Savala would play at the meeting.

CIA records indicate that a "Juan Zavala Mora" was a member of the UDN during the 1980s and was a close friend of Fernando Chamorro.

No other information has been found to indicate that Savala/Zavala was suspected of drug trafficking or that he was related to--or otherwise linked to--Julio Zavala who, in 1983, was arrested in connection with The Frogman Case in San Francisco.

Roger J. Ramiro: Background. According to the November 1982 cable, Ramiro was described by INS as a "known narcotics violator who recently was indicted on a narcotics charge in Orange County, California." As reported in the cable, Bergman Arguello had "mentioned" Ramiro's name in connection with the alleged narcotics for arms exchange. No information has been found to link Ramiro with drug trafficking.

Renato Pena Cabrera: Background. Pena, a convicted drug trafficker, was described in the November 1982 cable as an FDN representative who was to attend the secret meeting in Costa Rica regarding an exchange of narcotics for arms.

Renato Pena says that he associated with Norwin Meneses. Pena also claims to have participated in Contra-related activities in the United States from 1982-1984 that were unrelated to his drug trafficking activities. Pena says that he served as an official, but unpaid, representative of the FDN political wing in northern California from the end of 1982 until mid-1984, having been appointed to that position by Edgar Chamorro. According to Pena, his duties on behalf of the FDN were related to public relations and distributing Contra-related literature to sympathizers. He claims that his activities on behalf of the FDN were all conducted in the United States and that he never traveled outside of the United States because of his immigration status as a political asylum applicant. Pena says that Norwin Meneses had Contra-related dealings with FDN official Enrique Bermudez. According to Pena, the specific U.S.-based religious organization that was allegedly involved with the Contras and drug trafficking was an FDN political ally that provided only humanitarian aid to Nicaraguan refugees and logistical support for Contra-related rallies, such as printing services and portable stages.

Pena says that his personal drug trafficking activities were unrelated to the Contras, but claims that the Contras must have had alternative sources of funding since the money that the Contras received from the U.S. Government was "peanuts." Pena says that a Colombian associate of Meneses's named "Carlos" told Pena in "general" terms that portions of the proceeds from the sale of the cocaine Pena brought to San Francisco were going to the Contras. According to Pena, "Carlos" said something to the effect that "we are helping your cause with this drug thing . . . we are helping your organization a lot." Pena said "Carlos" did not provide him with any further information. "Carlos" has not been identified.

Pena says that, when he was removed from his FDN position in mid-1984--possibly because Contra officials suspected him of drug trafficking--and replaced by a U.S. citizen, he was appointed to be the "military representative" to the FDN in San Francisco. He says this appointment occurred "in part because of Norwin Meneses's close relationship with [Enrique] Bermudez."

The FDN representative in San Francisco who replaced Pena--who is a naturalized citizen who immigrated to the United States from Nicaragua in 1963--was active in Contra-related affairs in San Francisco during the 1980s. He says he first became involved with the Contras after an early 1980s visit to San Francisco by Contra leader Fernando Chamorro in which Chamorro asked for volunteers to support anti-Sandinista activities. On July 23, 1986, he says he was appointed to be the official FDN representative in San Francisco. Prior to his appointment, he says the FDN did not have an officially authorized representative in San Francisco. In 1986, the FDN opened an office at the Flood Building on Market Street in San Francisco with $5,000 provided by the FDN office in Miami. However, the office was closed some six months later because it was too expensive to maintain.

The FDN representative in San Francisco who replaced Pena says that the Nicaraguan community in San Francisco was poor and the Sandinistas had considerable support there. "San Francisco was a Sandinista town," he asserts. He states that the net amount of funds raised for the Contras from the San Francisco community throughout the years was about $5,000. According to the FDN representative, the Contra support movement did not even have sufficient funds to sustain a mailing of brochures and other correspondence. He adds that people did not want to be on a list of Contra supporters for fear that the list would fall into the hands of the Sandinistas and cause difficulties for them or their families. As he recalls, the FDN did, however, make several radio announcements on local Spanish language radio stations. He says that membership in the San Francisco FDN was handled informally. Individuals who wanted to support the FDN could just attend meetings, dinners and participate in other related events.

The FDN representative who replaced Pena says his activities on behalf of the Contras in San Francisco consisted primarily of helping to coordinate Contra fund raising dinners and meetings. He says he often used his personal funds as security deposits at the hotels and other locations where these functions were to be held. On one occasion, he says he made up an $1,800 shortfall out of his own pocket when a catered dinner at a local restaurant or hotel was under-subscribed.

The FDN representative in San Francisco who replaced Pena says Renato Pena was not the official FDN representative in San Francisco, having never been appointed by the FDN directorate to any position. Instead, he says Pena was the self-appointed representative for the "military section" of the FDN. He says he learned of Pena's drug-related arrest six months after it occurred. He says some people in the FDN in San Francisco were critical of Pena and did not want Pena to continue his association with the movement after the arrest. However, Pena was never formally expelled from the FDN. According to Pena's successor, Pena sublet an office in San Francisco from drug trafficker Danilo Blandon's sister. Blandon's sister attended some FDN meetings in San Francisco.

The FDN representative in San Francisco who replaced Pena believes that drug trafficker Norwin Meneses probably knew Enrique Bermudez since Meneses's brother and Bermudez had been senior Somoza officials. He says he met Norwin Meneses "a couple of times" when Meneses attended FDN support meetings in San Francisco. However, Meneses was never a member of the FDN, and he says he does not know whether Meneses provided funds, goods, or supplies to the Contras. He says he usually recognized most of the persons at the FDN meetings, since most of them lived in the community. He says he noticed when new persons or strangers attended the meetings, commenting that "Sandinistas probably also attended" the meetings. Average attendance at an FDN meeting, he says, might be 10 to 15 persons.

The FDN representative in San Francisco who replaced Pena says he has no knowledge that Contra organizations--or individuals acting on behalf of the Contras--engaged in drug trafficking. However, he comments that "People that did [engage in drug trafficking] may have been taking advantage of the revolution--that is my opinion."
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

Postby admin » Sun Jun 14, 2015 8:36 pm

PART 1 OF 2

OTHER INDIVIDUALS INVOLVED IN THE CONTRA PROGRAM

What drug trafficking allegations was CIA aware of, and when, involving other individuals supporting the Contra program? How did CIA respond to this information, and how was this information shared with other U.S. Government entities?

Ivan Gomez

Background and Relationship with CIA. The individual who was known by the alias "Ivan Gomez" was at various times a CIA independent contractor, spouse of a CIA employee, and a rejected applicant for staff status. Gomez was an Independent Contractor for Latin America (LA) Division by June 1982.

According to a September 1982 cable from Headquarters, Gomez returned to Central America on permanent assignment in September 1982 and continued to work as a trainer, coordinator and general liaison to ARDE and related groups.

A January 1983 cable to Headquarters described Gomez' ability to engage with others, his effective reporting and his hard work. The Station cable, however, also raised concerns that Gomez was too close to ARDE.

By the fall of 1983, the problem of Gomez' close ties to Pastora and ARDE that had been mentioned in the January evaluation of Gomez became an issue. An October 1983 Headquarters cable noted that:

. . . we have become concerned over indications of a loss of objectivity and increasing signs of "clientism" on the part of [Gomez] toward [ARDE] and [Pastora] in particular . . . . [w]hile his own performance to date has been of extraordinary value . . . it is absolutely necessary for us to ensure the strictest clarity and accuracy in our reporting on and communications with the [ARDE].

According to a September 1984 Headquarters cable, Gomez was under consideration for reassignment in the fall of 1984. This was in part because there had been reports that he was on a Sandinista target list for assassination. In October 1984, he was reassigned to another country where he served for the next two years and received favorable performance evaluations.

In May 1986, Gomez married a CIA staff employee. As a result, CIA decided that he could no longer continue to serve in the field.

A March 1987 Headquarters cable discussed Gomez' future employment with CIA as a result of his marriage to a staff employee. The cable stated that Gomez had been nominated to a career officer program. His file had been reviewed and it was wished to pursue additional processing, including questioning by Security. The cable further noted that his questioning by Security was scheduled for March 1987.

An undated document concerning Gomez's FY 1988 activities that was prepared, probably in September 1987, noted that CIA was continuing to pay his salary "until such time as he is either picked up by another Agency component or is terminated." According to a similar undated document for FY 1989, Gomez' relationship with the CIA ended on March 31, 1988.

The Security/Counterintelligence section of an undated document for FY 1989 concerning Gomez, probably written in August or September 1988, noted that Gomez' use in Central America:

ended in late May 1987 after he married an Agency employee and subsequently initiated processing for U.S. citizenship. Efforts were made to use [Gomez] in other Agency programs; however, he was unable to [provide credible answers regarding drug trafficking]. Consequently, [Gomez] was amicably terminated effective 31 March 1988.

A CIA officer reported having met with Gomez socially on December 20, 1989 in the United States and that Gomez was bitter and unhappy about his termination from CIA and was threatening to take his complaint to President George Bush. The CIA officer also reported that Gomez had outlined a plan to expose the identity of CIA personnel serving abroad.

In 1992, Gomez reportedly claimed he had information about a weapons shipment and was put in touch with a CIA officer. The officer observed that Gomez "seemed reluctant to meet with him. Gomez reportedly advised that he still harbored bad feelings regarding how and why his relationship with CIA was terminated." A March 1992 Headquarters cable instructed cognizant CIA officers to have no further contact with Gomez.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In conjunction with his marriage to a CIA officer and possible employment by CIA as a staff officer, Gomez underwent a number of polygraph examinations in 1986-1988. During a March 1987 polygraph examination, Gomez stated that in March or April 1982, prior to his employment with CIA, he had provided some assistance to family members engaged in drug trafficking and money laundering in the United states. In the first instance, he had written a check, in exchange for cash, for a cousin who was traveling from the United States to Latin America. Gomez said he believed the cousin was a drug money launderer, but did not believe he was engaging in a money laundering operation by writing the check. In the second instance, Gomez said that a brother who lived in Miami was a drug trafficker and had asked his brother-in-law to transfer some cash from New York to Miami. Gomez accompanied his brother-in-law to New York, where they picked up a bag containing $20,000 to $22,000 in cash and transported it to Miami. Gomez said that, at the time, he told his brother-in-law that "this was probably drug money." Gomez' response as to whether he had aided his brother in his trafficking activities and whether he had been involved in trafficking after he began working for CIA were in doubt.

Gomez was subjected to another polygraph examination by CIA in April 1987. According to that report, Gomez changed his story somewhat concerning the bag of cash he had reported obtaining in New York for his brother:

[Gomez] increased his estimate of cash from somewhere between $30,000 to $40,000. [Gomez] indicated he and [his brother-in-law] met an individual who was identified by the wearing of a yellow jacket. This individual then approached [them], struck up a conversation, and then provided the cash to [Gomez]. During later discussion of this incident, [Gomez] stated he knew this act was illegal at the time, but he consummated the act nevertheless. At the completion of [Gomez'] second session, testing in this area remained incomplete.

According to a March 1988 polygraph examiner's report, Gomez was subjected to another polygraph examination on two days in March 1988 as staff employment processing. During discussions with the examiner, Gomez reportedly said that his brothers had accumulated a business debt of about $2 million. According to Gomez, one had gone to Miami to run a money laundering operation for a group of drug traffickers to pay off the debt. Another handled the funds in Latin America. According to Gomez, when he visited his brother in Miami, Gomez saw that "his brother had many visitors whom [Gomez] assumed to be in the drug trafficking business . . . . However, . . . he never saw his brother either receive or distribute any drugs and/or money."

According to the March 1988 examiner's report, Gomez provided yet another account of his acquisition of cash in New York:

[Gomez'] brother-in-law informed [Gomez] that [his brother] had requested that he pick up $30,000 in a bar in New York City. [Gomez] stated that he accompanied his brother-in-law to the bar whereupon the brother-in-law stayed in the car while [Gomez] entered the bar and made contact with the individual who was to turn over the money. This individual took [Gomez] to an apartment where he gave him $15,000 and offered him some cocaine. [Gomez] stated he refused . . . . [Gomez] shortly thereafter, began to work for this Agency. . . . In June 1982, . . . [His brother] was arrested for drug trafficking. [Gomez] stated he had not had any involvement in narcotic trafficking activities.

Based on the interview, the interviewer believes Gomez directly participated in illegal drug transactions, concealed participation in illegal drug transactions, and concealed information about involvement in illegal drug activity.

According to the March 1988 examiner's report, the examiner discussed the different reasons Gomez had provided for his brother giving him money, differing and conflicting ways Gomez had said money was raised for his brother's legal expenses, and the differing accounts of the story concerning the passing of the money in New York--the amount was $20,000 or $30,000 or $15,000; the brother-in-law went into the cafe with Gomez to meet the person making the exchange or the brother-in-law did not go into the bar with Gomez to meet the person; the passage of the money took place in the cafe/bar or in an apartment. According to the report, Gomez tried to dismiss these discrepancies as inconsequential. However, "when the examiner continued to question [Gomez], he suddenly stood up, thanked the examiner, shook his hand and said words to the effect, 'that's all' and walked out."

According to a March 1988 report of a CIA official who observed the March 1988 polygraph examination of Gomez, CIA was "especially concerned about any possible involvement with drug trafficking on the part of [Gomez]." The official's report also stated that "the impression was that [Gomez abruptly departed from the examination] because he was being questioned about drug activities which were unacceptably threatening to him, so he called it quits." The official's report concluded:

the net impression . . . is that [Gomez] probably is concealing at least much more personal and direct involvement in drug smuggling than he can report . . . . The further impression is that . . . he probably never had any intention of revealing his true involvement in drug activity. . . .

The December 12, 1996 edition of the British newspaper, The Independent, commented on an Independent Television program that was being broadcast that night. According to The Independent, Carlos Cabezas, a convicted drug trafficker associated with Julio Zavala in the San Francisco Frogman Case, said:

. . . he had met a CIA agent, Ivan Gomez, in Costa Rica who, he said, was there to make sure that all the profits went to the Contras and not into the back pockets of the drug dealers and smugglers. "They [not specifically identified] told me who he was and the reason he was there, . . . It was to make sure the money was given to the right people and nobody was taking . . . profit they weren't supposed to."

(Ellipses in original.)

Cabezas was interviewed twice in 1997 and initially stated that a man named Ivan Gomez was present at least once in 1981 or 1982 when Cabezas met with drug traffickers Horacio Pereira and Troilo Sanchez in Costa Rica to deliver funds derived from drug trafficking. Cabezas also stated that Gomez said he was with the CIA. According to Cabezas, Gomez participated in the meeting when Pereira and Sanchez discussed their drug smuggling activities on behalf of the Contras. Cabezas described Gomez as a Latin American, and, based on his accent, possibly from the Dominican Republic.

In the second interview, Cabezas provided more details concerning his reported meeting with Gomez. He said the meeting took place in either April or May 1982 at a hotel in San Jose, Costa Rica. Cabezas stated that both Pereira and Gomez told him that Gomez was "the CIA's man in Costa Rica" and that "Gomez was there to ensure that the profits from the cocaine went to the Contras and not into someone's pocket." Cabezas again said that Gomez appeared to be a native of the Dominican Republic. Cabezas gave a physical description of Gomez and said he would recognize Gomez if he saw him again. Cabezas was then allowed to examine 16 photographs of Latin males. Cabezas identified one of the individuals in the photograph as being Gomez and a second person, who resembled the first, as also a possibility.

Two of the 16 photographs shown Cabezas were of Ivan Gomez. Neither was identified by Cabezas as being Gomez. Moreover, the physical description of Gomez that was provided by Cabezas was three to five inches in height, and 40 pounds in weight, different from Gomez' actual physical characteristics. In addition, Gomez is not a Dominican. According to CIA records, Gomez also was not in Costa Rica in May 1982 when Cabezas says the meeting with Pereira occurred there, but was in the Washington, D.C. area being interviewed by CIA for potential employment. Further Gomez was not hired by CIA until June 1, 1982, nor has any information been found to indicate that he traveled to Costa Rica prior to June 1982.

Finally, the name "Ivan Gomez" was not recorded as his alias, and the passport and employment letters necessary for use of that alias to travel to Central America were not provided to Gomez, until June 1982. According to a CIA officer helping process him for his assignment, Gomez had suggested another name--"Juan Gomez"--as his alias and that suggested name was submitted for processing by the officer. However, Gomez' unclear handwriting resulted in "Juan" being read as "Ivan" during the approval process. Therefore, Gomez was not even aware until June 1982 of the Ivan Gomez alias that CIA ultimately provided to him.

Cabezas mentions that he also saw Doris Salomon, wife of Julio Zavala, when he reportedly met Gomez at the Costa Rica hotel and that she was several months pregnant at that time. Salomon acknowledges that she stayed at that same hotel and did see Cabezas there and was pregnant with her son. However, the son was born in July 1981. In the spring of 1981 Gomez was still serving in the military of his home country.

Ivan Gomez says that his physical appearance never matched that given by Cabezas. He also says he has never stayed at the hotel in San Jose identified by Cabezas as the meeting site and that the name Carlos Cabezas is not familiar to him. He acknowledges that the name Ivan Gomez was not the name he picked for his alias and that it appeared as a surprise to him on his alias documents. Gomez confirms that he was in the United States in March-April 1982. Gomez says that a former lover of Pastora named Nancy(24) provided his name to the Sandinista newspapers.

Other public mentions of the name of Ivan Gomez appeared in the media prior to the 1996 and 1997 allegations by Cabezas regarding meeting Gomez in Costa Rica. For example, the name was included in the 1994 book Hostile Acts: US Policy in Costa Rica in the 1980s by Martha Honey, an American journalist. The book states, "the Agency . . . had a group of Costa Rican-based agents working directly inside Pastora's organization . . . . The head agent was Ivan Gomez, a Venezuelan . . . . "

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. Agency records include an undated, unsigned document describing the June 29, 1982 arrest of Gomez' brother. The document was not in an official form and was poorly typed on a sheet of newsprint paper. The charge against the brother was, according to the document, participating in a continuing criminal enterprise, and search warrants had "lead [sic] to arrest of 2 others and seizure of 2 [kilograms] of coke and $160,000." The document also stated that the brother had delivered 54 pounds of cocaine in 1982 to undercover agents of an unidentified law enforcement agency. The document appearing adjacent to this one in the file is dated August 26, 1982.

The CIA desk officer from 1981 until late 1984 who dealt with Gomez says that she had heard sometime in 1982 that Gomez' brother had been arrested for involvement with drugs. She comments that Gomez did not appear to make any effort to hide his brother's arrest from CATF officers. It appeared to the desk officer, as she recalls, that several other Agency officers knew of the situation, but it fell into the category of a family problem and not one affecting Gomez professionally.

The desk officer also recounts a conversation she had with Gomez sometime prior to the end of 1984 in which she asked Gomez directly, "Did you know anything about your brother's drug activity?" According to the desk officer, Gomez reacted strongly to the question and indicated he had nothing to do with his brother, drugs, or the incident that led to his brother's arrest. Gomez reportedly stated to her that he had no intention of visiting or helping his brother. Gomez reportedly also told the desk officer that he did not want to see his brother and that he had fought hard not to be tainted by drugs.

An officer who participated in Gomez' interview for employment and later worked in CATF, says that he was aware that Gomez' brother had been arrested and convicted on narcotics charges. It is this officer's recollection that Gomez characterized his brother as "dumb" and said that he had a "disastrous lapse in judgment." The officer says he recalls that the charges against the brother may have related to a "money laundering deal" and adds that Gomez made no secret of his brother's arrest. The officer says he has no reason to believe that Gomez had anything to do with the brother's activities and expresses doubts that Gomez would have been personally involved in such activities. In any event, the officer says he did not believe that the brother's conviction was a factor relating to Gomez' suitability for CIA employment. Whatever responsibility there may have been for documenting the information regarding the brother, he says, would have rested with Gomez' CIA supervisors.

Gomez says that he told his COS about his brother's arrest when it happened. As Gomez recalls, he informed the COS while they were riding in an automobile.

Gomez says that the COS made no particular comment at the time, only that Gomez should not worry about the matter. Gomez says that he probably also told another operations officer and that he also told the Costa Rica desk officer and at least two other CATF officers. Nonetheless, according to Gomez, no CIA officers ever said anything to him about the situation involving his brother.


The former COS recalls Gomez telling him about his brother's arrest, but says he recalls that the brother was arrested for a visa or immigration matter. The former COS says that, if the brother had been arrested on a narcotics charge, "there is no way that I wouldn't have made it part of the record." He says he recalls that the narcotics aspect of Gomez' brother's arrest came up in 1986, and his recollection is that it was raised by Agency security personnel. He says:

It is inconceivable to me that on hearing this information I--or someone else--would not put it on record. Why would I have covered it up? I would have no reason to do so. [Gomez] was an employee.

The person who was DCOS at about the same time recalls that he spoke only briefly with Gomez about his brother's arrest. No details were ever discussed, he says, and Gomez seemed very sensitive about the subject and did not want to discuss it. The former DCOS says that, when knowledge of Gomez' brother's arrest became known to the Agency, there was no thought of looking closer into Gomez' background because he was a strong performer and the allegations concerned his brother, not Gomez. The former DCOS says that he never knew Gomez picked up money for his brother in New York City that may have been drug related. He adds that the former COS was more closely involved with Gomez than either he or the Costa Rica desk officer.

The Agency's Office of Security (OS) prepared an October 1986 memorandum outlining information known about Gomez and Gomez' career with the CIA. The memorandum noted that "record traces on [Gomez'] immediate family members revealed possible hits as possible drug traffickers and/or members of leftist organizations in [a Latin America country]." The memorandum also referred to trace results that identified one of Gomez' brothers as a drug trafficker, although the information appears to refer to a person who had a name similar to that of Gomez' brother but who was not related to Gomez. The memorandum also summarized information Gomez had furnished about the association of two brothers with narcotics trafficking during two 1986 Agency polygraph examinations that were part of the marriage review process.

The source of the information in the OS memorandum relating to Gomez' family may have been, in part, a November 1985 FBI document that reported information from an informant. The FBI informant reportedly said that the informant learned while he was incarcerated that two of Gomez' brothers were both money launderers and large-scale cocaine importers. One brother was identified by the informant as arranging for cocaine shipments with well-known narco-trafficker Roberto Suarez. The FBI document made no mention of Ivan Gomez. The FBI document was included in OS, but not DO, files. No information has been found to indicate that officers in the DO who were responsible for Gomez' management and administration ever saw the FBI document.

The polygraph examiner's report of Gomez' March 1987 polygraph noted that Gomez said he had attempted to "arrange a deal for his brother with U.S. authorities after his brother's 1982 arrest." According to the report, Gomez said that he discussed his brother's case with officials at the U.S. Embassy in his home country:

In discussions with an agent of the . . . [Drug Enforcement Administration] at the U.S. Embassy . . . [Gomez] tried to arrange immunity for his brother in exchange for his testimony against DEA agents allegedly involved in narcotics trafficking.(25) Furthermore, [Gomez] stated that he discussed his brother's case with unidentified members of the Office of Security at the U.S. Embassy . . . . Finally, [Gomez] was told by unidentified Headquarters personnel to stop pursuing the matter because he was "causing problems."

CIA personnel say they do not recall giving advice to Gomez to stop contacting U.S. Government agencies in an effort to help his imprisoned brother.

Gomez acknowledges that, after his brother was arrested, he contacted a U.S. DEA agent who was a good friend. Gomez says he asked the DEA agent whether his brother could volunteer to "help out," i.e., to cooperate with U.S. authorities. Gomez says the DEA agent called another one of Gomez' brothers, but Gomez says he does not know the details of that conversation. Eventually, the arrested brother decided not to cooperate because, according to Gomez, there were "lawyers in Miami" who said he would be killed if he did. Gomez also says that he may have told CIA officers that he was trying to put his brother in contact with DEA.

The DEA agent with whom Gomez says he spoke recalls that Gomez told him about the brother's arrest. According to the DEA agent, Gomez thought that his brother could be a potential source for DEA and asked the DEA agent to talk to the family. The DEA agent recalls meeting with another of Gomez' brothers and that he appeared to be making some headway in ascertaining the facts surrounding the arrest. However, a sister walked in and entered the conversation. She became hostile and said that they did not need any help. The DEA agent says he left and did not have any further contact with the family.

The DEA agent says he never learned the reason for the brother's arrest, and the family did not provide records of the arrest as the DEA agent had requested. Gomez' brother with whom the DEA agent met indicated only that the arrested brother had information that could be useful to DEA. The DEA agent could not remember whether he wrote a report concerning the contact with the brother, and says he did not contact the responsible DEA case agent. The DEA agent indicates that Gomez came from a good family that was not involved in drugs, except for the one brother. The DEA agent says he spoke to Gomez about his confrontational meeting with Gomez' brother and sister and that Gomez never pushed for another meeting or assistance for his brother. The DEA agent states that the assistance requested by Gomez was not unusual, and most times some assistance can be rendered in such circumstances.

On May 20, 1987, an Employee Review Panel (ERP)(26) was convened to discuss Gomez and his wife. A May 20, 1987 memorandum describing this ERP was written by the representative of the Counterintelligence Branch of the OS Special Activities Branch who presented the case to the ERP. That memorandum indicated that the meeting was characterized by the chairman as a "fact finding" session and that the discussion was detailed. An attachment to the memorandum described the issues to be considered by the ERP as including Gomez' travel to New York to "pick up approximately $30-40,000 for [his brother]. . . ," The brother's arrest and Gomez' cousin involvement in "laundering drug money." The ERP recommended, according to the memorandum, that "if the opportunity arises to repolygraph [Gomez], he should be directly confronted with the issues of personal affiliation with drug activities . . . ." The question of whether a crimes referral should be made to DoJ was discussed and left for OGC action--an OGC representative was present at the ERP. The memorandum recorded that "CMS representative [the Chief of CMS, Gomez' former COS] noted that [there] is still interest in [Gomez] as [career] candidate and that his application might be reinitiated in June 1987."

The former Chief of CMS recalls that he did say at the ERP that there was still interests in Gomez, but notes that the memorandum describing the ERP may or may not accurately present the chronological order of the actual discussion at the ERP. He says:

One could attribute to the memorandum the sense that [I] was fighting to keep [Gomez] on. That's not my style. Interest attenuated [in Gomez] in reality if it were going to be reported to DoJ. We were not going to the bitter end to protect him. Foreshortening of these notes could give this impression. This was not my mindset.

In a June 26, 1987 memorandum to OS, the LA Division Chief commented on a briefing LA Division had received regarding Gomez' "difficulty" with his questioning by CIA Security. The memorandum stated that "it will be the policy of LA Division to not accept [Gomez] for any assignment to Latin America until . . . any additional security processing is favorably resolved."

A July 8, 1987 memorandum to the Chief of SAS from the supervisor mentioned previous in connection with Gomez, recommended several actions regarding Gomez. They included: no further polygraph examination until after Gomez' wife had completed her pregnancy period so as not to create "adverse stress on [Gomez] and spouse, affecting her pregnancy and possibly leading to miscarriage;" continuing Gomez' salary through February 1988, shortly after the birth of his child, while his wife was on Leave Without Pay; fund Gomez' language training in English; and polygraph Gomez after his wife's pregnancy in order to:

. . . resolve all outstanding issues if possible. C/CMS wishes to clarify situation as it pertains to [Gomez], and future employment of spouse who also is due normal reinvestigation- sticky situation. . . . SAS should initiate action [for] further polygraph testing in early 1988 to resolve outstanding issues. If favorable results are obtained . . . and clarification of any prior narcotics activities are resolved, LA [Division] can then decide if in fact they desire to employ [Gomez].

The recommended actions were concurred in by the Ground Branch Chief, the SOG Chief, the SAS Chief, and the CMS Chief, who wrote, "Concur fully with this approach."

The former Chief of CMS says he does not recall specific discussions with the SAS supervisor, but notes that he and the supervisor were in regular contact concerning Gomez. In regard to the recommendation not to initiate action for another polygraph until Gomez' wife's baby was born, the former Chief of CMS says, "As I recall, the conversations focused solely on [the wife's] medical condition. It was a difficult pregnancy." He says he was not thinking at the time in terms of "cutting our losses" and terminating the relationship with Gomez. Asked if he thought that Gomez would pass the polygraph at this juncture, the former Chief of CMS comments that "anyone with this depth of a problem, the likelihood of passing is not good." He says Gomez was continuing to receive his salary and his wife was on Leave Without Pay. He says he wanted to create every opportunity to clarify the situation.

The supervisor, in an undated MFR, reported that he and Chief of CMS met with Gomez and his wife on July 16, 1987. The meeting was to brief them on the plans to delay further polygraph testing until after the birth of their child and to sponsor Gomez' English language training. The memorandum noted that Chief of CMS:

. . . reemphasized his intentions to reinitiate action with both OS and [Office of Medical Services], after the pregnancy period, to desensitize [Gomez] to any issues of concern and conduct the next polygraph sessions in Spanish language. It is hoped that a combination of OS and OMS efforts would favorably produce desired results.

The former Chief of CMS says that he recalls the July 16, 1987 meeting with Gomez and his wife.

It was an extra step. There wasn't any other agenda. Here's a guy who worked directly for me. We owed it to him. I was directly involved as his former COS. It would not be seemly if I hadn't. I don't want [Gomez] to think when the going gets tough, the senior guy won't be there. I had been involved previously. It would have been very inconsistent if I hadn't continued.

The amendment to Gomez' contract providing for a termination bonus and a month's salary for each year of service was requested by the SAS SOG Chief on August 3, 1987 and approved by the EPS Chief on September 18, 1987. The request made no mention of the ERP recommendations, Gomez' possible involvement in his brother's drug trafficking activities, or the problems Gomez was having passing the polygraph examination.

A September 1, 1987 cable to Headquarters submitted a Performance Appraisal Report (PAR) regarding Gomez. Gomez' Grade and Title were entered as "agent" and "covert action asset." The PAR gave Gomez an overall grade of "5," described as indicating "Performance occasionally exceeds the work standard and is good." The reviewing officer summarized Gomez' performance in the PAR by writing, "Subject is a dedicated, hardworking professional who contributed significantly to Station's overall intelligence mission." The PAR was identified as a "special request," but no information has been found to indicate that this PAR was requested by Headquarters. An undated, unsigned, handwritten note attached to the Headquarters copy of the cable noted, "Unusual to have PAR on asset."

A January 6, 1988 MFR written by an OS officer reported on a January 5, 1988 meeting to discuss further polygraphing of Gomez. Attending the meeting were the then-DO Grievance Officer who had attended the May 20, 1987 ERP and who worked in CMS; the SAS supervisor; and the SAS desk officer who supported the surrogate operations officer program. The memorandum recorded that supervisor and the SAS desk officer:

. . . stated that they are desirous of finding suitable Agency employment for [Gomez] outside of SAS. They feel that [Gomez] has shown extreme dedication and courage in his work with SAS . . . they also understand that [Gomez] walked out on his last polygraph test and that he had admitted to two instances of assisting in the laundering of drug money in the United States.

A February 19, 1988 OS MFR noted that the LA Division Chief was asking for a memorandum that summarized Gomez' polygraph admissions. The OS officer wrote, "Apparently, C/CMS is trying to get LA Division to sponsor [Gomez] for Agency employment, which the LA Division Chief does not want to do." The memorandum also noted that another OS official had advised that LA Division should be told that:

[the LA Division Chief should look to C/CMS/DO for information in the case, as [Chief of CMS] had been fully briefed. If [the LA Division Chief] wanted to talk with someone else, he may want to discuss the case with [the DO Grievance Officer] . . . .

The former Chief of CMS confirms that he was trying to have LA Division sponsor Gomez for Agency employment. He says that the February 1988 OS memorandum reflected the position he had consistently taken regarding Gomez. He explains his general view of the Gomez situation in the following way:

In light of the 1997 context, I'd do things differently. Strictly speaking, the situation with his brother makes [Gomez] an accessory. This was a high risk, dicey, fuzzy situation. [Gomez] was a guy who served [CIA] well. He was loyal to us. I was supportive of him throughout. My view was: Let's get to the bottom of this--whatever was bothering him on the [polygraph]. And let's salvage a good officer. What comes across now is the lack of focus on the legal aspects. I wasn't alone, obviously. It is a striking commentary on me and everyone that this guy's involvement in narcotics didn't weigh more heavily on me or the system. We were looking more heavily on this officer's contribution than this incident, accidental or not.

He points out that his characterization of Gomez as "an accessory" is "from a lay perspective, since I am not an attorney."

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. Potential Referral to DoJ. During the May 20, 1987 ERP that was convened to discuss Gomez and his wife, the OS representative, according to the May 20, 1987 memorandum regarding the ERP, "voiced strong sentiments that the drug related information [concerning Gomez] should be passed to the Department of Justice regardless of the legal requirement, or lack thereof." In response, "the OGC representative requested a written referral in order to initiate possible passage to DOJ." The memorandum also stated that Gomez:

. . . has never been an employee of this Agency. He . . . is currently working as a[n] Independent Contractor; but he has never had a Contract External clearance. [Gomez'] employment status has been a matter of interest to OGC and the issue of required passage to DOJ hinged on this status (there is now no apparent requirement to pass to DOJ either in true name or as a John Doe). . . . It is recommended that a Memorandum for the Record be routed to OGC for their interest and final decision on passage of pertinent information to DOJ.

(Underlining in original.)

The former Chief of CMS says that he does not specifically remember the OS representative saying at the ERP that Gomez' narcotics-related activity should be reported to DoJ. The former Chief of CMS states:

the issue of getting DoJ involved seems perfectly logical, reading through [the record regarding the ERP]. My reaction now is that [the OGC representative's] view that Gomez is not technically an employee and therefore reporting may not be required is slicing it pretty thin. With today's standards, yes we should report it [to DoJ].

He does not recall seeing a document in response to OGC's request at the ERP for a written referral. He says that his recollection is that the alleged violation was referred to DoJ.

A June 12, 1987 memorandum from the Deputy Director for Personnel Security, to the OGC lawyer who had attended the May 20 ERP, outlines Gomez' "association with the Agency and his admissions of possible criminal activity." The OGC attorney addressed the question of reporting information concerning Gomez to DoJ in an August 20, 1987 memorandum for then-Associate Deputy General Counsel for Administrative Law and Management Support Gary Chase. The memorandum requested Chase's concurrence with the OGC attorney's recommendation that the information concerning Gomez not be reported to DoJ. In the memorandum, the OGC attorney reasoned:

While [Gomez] could be guilty as a principal, accessory after the fact, or of conspiracy if he knew the money was part of a drug transaction, we have no evidence that he did know that critical fact. While the receipt of $35,000 cash in a paper bag should have (and probably did) raise his suspicions, I do not feel that the information available to us is sufficient to provide a basis for inferring criminal intent. The offense that might be involved, moreover, is not a non-employee offense required to be reported under the procedures [established by the 1982 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between DoJ and CIA regarding reporting of potential crimes]. (Although [Gomez] . . . has . . . been an independent contractor, he has never been an "employee" as defined in the [DoJ-CIA MOU]).

On August 11, 1987, Chase concurred with the OGC attorney's recommendation, adding a note that his concurrence was "pursuant to delegation from the General Counsel of 25 June 1986 . . . ."(27)

The OGC attorney says that he believes that the standard at the time was properly applied. Gomez, as an Independent Contractor, was not an "employee." Therefore, whether a possible crime involving him should be referred to DoJ was covered by the non-employee portion of the 1982 DoJ-CIA MOU. Under that portion of the MOU, he says, this information regarding a possible narcotics violation was not required to be reported.

The OGC attorney also comments that, at the time, OGC carefully reviewed cases to determine whether all elements of a crime were present as part of the consideration of whether to refer a matter to DoJ. Now the practice is to refer most matters and let DoJ make such determinations.

Chase explains that the General Counsel had delegated authority to him to make crimes referral decisions and that Chase's signature noting his concurrence with the OGC attorney's recommendation reflected Chase's approval of the decision not to refer the matter to DoJ. Chase, commenting on the OGC attorney's memorandum, agrees that Gomez did not meet the criteria of an "employee" and that the offense in question, a possible narcotics violation, was not a reportable offense under the section of the 1982 DoJ-CIA MOU on crimes reporting that dealt with non-employees. Chase opines that, therefore, there was no obligation to make a report to DoJ. Chase further notes that he does not view the conduct by Gomez that was described in the OGC attorney's memorandum as the kind of issue that should be rushed to DoJ. He notes that the incident in question had occurred five years prior to the date of the OGC attorney's memorandum, and the statute of limitations may have played a role in his decision not to refer the matter to DoJ.

Chase, concerning the discussion in the OGC attorney's memorandum of Gomez' intent, says that whether intent is a factor in making a crimes referral depends on the specific potential crime and that specific intent crimes would require an intent finding. Chase states that the OGC attorney must have believed there had to be some kind of intent in order for there to be a crime. Chase says that transporting money, unlike transporting drugs, is not illegal on its face. Chase says, however, that he thinks the intent element might have been overemphasized in the OGC attorney's memorandum because OGC should only be interested in reporting facts in a crimes referral.

No information has been found to indicate that the OGC attorney/Chase memorandum was ever distributed to the ERP members. The OGC attorney says that the crime referral itself was not an ERP issue, since that group focuses on employee actions. In retrospect, the OGC attorney says it "might have been wise to see that the ERP got a copy."

FBI Trace Request. A May 19, 1989 cable to CIA from a Supervisory Special Agent in the FBI's Counterterrorism Section requested the status of traces the FBI had requested from CIA concerning Ivan Gomez on April 14, 1989. The May 19 cable was directed to the External Inquiries Branch in the DO's Information Management Staff (IMS) for action.

A June 28, 1989 cable to CIA from another Supervisory Special Agent in the FBI's Counterterrorism Section requested trace information and "all information contained in your files" regarding Ivan Gomez. The responsibility for responding to the cable also was assigned on June 28, 1989 to the External Inquiries Branch in the DO's Information Management Staff.

A June 30, 1989 letter to the CIA's Deputy Director of Security from the Chief of the FBI's Counterterrorism Section requested "all information contained in your files" concerning Ivan Gomez. An August 30, 1989 letter from the Chief of the FBI Counterterrorism Section to the Deputy Director of OS requested a response to its June 30, 1989 letter for all information in CIA files on Gomez. A handwritten note appears in pencil in the margin that "FBI-reviewed file on 14 June."

A handwritten October 31, 1989 note to the Information Management Staff from a Special Assistant to the Associate DDO for Counterintelligence states, ". . . enclosed is the correspondence with FBI indicating we had 'no record' on [Gomez]. . . ." Subsequently, however, the Chief of the IMS Information Services Group, Information Research and Retrieval Branch wrote to the Chief, Information Services Group on November 2, 1989 and explained that the traces on Gomez for the FBI had been done by a person who had previously worked in the section, but was now helping with traces on an overtime basis. The memorandum noted that the search for records relating to Gomez had been conducted in at least one instance by his given name, not his surname. This reportedly explained why the Agency had produced a "no record" response to the FBI. The memorandum commented that the "consequences of missing a record for . . . the FBI . . . could be particularly severe" and, therefore, "effective immediately, all FBI material will be handled by full-time . . . staffers. As individuals who work with name tracing . . . full-time staffers . . . generally have a sharper sense for the accuracy of results . . . . "

A November 1, 1989 memorandum from the OS, Special Activities Division, Special Investigations Branch to the Special Activities Division Chief described an interview of Gomez' wife concerning his activities. The memorandum indicated that OS officials had met with FBI agents on June 14, 1989 and:

The FBI advised that they were aware of the fact that [Gomez] had worked for the Agency but that they had not traced him until May 1989.

The OS memorandum noted that OS had provided the FBI with an oral "summary of the security issues affecting" Gomez. According to the memorandum, "The FBI was, prior to this point, unaware of the fact that [Gomez] left the Agency under less than favorable conditions, that he had a brother convicted in federal court on felony drug charges or that [Gomez'] family was involved in the drug trade."

According to the November 1 OS memorandum, an additional meeting between OS and FBI officials and also Gomez' wife had reportedly been held on July 31, 1989. The FBI acknowledged that the June 30 FBI trace request had been initiated as a result of the June 14, 1989 meeting with OS and that:

. . . no reply was necessary as the requested information was passed on 14 June 1989 . . . . On 30 August 1989 the FBI sent a trace request referencing the 30 June 1989 request . . . . Contact with the FBI Supervisory Agent . . . confirmed that the 30 June 1989 and 30 August 1989 traces request [sic] were for information already received in the 14 June 1989 meeting and were merely formalities. [The Supervisory Agent] advised that no new requests were being made and that it appears to be a clerical error in sending the follow-up request.

An October 26, 1989 CIA cable to the FBI's Counterterrorism Section states that Gomez:

. . . served for the CIA . . . . from 1983 to 1988 when he was terminated amicably. During Subject's polygraph, [the results] precluded his continued use by this Agency. . . . FBI agent[s] . . . reviewed all available information on [Gomez] on 14 June 1984. The Office of Security reiterates that all available background on Subject has been made available to your [Headquarters].

A November 13, 1989 OS letter to the Director of the FBI, for the attention of the Intelligence Division, confirmed that "all information contained in our files concerning" Gomez was provided to FBI Special Agents "in a meeting that occurred on 14 June 1989. Subsequent contact with these Agents disclosed no additional requests for information."

No information has been found to indicate that information relating to possible involvement in drug trafficking by Ivan Gomez was provided to the Congress by CIA.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

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PART 2 OF 2

A CIA Independent Contractor

Background and Relationship with CIA. A January 1983 cable to Headquarters first brought this future CIA independent contractor to the attention of CIA. An overseas DEA office had reportedly informed the CIA that he, a principal informant in a major U.S. drug case, had finished his work for DEA and wanted to work for the Agency. The cable described him as recommended highly by DEA. It also noted that he had spent three years in prison in connection with membership in an insurgent organization and that he had been "involved in narcotics-related affairs" after his release from prison.

A March 1983 cable described this independent contractor's previous activities. It reported that he had been sentenced to a long prison term for plotting against the State, insurgency, use of false documents, desertion, stealing military property, being commander of a group of armed insurgents, and destroying public buildings with explosives. He was not convicted of an additional charge of assassination. He served, according to the March 1983 description, six years of his sentence and was the beneficiary of an amnesty.

A March 1983 request by a CIA officer to employ him noted that he had told the Agency that he became aware, as a private businessman in Latin America in 1980, of guerrilla groups using profits from drug trafficking to buy weapons. He claimed to have decided to conduct his own investigation of these activities. He said he had thereafter become the associate of a major drug trafficker and made four or five trips to Miami in 1980 to relay arrangements for various drug deals. In the fall of 1980, he had reportedly accompanied a group of traffickers moving drugs to Miami. He also claimed to have subsequently sought employment outside Latin America, where he initially contacted DEA and provided information on the drug trafficking with which he had been involved. He also later testified in a U.S. court against the leader of the group. In addition, he claimed that he was under the impression that DEA would offer him a job after he had given his testimony. Instead, he was provided a monthly stipend by DEA. The March 1983 description made no comment about his drug trafficking activities, except to note that there was no reason to doubt they occurred.

A November 1983 cable stated that this independent contractor had been on a CIA mission in July and August outside of Latin America and that he was then deployed to Central America where he would be used for the foreseeable future.

The contract officer was reassigned within Central America in 1986, but Headquarters was informed of insubordination on his part, and he was again reassigned. In early 1987, after questioning by CIA Security, CIA concluded that the contract officer probably was not fully cooperating and by early March 1987, his employment had been terminated.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that any allegations were received by CIA of drug trafficking by this independent contractor during the time he was employed by CIA.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. The only information that appears to have been available to CIA concerning this independent contractor's involvement in drug trafficking related to his activities in the early 1980s, before he was brought to CIA's attention. The information regarding those activities that was provided by DEA, in addition to the further details offered later by the independent contractor, himself, was evaluated at the time that CIA established its relationship with him in March 1983. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency took any steps to collect further information or investigate his involvement in drug trafficking prior to his relationship with CIA.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. In an August 1987 cable, CIA Headquarters described this independent contractor's background, previous association with DEA, work for the CIA, and the details of the termination of his relationship with CIA, and indicated that the information should be shared with the local DEA office.

An August 1997 Headquarters cable included a description of the CIA's relationship him for passage to the DEA.

No information has been found to indicate that information concerning his involvement in drug trafficking before he came into contact with CIA was provided to the Congress by CIA.

A Second CIA Independent Contractor

Background and Relationship with CIA. According to a file review, CIA hired this independent contractor in January 1983 to serve in Central America to participate in supporting the Contras. From 1983 to 1989, he was assigned to two Central American countries. From 1989 to 1994 he was assigned outside of Central America.

No specific date for the termination of his relationship with CIA has been found. However, according to a July 5, 1994 cable, the relationship was terminated in 1994 for poor performance.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. On January 24, 1983, he was questioned by CIA Security as part of Agency security processing. According to the Security Officer's report, the contractor reported that in August 1980, prior to his first contact with CIA, he had accepted $1,000 from drug traffickers who were delivering cocaine paste from a port to an airstrip. He said he shared the money with two subordinate officers. He reportedly explained that the "only reason he had taken the money was because of [the U.S. military advisor to his unit] telling him to do so in order to be in a better position to obtain drug information."

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A February 8, 1983 cable to Headquarters stated that his admission that he had accepted a $1,000 bribe from a narcotics smuggler was disturbing. However, the cable added:

. . . to put the best face on a truly ugly development, we could only point out that had [he] chosen to do so, he could have accepted these payments on a daily basis, thus enriching himself to an unimaginable degree. He chose not to, however, and became the bane of the narcotraffickers' existence at great personal risk to himself and to the detriment of his military career.

No information has been found to indicate that the U.S. military advisor was ever asked by CIA about the contractor's claim that the advisor had told him to accept the bribe.

A March 11, 1985 Headquarters cable noted his comments from the 1983 security interview. The cable stated that "it would be prudent to arrange for [interviews by CIA Security] at regular intervals."

He was questioned again by CIA Security on June 18, 1986. The Security Officer's report stated:

Regarding the issue of narcotics trafficking since his [last interview] in 1983, [he] stated that he has never engaged in narcotics trafficking. The one incident previously reported was done only to locate drug factories . . . and ultimately raid those factories. He did relate that he had learned that members of [the Contras] had been using the private aircraft belonging to [Pastora] to smuggle cocaine into [San Jose, Costa Rica]. He denied actually seeing this activity. He stated that this was reported to him by members of [the Contras].

He was specifically [questioned] regarding any narcotics trafficking he may have engaged in since his [interview] in 1983. [CIA Security was satisfied with his answers and did not have any further questions regarding illegal drug trafficking.]

No information has been found to indicate that his allegation during the questioning concerning the use of Pastora's plane to smuggle cocaine into Costa Rica was further investigated by CIA.

A February 16, 1995 cable to Headquarters reported that an anonymous letter had been received by "numerous individuals and the press . . . charging various present and former military personnel with involvement in narcotics trafficking." The letter reportedly included the specific allegation that this contractor had, prior to 1981, murdered a drug trafficker who had been bribing him.

The cable commented that the anonymous letter might have been "a way for some group or individual to get revenge on personal enemies." In the cable the Station also noted that it did not know the "veracity of the claims made in the letter." No information has been found to indicate that these allegations against the contractor were pursued further by CIA.

An August 13, 1997 cable to Headquarters discussed a meeting to terminate the Station's relationship with a contact who had no connection with the Contra program. According to the cable, the contact alleged during the meeting that the contractor in the early 1980s (note: prior to his becoming a contractor with CIA) had raided a cocaine lab, seized an amount of cocaine, and staged a destruction of the cocaine, but actually sold it for himself. The Station commented that the contact and his source for his information were not reliable.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that CIA reported the drug trafficking allegations against the contractor to other U.S. Government intelligence and law enforcement entities or the Congress.

A Third CIA Independent Contractor

Background. The third independent contractor was interviewed by CIA Security on January 24, 1986, according to the October 1995 cable. After serving in a Central American country, in 1990 he was reassigned and in 1993, he was assigned to other Latin American countries. He was also questioned by CIA Security in 1995 and 1996.

As a result of his inability to provide satisfactory answers concerning narcotics trafficking, CIA decided to terminate his employment.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In a January 1986 Security Officer's report, his responses to questions about drug trafficking were less than satisfactory. A February 28, 1996 memorandum from LA Division to the ADDO suggested that he be questioned again.

According to a July 1995 report, he was questioned again in 1995 with similar results.

He was questioned for a third time in 1996 with similar results. According to a report of the third round of questioning, the contract employee could provide no explanation for his lack of credibility in his answers. However, he said that several years in the past, in the course of his work, he had received assistance from a person whom he subsequently learned was a drug trafficker.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. No information has been found to indicate any efforts by CIA to resolve or verify the drug trafficking issues that arose in the 1986, 1995 and 1996 questioning of this contractor. The Agency decided in March 1996 to end his employment.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that information relating to this independent contractor's possible involvement in drug trafficking was shared with other U.S. Government intelligence or law enforcement entities or the Congress.

John Floyd Hull

Background. John Hull, (a.k.a. John Hull Clarke and Juan Clark), a dual U.S. and Costa Rican citizen, resided during the period of the Contra resistance in Muelle De San Carlos, Costa Rica, where he owned one ranch and had a shared interest or management authority regarding five other properties. He allowed the Contras to use the airstrips and storage facilities on his properties and, over the course of the 1980s, was in contact with the Agency and senior Contra leaders—especially of the Southern Front—wealthy U.S. businessmen and senior U.S. Government officials.

A former Agency officer says he received a visit after his retirement from Hull in 1989. This was after Hull left Costa Rica. According to the retired officer, Hull talked about his escape from Costa Rica and his pending extradition request. He also says that Hull said he was in Washington, D.C. to see a member of Congress.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In November 1984, a cable to Headquarters reported an allegation that an ARDE pilot had alleged Hull's airfield "has been used for smuggling in the past and that some of the people who live in the area have been associated with contraband/drug smuggling." The report did not specify whether Hull had knowledge of the trafficking, nor did it indicate the source of the information, when the alleged trafficking took place, or any other details. Hull denies knowing the pilot who made the allegation, and he denies having knowledge of such activities. No information has been found to indicate that the pilot was ever present at any of Hull's airstrips in Costa Rica.

A January 1985, cable informed Headquarters that Hull had said that the FBI was "investigating" his "relationship with Frank Castro." According to the cable, Hull said that "he has no contact or working relationship with Castro," although he was "aware of Castro's background--past involvement in terrorist activities and possible involvement in drug trafficking."

Hull admits having met Frank Castro and says that Castro visited his ranch once with some Cuban-Americans. Hull notes that the Cuban-Americans had told him that Castro gave a lot of money to the Contras. Hull also says that it was rumored that Castro was involved in the drug business, but Hull does not know whether the money Castro gave to the Contras came from drug trafficking.

According to a February 1985 cable to Headquarters, it was reported that Moises Ruiz Nunez had been interviewed by the FBI about Hull's relationship with Castro. Nunez said he told the FBI that "[Hull] has nothing to do with Castro and added that [Hull] knows that Castro should be avoided."

On March 7, 1986, FBI Headquarters sent CIA a cable that provided information from an FBI interview of Jack Terrell. The cable reported that Terrell alleged that an airplane carrying cocaine arrived at Corn Island, Nicaragua from Colombia twice weekly. According to the cable, the aircraft was refueled at Corn Island before flying to Rama, Nicaragua, for unloading. Terrell had further alleged that, after unloading the cocaine, Cuban-Americans Rene Corvo and another individual would bring the cocaine to Hull's ranch for shipment to the United States. According to the FBI cable, both Terrell and Costa Rican authorities also believed that Dr. Hugo Spadafora, a former ARDE commander, was connected with drug trafficking at Hull's ranch.

Hull says that he does not recall the name of the other individual, but he says he met Corvo several times and transported medicine and supplies to Corvo's training camps on the Northern border of Costa Rica from 1983 to 1985. According to a May 1986 cable to Headquarters, Hull:

. . . said that he met Rene Corvo twice, once in San Jose and once along the border area. Those meetings took place approximately six/eight months ago. [Hull] said that both Corvo and Terrell are "loose cannon" types whom he avoids at all cost.

Hull says that it was "not possible" for Corvo and the other individual to ship cocaine from his ranch without his knowledge. Hull states, "If it were going on, I would have known." Hull also notes that there were no patterns of activity at his ranch that would have been similar to the twice weekly schedule of flights that was alleged by Terrell. Hull reiterates that he is "10,000 percent" certain that he would have known about any such narcotics shipments from his ranch.

In April 1986, a Headquarters cable stated that Senator John Kerry of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee had "assigned several staff members to conduct an intensive investigation of allegations of [Contra] involvement in illegal activities." According to the cable, the scope of the SFRC investigation included, among other things:

. . . . An on going [sic] drug smuggling operation connecting Columbia [sic], Costa Rica, Nicaragua and the United States, in which Resistance members and their American supporters, . . . handled the transport of cocaine produced in Columbia [sic], shipped to Costa Rica, processed in the region, transported to airstrips controlled by American supporters of the Resistance and distributed in the U.S.

The cable did not allege misdeeds by Hull.

According to the CBS West 57th Street broadcast on April 6, 1987, Gary Betzner said, "I took two loads, small aircraft loads of weapons to John Hull's ranch in Costa Rica and returned back to Florida with approximately a thousand kilos of cocaine." Betzner then stated that he returned with "500 each trip." He also alleged that personnel working for Hull "would load the aircraft. In both cases John Hull was there." Betzner also said that Hull "physically saw the bags" of cocaine that were loaded onto the aircraft. During this program, Betzner described a whistle as a means of communicating with personnel at Hull's airstrip before landing. Later in the program, Betzner said, "The second trip I went down, I didn't go back into John Hull's place. I went into another strip that was maybe 10 or 15 miles east of the place, but a little better strip." In denying these allegations on the same program, Hull said, "There's never been any drug movement through this zone or through any of our farms . . . . "

Hull states that the allegations by Gary Betzner, including a "whistle" signal between pilots in the air and personnel at Hull's airstrip, are false. According to Hull, there was no air-to-ground communication system at his air strips that could be used as Betzner alleged.

A December 1987 cable from Headquarters asked for background information concerning a U.S. pilot. According to the cable, this U.S. pilot had a "close relative" with "possible drug involvement . . . . [This U.S. pilot] normally based [his] aircraft at the Muelle De San Carlos private airfield in northern Costa Rica, which is owned by John Hull . . . ." Responses indicated no information had been found regarding this U.S. pilot.

A January 1988, Headquarters cable advised, a Cuban-American, claimed he had been in contact with Hull. As of August 1986, the cable noted, the Cuban-American was being investigated by the FBI for smuggling and possession of marijuana.

In October 1988, a cable to Headquarters stated that an individual, who had been accused of money laundering in Costa Rica, had threatened to implicate Hull, Agriculture Minister Alberto Esquivel and "U.S. intelligence in narcotics trafficking." Hull says that he does not know the individual and does not recall the threat.

On February 10, 1988, Floyd Carlton testified before the Kerry Committee that Teofilo Watson piloted an aircraft carrying about 530 kilograms of narcotics to Costa Rica that ended up on Hull's ranch. The transcript stated:

Senator Kerry: And instead of appearing at that -- what field was it supposed to appear at?

Mr. Carlton: I can't recall the name, but I could locate it on a map.

Senator Kerry: Did you learn that that drug shipment appeared instead on another farm, another strip?

Mr. Carlton: That is what we were told by a member of the civil guard in Costa Rica.

Senator Kerry: Did he inform you that it landed on the strip and ranch of John Hull?

Mr. Carlton: Yes, that is correct.

Senator Kerry: And was Teofilo Watson, the pilot of the aircraft, at some time assassinated?

Mr. Carlton: Yes.

Senator Kerry: When was he assassinated?

Mr. Carlton: I can't recall the date, the exact date. But one of the people who was to meet Watson told him not to land at the appointed place, but to change and land elsewhere. It was supposedly waiting for him there. They killed him and then took the airplane and the drugs to Mr. Hull's ranch.

Senator Kerry: So this is the very occasion that he landed at the wrong field that he was killed. He was assassinated when he was met landing where he thought he was going, correct?

Mr. Carlton: Yes, that is correct.

A January 1989 cable to Headquarters reported that the Costa Rican Government had arrested Hull on charges that included illegal arms and narcotics trafficking. According to the cable, the chief of the Costa Rican Office of Judicial Investigation had said that Hull's arrest was "based on testimony of known narcotics traffickers arrested in Miami." These traffickers had alleged that Hull allowed "aircraft to utilize his property . . . for transit of drugs to USA."

Hull says that, after he was arrested, he was stripped of his clothing and asked to sign an affidavit stating that he was aware that CIA was smuggling drugs. According to Hull, he was told that he would have his clothing returned and be set free if he signed the affidavit. Hull says that he refused to sign the document and was placed in a cell with 16 other prisoners.

Agency records contain a copy of a January 13, 1989 Reuters article that reported information provided by a spokesman for the "Costa Rican judicial investigation department." According to the article:

The investigation of Hull . . . began after a Colombian drug trafficker, George Morales, accused the American in a television interview of links with arms and drugs [sic] trafficking and of spying for the Contras.

A January 13, 1989 Associated Press story reported that witnesses testifying before Congress had said "Hull's ranch was a way station for gun smugglers and cocaine traffickers." The Associated Press report also stated that "Convicted cocaine pilot Gary Betzner has testified that Hull once met his plane when it landed on the ranch to exchange Contra arms for Colombian cocaine." Hull responds that his grass airstrip was too short—only 1,600 useable feet—and situated so that it could not be used as claimed by Morales and Betzner—hills on one end and a river on the other.

Hull says that it was "impossible—flat impossible!" that someone could unload weapons and load narcotics on his property. He further asserts that all of the allegations about drugs being shipped from facilities controlled by him in Costa Rica came from convicted felons and that his airstrip was too short to accommodate the aircraft alleged to have used his airstrip. Hull states that, according to information he obtained from a representative of the manufacturer, the Cessna 402B aircraft, loaded as Betzner alleged, would have been 800 pounds over the gross weight to take off safely from a grass strip such as Hull's.(28) Hull says that Betzner's allegations are "not true, not true! He made it up. He was coached."

March 7, 1989 reporting explained that a Costa Rican judge had issued a ruling that charged Hull with "hostile acts" and "drug trafficking." Costa Rican court documents claimed that Hull and Contra pilot Gerardo Duran had met Morales in Miami to discuss the sale of drugs and weapons. Thereafter, planes piloted by Duran and Marcos Aguado had reportedly landed at Hull's airstrips carrying military supplies and, with his knowledge, left loaded with drugs. Allegedly 400 kilograms of cocaine had been transported to Miami from Hull's ranch at one time. On another occasion, according to Betzner, 1,000 kilograms had been transported from Hull's ranch to Florida. The court had ordered Hull's "preventive imprisonment."

A July 1989 cable advised Headquarters that Hull had fled Costa Rica in mid-July. Hull says that he arranged his departure from Costa Rica and was flown to Haiti by a DEA pilot he knew. According to Hull, a Canadian pilot flew him from Haiti to Miami. Hull says that in Miami he stayed in the apartment of Moises Nunez.

In August 1989 reporting indicated that Hull had been reindicted by the Costa Rican Government for "hostile acts" stemming from his Contra-related activities. An August 1991 cable to Headquarters, stated that "The drug charges [against Hull] have since been dropped, but Hull is now formally charged with being a conspirator in the 1984 La Penca bombing, and is the subject of a Costa Rican extradition request in the hands of the U.S. Department of Justice." Hull remains the subject of an extradition request by the Costa Rican Government.

Hull says that the narcotics trafficking charges were dropped in July 1989. This occurred, he says, after the Costa Rican judge went to his farm, measured the landing strip and saw for himself that it was too short to be used as alleged.

CIA Response to Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A November 1984 cable stated that a Station Officer was "quite confident that [Hull . . . has not] supported any drug trafficking activity." The cable provided no further explanation regarding the basis for this statement.

A February 1985 Headquarters cable noted that Hull "has become a political liability to the [Costa Rican Government] and a subject of interest to [U.S.] law enforcement agencies." A responding cable noted that the Station does not believe that Hull is involved with Frank Castro in any narcotics trafficking activities.

A May 1986 cable from Headquarters stated:

On 2 May 1986 [CATF] personnel met with representatives of [FBI] to review the status of their investigation into plan to blow up embassy in Costa Rica . . . . Figuring prominently in investigation is [Hull], according to information provided by Jack Terrell. . . . Nonetheless this allegation as well as one that [Hull's] driver "David" had been killed possibly by [Hull] figure prominently in Senator Kerry's staff's investigations into alleged improprieties in Central America. . . . . Request Station provide answers to the following questions:

Does station have any information on [Hull] that indicates that [sic] he might have violated U.S. laws. Terrell alledges [sic] that 42 kilo[gram]s of cocaine were smuggled into the U.S. from [Hull's] farm. This cocaine allegedly is smuggled into Nicaragua by Columbia [sic] drug smugglers with the knowledge of the Nicaraguan government and the assistance of Rene Corbo.(29) Corbo gets a cut of the shipment to Nicaragua for his help and allegedly has an arrangement with [Hull] to move the drugs to [Hull's] farm and then into the U.S. . . .

No one is alledging [sic] that [Hull] actually did anything wrong at his [sic] time, but we must have . . . any information that Station has which might shed light on the questions raised . . . . It is our hope by doing our homework now to shut down allegations of improprieties by Senator Kerry's staff and avoid public hearings where it will be difficult if not impossible to disprove the allegations being made.

According to a May 1986 cable, Hull denied all allegations by Terrell regarding cocaine movements through his property and "stated that to the best of his knowledge he has never violated any aspect of U.S. neutrality laws." Further, the cable stated, "to the best of Station knowledge, [Hull] has not been involved in any type of smuggling operations."

A September 1986 cable stated that Hull "has . . . contact . . . with senior [U.S. Government] officials and wealthy [U.S.] businessmen supportive of his anti-Communist activities."

Hull says that he was polygraphed by a private firm on February 20, 1992. According to a copy of a polygraph examination report from that private firm, Hull's negative answers to three questions concerning whether, "from 1982 to about 1985" he made "arrangements to fly out cocaine," "ship[ped] cocaine out of one of your airstrips" or "knowingly permit[ed] anyone to use your airstrips to fly out cocaine" were deemed to "correspond to truthfulness."

Eden Pastora says that there was "bad blood" between himself and John Hull, but states that he has no knowledge of drug trafficking by Hull. Pastora says that he recalls rumors of drug trafficking on Hull's ranch, but he says there were no facts. Pastora allows that Gerardo Duran may have misled Hull and used Hull's airstrip for some drug flights under the guise of humanitarian aid. Pastora also identified another pilot known as "Condorito" or "Condor" who was alleged to have been involved in drug running and who used Hull's airstrip. Pastora says that, if drug trafficking occurred on Hull's airstrips, he does not believe that Hull knew about it.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. In April 1982, CIA requested FBI traces regarding Hull. A June 1, 1982 Memorandum For the Record (MFR) noted that the FBI had replied that "there were no identifiable FBI traces." In February 1985, several months after the first allegations arose that Hull was engaged in drug trafficking, Headquarters stated in a cable that it was "making discrete inquiries with appropriate law enforcement agencies as to derogatory information on [Hull]."

On March 21, 1985, two months after Hull had said that his relationship with Frank Castro was being investigated by the FBI, a Headquarters cable stated that U.S. Government law enforcement agencies had no ongoing investigations of Hull. The cable noted that DoJ was curious as to why Hull believed he was being investigated.

On March 7, 1986, the FBI sent a multi-part cable to CIA regarding neutrality matters in Honduras, Costa Rica and Nicaragua. These cables summarized the FBI interview with Jack Terrell in which he had made allegations regarding Hull's involvement in narcotics trafficking. On April 1, 1986, CIA responded to the FBI that, "If it would be germane to the FBI's neutrality matters investigation, this Agency is ready to provide a comprehensive briefing on Hull and his activities." No information has been found to indicate whether the FBI accepted this offer.

A May 3, 1986, Headquarters cable stated that, on May 2, 1986, "[CATF] personnel met with representatives of [the FBI] to review the status of their investigation into plan to blow up [the U.S.] embassy in Costa Rica and blame it on the Sandinistas." The Headquarters cable noted that Hull figured prominently in that investigation, based on information provided by Terrell.

On May 8, 1986, a cable noted:

[Hull] stated that to the best of his knowledge he has never violated any aspect of U.S. neutrality laws. All allegations by Jack Terrell regarding cocaine movement on a farm belonging to [Hull] are false.

This cable continued by stating:

To the best of Station knowledge, [Hull] has not been involved in any type of smuggling operations. His greatest sin has been to employ Nicaraguan refugees in menial jobs on his farm.

According to a May 9, 1986 Headquarters cable representatives of CIA, DEA, FBI, DoS, the NHAO, and DoJ met with SFRC Staff members on May 7, 1986 to review allegations regarding Hull's alleged involvement in arms trafficking, drug trafficking and murder. According to the cable:

Both [DoJ] and [DEA] were specifically asked if they have ongoing investigations of [Hull]. They both told the Staffers that there are no investigations presently in progress. However, because of the breath [sic] of the allegations made and our inability to respond to them, it is possible that [DoJ] may open an investigation of [Hull].

The cable characterized the meeting as "largely unproductive as Kerry's Staffers were unwilling to provide details and sources of information that had provided information that pointed to violations of U.S. laws."

CATF Legal Advisor Louis Dupart wrote an undated MFR concerning the May 7, 1986 meeting which noted that DoJ had said "there is an active and ongoing investigation" underway with regard to one alleged shipment of lethal weapons that arrived at Hull's ranch. According to the MFR, the CIA representatives stated that "Our sources reported [the shipment] only consisted of non-lethal supplies." With regard to the allegations of murder, Neutrality Act violations, conspiracy to commit murder, and drug smuggling, the MFR stated that "Both Justice and the DEA told the Staffers that they do not have ongoing investigations of Hull." As for the allegation that Hull "is some how [sic] responsible for the death of David [Hull's driver]," the MFR noted that "The Staffers were told that a thorough search of [CIA] records did not reveal any information on a driver named David." The MFR stated that "in a recent San Jose newspaper article, Rojas [the source of the allegation about David's murder] had repudiated the statements attributed to him." According to the MFR, "The Staffers out of hand rejected the information provided on Rojas saying they had another source, who they would not identify."

A May 9, 1986 Headquarters cable referred to the May 7, 1986 meeting and stated that DoJ and DEA had reported that they had no current investigations of Hull. However, the cable noted that "it is possible that [DoJ] may open an investigation of [Hull]."

According to an undated MFR by Dupart, CATF Chief Fiers and OGC representatives met on July 9, 1986 with HPSCI Staff member Michael O'Neil regarding Hull. The MFR indicated that CIA reviewed and the allegations that Hull had violated U.S. law. According to the MFR, Fiers told O'Neil that CIA had "no information of Hull having been involved in violations of U.S. law" and that, since CIA was "not a law enforcement agency, we have not collected or sought any information on this." The MFR also noted that Fiers stated that "while it is possible that Hull had in fact violated the law, we have no knowledge of any violations."

Sometime in October 1986, according to a November 25, 1987 memorandum from Agency Office of Congressional Affairs Director David Gries to DCI Webster, Fiers briefed Senator Kerry on Hull.

An October 16, 1986 MFR by OCA Deputy Director for Senate Affairs Alvin K. Dorn stated that Fiers briefed Senator John Kerry on October 15 regarding questions that had resulted from Fiers' October 10, 1986 briefing concerning the Contras. The MFR noted that Fiers presented "a series of prepared sheets responding to the questions to Senator Kerry, who read each one carefully and occasionally asked additional questions. These sheets concerned: [among others] John Hull."

On July 31, 1987, Fiers briefed the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) about Hull's alleged relationship with Jorge Morales. According to an SSCI transcript of the briefing, Fiers stated:

Morales saw John Hull in his, Morales' office, with [Marcos] Aguado in 1983. However, Morales didn't meet him. He didn't want to. Hull is very well know [sic] in columbia [sic] and Central America for his activities and his reputation dealing [sic] with CIA. Morales did not want any more dealings with government people other than what he had with Chamorro and Cesar.

The SSCI transcript also noted that Fiers recounted the drug trafficking allegations by Morales against Hull:

[Morales] also claims to have unloaded--that Hull's airstrip was used in loading and unloading of drugs [and that] Morales first heard about John Hull in 1981 from a Columbian [sic] friend. Morales said it was very well known John Hull's ranch was a facility for refueling and storing drugs. John Hull was in Morales' office in July 1983 with Gustavo Velez, a Columbian [sic] friend of Morales, to arrange delivery of 40 grenade launchers from Opaloca, Florida, to El Salvador. Morales' cargo airliner flew the launchers for Hull.

According to the transcript, Fiers also said:

It is possible that John Hull's ranch was used as a transshipment point for drugs. We never had any hard proof of that other than the claims made by various convicted narcotics traffickers. It is possible it could have been used without Hull's knowledge. It is also possible he could have been a willing accomplice in using it. We just don't have any significant information about that.

On August 20, 1987, a CIA officer met briefly with the SFRC's Special Counsel to advise him that Headquarters was willing to brief him on matters related to Hull. According to a November 20, 1987 OCA MFR, Louis Dupart and an OCA Legislation Division officer met with the SFRC's Special Counsel on November 20, 1987. The MFR stated that Senator Kerry was seeking a meeting with DCI Webster because "the Senator needed to convey his concerns about the matter on a 'political' level to a 'political' figure in the government . . . ." On December 22, 1987, DCI Webster advised Senator Kerry by letter that he had directed appropriate Agency officials to conduct "an in-depth review" concerning Hull and that the Agency was prepared to assist Kerry's investigation. The letter noted that further comment concerning Hull's activities was "appropriately left to the Department of Justice and [Iran-Contra Independent Counsel] Judge Walsh's office." No information has been found to indicate that the in-depth review referred to by DCI Webster was ever conducted.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

Postby admin » Sun Jun 14, 2015 8:45 pm

PART 1 OF 4

PILOTS, COMPANIES, AND OTHER INDIVIDUALS WORKING FOR COMPANIES USED TO SUPPORT THE CONTRA PROGRAM

What drug trafficking allegations was CIA aware of, and when, involving pilots and companies supporting the Contra program? How did CIA respond to this information, and how was this information shared with other U.S. Government entities?

Allegations Involving Companies Supporting the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Aid Effort

Background. In early 1986, Senator John Kerry began an investigation of allegations that elements of the supply network supporting the Contras were linked to drug traffickers. In April 1986, Senator Kerry took the information he had developed to the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC), Richard Lugar, who agreed to conduct a staff inquiry into these allegations. In February 1987, the SFRC expanded the focus of the inquiry to include the impact of drug trafficking from the Caribbean and Central and South America on U.S. foreign policy interests. In April, the responsibility for this broader investigation was given to the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, chaired by Senator Kerry.

The Subcommittee's report, "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy" ("the Kerry Report"), was published in December 1988 and identified six companies that had been owned and operated by convicted or suspected drug traffickers and were linked to the Contras. The companies were:

Frigorificos De Puntarenas

Ocean Hunter

SETCO

DIACSA

Vortex

Hondu Carib

In August 1985, Congress had appropriated $27 million for humanitarian support to the Contras and designated the DoS as the executive agent for the purchase and distribution of all aid. As a result, the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office (NHAO) was created in DoS under the direction of Ambassador Robert Duemling. The program reached its peak in March 1986 when it delivered over 500,000 pounds of material to Aguacate, Honduras, on 11 chartered flights from the United States. The last NHAO flights were in June 1986 and the program officially ended in October 1986. All of the companies, except for Ocean Hunter, that had been identified by the Kerry Report as being owned and operated by known or suspected drug traffickers were included among the organizations selected by DoS to supply humanitarian aid to the Contras through NHAO.

CIA Vetting of Companies for NHAO. In July 1987, the Central Intelligence Agency's Office of Inspector General (CIA/OIG) published a Report of Inspection that noted that the NHAO--not the Agency--was responsible for administering the humanitarian aid program. The only Agency roles recognized in the "legislative history" of the statutorily-established program were to provide advice on the delivery of the aid and to monitor and verify its receipt by the Contras

According to the 1987 CIA/OIG Report of Inspection, "Agency support was always at the behest of NHAO and appears to have been both legal and proper." Among the types of assistance the Agency provided the NHAO, according to the Report, was advice on contractors. Alan Fiers was interviewed by the CIA/OIG inspection team on April 27, 1987. The CIA interview report stated that Fiers said he and Ambassador Duemling "had frequent meetings regarding possible contract cargo carriers." Fiers also reportedly said he had "checked out" some of these carriers for Duemling.

Fiers' written response to OIG questions during this current investigation stated that he "specifically recalls discussions with Ambassador Duemling" on the subject of vetting air carriers for the NHAO. "More specifically," Fiers writes:

I personally steered them [NHAO] away from the Private Benefactors, I believe we guided them toward carriers they ultimately used, although I cannot recall the details exactly [sic] how the names of the carriers were initially brought to my attention.

With the possible exception of Vortex, no information has been found to indicate that this CIA vetting assistance for the NHAO included information regarding the six companies identified in the Kerry Report as having ties to drug trafficking.

Frigorificos De Puntarenas/Ocean Hunter

Background. Frigorificos De Puntarenas ("Frigorificos") was a Costa Rican seafood company that was created as a cover for laundering drug money, according to grand jury testimony by one of its owners that is cited in the Kerry Report and testimony by Ramon Milian Rodriguez, the convicted money launderer who established the company. Frigorificos was owned and operated by Luis Rodriguez of Miami, Carlos Soto and Ubaldo Fernandez. Milian Rodriguez told Federal authorities about Luis Rodriguez' drug trafficking prior to Milian's arrest in May 1983. Moises Nunez was the General Manager of Frigorificos.

The December 1988 Kerry Report indicated that the DoS used Frigorificos to deliver more than $261,000 in humanitarian assistance funds to the Contras in 1986. These funds were controlled by Rodriguez, who signed most of the orders to transfer the funds to the Contras.

The Kerry Report further indicated that Luis Rodriguez owned another company--Ocean Hunter--that was linked to drug trafficking and money laundering. Ocean Hunter was a Miami-based seafood company that Milian Rodriguez had also established to enable Luis Rodriguez to launder drug money. Ocean Hunter imported seafood from Frigorificos and, according to testimony by Soto and Milian Rodriguez, intra-fund transfers were used to launder drug profits. Luis Rodriguez was indicted on drug trafficking charges by the U.S. Government in September 1987 and on tax evasion charges in April 1988 in connection with money laundering through Ocean Hunter.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to the December 1988 Kerry Report, Senator Kerry informed the Department of Justice, DEA, CIA, and NHAO in May 1986 of allegations he had received involving Luis Rodriguez and his companies--Frigorificos and Ocean Hunter--in drug trafficking and money laundering. No information has been found to indicate that CIA ever received this information from Senator Kerry.

On January 29, 1986, a cable reported to Headquarters that DEA had seized over 400 pounds of cocaine concealed in a container of yucca on January 23. The container was leased to David Mayorg--a close advisor to Eden Pastora. In September, it was reported that the container in question had been destined for Ocean Hunter.

Ramon Milian Rodriguez. According to an undated, unsigned Headquarters memorandum, Milian was arrested by United States Customs in May 1983 as he was preparing to leave the United States with $5.6 million aboard his Lear jet.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. CIA records indicate that the Agency provided some information to the SSCI between December 1986 and June 1988 regarding its contacts with Milian. A MFR dated December 10, 1986 to the SSCI stated that CIA had no relationship with Milian but had received unsolicited information regarding Sandinista drug trafficking from Milian in 1984. During a joint briefing of the SSCI and HPSCI staffs on July 31, 1987, Alan Fiers stated that the CIA had no relationship with Milian but had received unsolicited information. An MFR dated June 23, 1988 from John Buckman answered questions originating from Senator John Kerry about Agency contacts with Milian. This MFR also stated that the Agency had no relationship with Milian. CIA records do not indicate whether any of the information originating from Milian was passed to law enforcement agencies.

CIA Vetting Role. No information has been found to indicate that CIA played any role in NHAO's selection of Frigorificos as a conduit for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Contras.(30)

No information has been found to indicate that CIA played any role in NHAO's selection of Ocean Hunter as a conduit for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Contras.
SETCO

Background. A 1983 Customs Investigative Report stated that "SETCO Aviation is a corporation formed by American businessmen who are dealing with Juan Matta Ballesteros and are smuggling narcotics into the United States." Beginning in 1984, SETCO was the principal company used by the Contras in Honduras to transport supplies and personnel for the FDN.

SETCO was chosen by NHAO to transport goods on behalf of the Contras from late 1985 through mid-1986. According to testimony by FDN leader Adolfo Calero before the Iran-Contra committees, SETCO received funds for Contra supply operations from the bank accounts that were established by Oliver North.

According to U.S. law enforcement records cited in the Kerry Report, SETCO was established by Juan Matta Ballesteros, "a class I DEA violator." The Kerry Report also states that those records indicate that Matta was a major figure in the Colombian cartel and was involved in the murder of DEA agent Enrique Camarena. Matta was extradited to the United States in 1988 and convicted on drug trafficking charges.

The FDN, and later ERN/North, also used SETCO for airdrops of military supplies to Contra forces inside Nicaragua.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. In a July 10, 1987 memorandum to the LA Division Chief, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Elliott Abrams requested, among other things, that CIA share as part of a U.S. Government effort to "bring Matta to the United States to face charges" any information it had on Matta's activities in Honduras. Abrams noted that Matta had reportedly been considering "a number of business schemes for laundering his drug money." On July 24, 1987, CATF responded to the request from Abrams by sending a cable asking for information regarding Matta's activities in Honduras. An August 4 cable informed CATF that Matta had purchased "a small air cargo service," but did not provide the name of the company. No information has been found to indicate that Headquarters provided this information to Abrams or requested any follow-up reporting regarding Matta's purchase of the cargo service.

On April 28, 1989, the Department of Justice (DoJ) requested that the Agency provide information regarding Matta and six codefendants for use in prosecution. DoJ also requested information concerning SETCO, described as "a Honduran corporation set up by Juan Matta Ballesteros." The May 2 CIA memorandum to DoJ containing the results of Agency traces on Matta, his codefendants and SETCO stated that following an "extensive search of the files and indices of the Directorate of Operations. . . . There are no records of a SETCO Air."

The CIA officer who was responsible for handling the 1989 DoJ request says that she followed the usual procedures for tracing names. She says that the fact that no record was found indicates that LA Division had not entered SETCO into the name trace database. She also states that the officer who reviewed the draft when her proposed response to DoJ was sent to the Honduran desk in CATF for coordination should have informed her that the Agency did have information concerning SETCO, and should have provided that information to her. She notes, however, that most managers would not focus on a "no record" response.

The draft response to DoJ indicated that a CATF officer coordinated on the draft. He says that he does not recall SETCO, never visited its facilities and does not recall coordinating on the response to DoJ.

A former CATF Nicaraguan Operations Group Chief says that the officer who coordinated on the cable should have known about SETCO because it was common knowledge in CATF that the company was used to support the Contra program and he had probably been at SETCO's facilities at one time or another. He cautions, however, that there can be no certainty that the officer actually coordinated on the response. Although his name was entered as the coordinating officer, the former NOG Chief states that this does not necessarily indicate that the officer saw it. Someone else could have coordinated for him if he had not been available at the time. The former NOG Chief says that the only way to ascertain that the officer reviewed the document is to examine the routing slip with the actual signature. No routing slip has been found, however.

A June 15, 1989 cable reported to Headquarters that DEA had "uncovered . . . information of possible drug trafficking" involving Manuel and Jose Perez, owners of SETCO Aviation. A June 15, 1988 Headquarters memorandum regarding a May 1988 DO trace request concerning Matta indicated that Matta "normally put . . . businesses in the name of third persons" for his holdings in Colombia.

Matta, who is incarcerated in the federal penitentiary in Florence, Colorado, says that he did not own or have any financial interest in SETCO, and claims he does not recognize the name.

No information has been found to indicate that CIA received allegations that any SETCO aircraft were involved in drug trafficking during the Contra era. In late 1992, however, a Defense Department counternarcotics cable indicated that SETCO was being used in the Honduran Bay Islands by drug traffickers who concealed narcotics under dried fish in transport through Honduras. The cable did not indicate whether SETCO was aware of this transshipment operation.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No records have been found of information shared with law enforcement agencies.

CIA Vetting Role. No information has been found to indicate that CIA played any role in NHAO's selection of SETCO as a conduit for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Contras.

DIACSA

Background. According to the December 1988 Kerry Report, DIACSA was an aircraft dealership and parts company whose president was Alfredo Caballero. During 1984 and 1985, the FDN chose DIACSA for "intra-account" transfers to conceal that some funds for the Contras were sent through deposits arranged by Oliver North. A February 8, 1985 cable to Headquarters described DIACSA as the "ARDE cover company" and indicated that DIACSA was used to purchase aircraft for ARDE. According to the Kerry Report, on January 23, 1986, Caballero, Floyd Carlton--a cocaine trafficker associated with Manuel Noriega--and five others were indicted and later convicted for bringing 900 pounds of cocaine into the United States and laundering $2.6 million. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency had any relationship with DIACSA or Caballero.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A May 4, 1985 cable to Headquarters provided a summary of reporting concerning FRS personnel who may have been involved in drug trafficking. According to the cable, Caballero in February 1985 had offered to transport FRS supplies to Ilopango or Costa Rica in one of his aircraft if he could make the landing arrangements. The cable also reported that Caballero was the Miami representative of a company based in San Jose that was owned by David Mayorga. The cable noted that there were those who believed that Mayorga, Caballero and others were transporting drugs from San Jose to Miami.

No other information has been found to indicate that Caballero or DIACSA were connected with drug trafficking or traffickers.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency provided any information concerning alleged drug trafficking by Caballero or DIACSA to other U.S. Government intelligence or law enforcement agencies or the Congress.

CIA Vetting Role. No information has been found to indicate that CIA played any role in NHAO's selection of DIACSA as a conduit for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Contras.

Vortex/Universal

Background. According to the December 1988 Kerry Report, the NHAO had a contract in 1985-1986 with Vortex, an air transport company based in Miami, Florida, to move supplies for the Contras. Michael Palmer, the Company's executive Vice President, signed the contract for Vortex in November 1985. At the time the contract was signed, Palmer was under investigation by the FBI for drug smuggling, and a federal grand jury was preparing to indict him in Detroit.

According to an April 6, 1988 memorandum to DCI Webster and DDCI Gates from David Pearline in OCA, Palmer testified that day to the SFRC Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations that he had gone to work for Vortex in 1985 or early 1986. Vortex later changed its name to Universal Air Leasing. Palmer also testified that Vortex/Universal entered into a contract in late 1986 to service planes and deliver materiel to the Contras. Palmer denied that he was ever an Agency asset or employee.

The April 6, 1988 memorandum also reported that Palmer had testified that he smuggled 120,000 pounds of marijuana into the United States in 1977. Palmer testified further that aircraft he used to smuggle drugs were later used to supply humanitarian assistance to the Contras. He asserted, however, that he was not involved in illegal drug smuggling while involved in supplying the Contras for the NHAO.

Relationship with CIA. An October 3, 1986 MFR indicated that Fiers chaired a "final meeting" on October 2, 1986 concerning preparations to implement the $100 million support program that Congress was about to approve for the Contras. According to that memorandum, Vortex/Universal would be used under subcontract for logistical flights. An April 7, 1987 memorandum described Palmer as the focal point for obtaining crews, mechanics and spare parts.

According to a March 25, 1988 memorandum to the Assistant General Counsel from the SAS legal advisor, the subcontract with Vortex/Universal included provisions for aircraft maintenance, as well as recruitment and training of air crews. An attachment to SAS legal advisor's memorandum indicated that Agency officers met with or spoke to Vortex/Universal personnel on several occasions and visited Vortex/Universal sites once and possibly twice between October 1986 and March 1987.

According to an April 7, 1987 Agency MFR, Palmer said that Al Herreros, President of Vortex/Universal, was a law enforcement source of information. Palmer also reportedly said that both he and Herreros were doing "sting/scam" operations for DEA in April 1986. According to the March 25, 1988 SAS legal advisor's memorandum to the Assistant General Counsel, the Agency's relationship with Palmer and Vortex/Universal was terminated on April 16, 1987.

The former CATF contractor who oversaw support for the Contras at the time does not recall asking for traces concerning Palmer or Vortex/Universal. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency requested traces from other agencies regarding Palmer or Vortex/Universal before or during the period when Vortex was working for the NHAO.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. According to an April 21, 1987 MFR by the LA Division Security Chief, a meeting was held on April 13, 1987 between CIA officers and DEA officials regarding Michael Palmer's relationship with DEA. The MFR stated that then-Deputy CATF Chief had said that individuals at Vortex/Universal Air, though probably "suspicious," were never made witting that they were actually working for CIA through the Vortex/Universal subcontract.

According to a March 26, 1987 memorandum to the Chief of the Policy and Coordination Staff, one of the Nicaragua program's DC-6s was searched on March 21, 1987 by U.S. Customs agents after it landed at the Miami airport. Palmer arrived to assist in obtaining clearance for the aircraft. A misunderstanding developed between Palmer and Customs officials with the result that Customs took the identification papers of Palmer and all the crew members. The March 26 memorandum indicated that the plane was given clearance by Customs only after discussions in Washington between Agency and Customs officials. Subsequently, according to an undated memorandum to DCI Webster from DDO Stolz, Customs ran traces on Palmer and the plane's crew and discovered that Palmer had been indicted in Detroit on drug trafficking charges. The March 26 memorandum also stated that the difficulties with Customs arose because Customs did not receive proper notification of the aircraft's arrival and the crew was not able to answer questions about the aircraft's ownership because it had not been properly briefed. Further, the plane was configured for airdrops and a weapon was found aboard.

According to an undated Stolz memorandum to DCI Webster, "a CIA officer subsequently learned through a DEA official" that Palmer was a law enforcement source of information and a meeting was arranged between DEA and CIA officers. Although the memorandum indicates that a meeting between DEA and CIA officials regarding Palmer took place on April 21, 1987, it cannot be entirely ruled out that this was the same meeting as that which was described earlier in LA Security Chief April 21, 1987 MFR that indicates that a meeting between CIA and DEA officials took place on April 13, 1987.

In any event, the DEA officials reportedly told Agency officers in this meeting that Palmer was an "operative in a sensitive drug investigation/sting operation" and that his cooperation with DEA could be a determining factor as to whether the indictment would be prosecuted.(31) When told that the Agency was considering terminating its relationship with Palmer, "DEA expressed concern regarding the possible impact that would have on their own 'big operation.'" Nevertheless, the Agency "informed DEA that we would direct the prime contractor to terminate all ties to Vortex/Universal Air Leasing and the prime contractor did so promptly, at least with respect to Agency operations."

According to Palmer's testimony to the Kerry committee and a March 31, 1988 memorandum from the SAS legal advisor to the OGC Assistant General Counsel, Palmer contacted the Agency through the prime contractor's security officer and secretary. However, the March 26, 1987 memorandum indicated that Palmer contacted CIA officers as well as the prime contractor, in an effort to have the DC-6 released by Customs.

The SAS Contracts Branch Chief at the time of the Miami incident, says that she called Air Branch after receiving a call from the prime contractor's secretary. She says that she then called Palmer who was waiting at a pay phone and told him that "we're working on it via Customs, and sit tight."

The drafter of the March 26 memorandum says that it was standard procedure for subcontractors to have the telephone number of the an air operations officer in case there were maintenance problems with the aircraft. He states that the problem CIA faced with contractor and proprietary aircraft was that they looked like drug planes going back and forth regularly from Latin America to Key West or Miami. He says Customs assumed that anyone flying from Latin America was a possible drug trafficker. The aircraft and crews were suspect because they came from Miami and fit the Customs profile. He asserts that being branded a "druggie" by DEA or Customs did not mean much in the 1980s. The Agency, he asserts, thought that Customs often overreacted.

According to an April 8, 1987 MFR by an OGC attorney, CIA officers met with senior Customs officials on April 7, 1987 concerning the Miami DC-6 incident. According to the MFR, "Customs . . . was concerned that, because of the crews' records on this flight, some Agency flights could be used to smuggle drugs." In addressing this concern, the MFR indicated that CIA reaffirmed to Customs that CIA was not seeking any preferential treatment for Agency-sponsored flights and that "CIA expect[ed] that these flights will be treated the same as any other flights." This would include, according to the MFR, the right of Customs agents to search the plane and its contents and to seize any contraband.

According to the OGC attorney's MFR, the Customs officials were satisfied that CIA's and Customs' understanding of the procedures were the same. However, Customs "was still concerned that some crew members may have previous involvement in drug trafficking." Customs officials then asked about CIA procedures to "check the crews hired for the Central American flights." The MFR indicated that an Air Branch Chief officer, explained that:
. . . we have several contracts with different aviation companies and that while we trace the principal individuals with whom we are in contact, it is possible that these principals sub-contract for others who are not necessarily traced by us. In addition, the traces we do have been through Agency records and do not necessarily include criminal records available to DEA and Customs.

According to the OGC attorney's MFR, Customs requested that CIA henceforth supply Customs with not only the name of the pilot and tail number of the aircraft, but also the names, dates and places of birth of all crew members and passengers on Agency-sponsored flights so that Customs records could be checked. Customs also asked CIA to supply this information for the crews and passengers of all Agency sponsored flights dating back to August 1984. The Air Branch officer "indicated that CIA had no problem in furnishing this data and that he would forward it as soon as possible." The last paragraph of the MFR indicated that:
One issue that was not fully addressed at the meeting is the Agency policy on the use of pilots and crews who surface in Customs records with suspected or known involvement in drug trafficking. It may be that Customs will pay more attention to those flights whose crews are listed in their records. This is an issue that needs to be addressed further. It was mentioned in a preliminary fashion that we may wish to [question] suspected crew members as to their activities during their employment with us.

The Air Branch Chief also recorded the meeting with Customs in an April 7 memorandum to the Chief of Special Activities Staff. That memorandum indicated that he pointed out to the Customs officials that "It is virtually impossible to check on every individual who becomes involved in sub-contract situations with [CIA]."

Following the Miami DC-6 incident and the April 7, 1987 meeting with Customs, ADCI Gates sent a memorandum to DDO Clair George on April 9, 1987 entitled "Customs and Agency-Sponsored Flights to Central America." That memorandum established more stringent vetting procedures for contractors and prohibited CATF from using known or suspected drug traffickers:

It is absolutely imperative that this Agency and our operations in Central America avoid any kind of involvement with individuals or companies that are even suspected of involvement in narcotics trafficking. This must be true not only of those with whom we contract, but also their subcontractors. I believe it is essential that we obtain the names of all aircrew personnel who have any association with Agency contractors or subcontractors and vet those names through DEA, Customs and the FBI--even though this is likely to be an onerous and occasionally inconvenient undertaking--and perhaps even hamper operations at times.

OGC and the DO should work together with Customs to develop procedures to ensure that these instructions are carried out on a continuing basis. Furthermore, per my conversation with the Commissioner of Customs, it should be clear that CIA seeks no preferential treatment with respect to facilitating clearances and that Agency-sponsored flights are to be treated the same as any other flights. In those rare instances where sensitive cargo is involved, such Agency-sponsored flights will also be subject to Customs search . . . .

In response to the Gates memorandum, CATF requested traces from DEA, Customs and the FBI in April, May and June 1987 concerning Vortex/Universal, the prime contractor and the officers and employees of those companies. DEA responded in an April 28, 1987 memorandum from the DEA Deputy Assistant Administrator for Intelligence indicating that Palmer had been arrested in Colombia in 1985 in connection with the seizure of an aircraft and 1,000 pounds of marijuana. He was also, according to the DEA response, "criminally associated with aircraft N22VX (formerly N3434F), which is suspected of off-loading 19,000 pounds of marijuana" in Northern Mexico destined for the United States in September 1986.

The April 28, 1987 DEA memorandum stated that Herreros was "criminally associated" with aircraft N3434F--the same aircraft that had been implicated in the suspected drug smuggling incident involving Palmer in Mexico. DEA's El Paso Intelligence Center had reported that Herreros had purchased this aircraft for $125,000 in cash for the purpose of marijuana smuggling. DEA also reported that Herreros was identified as being "criminally associated" with various aircraft in FAA "lookouts" in the late 1970s, and as an alleged part-owner of an aircraft that had been used to smuggle cocaine into Miami.

The April 28 DEA memorandum also stated that Universal Air of Miami had been incorporated by three individuals. These individuals were reportedly investigated by DEA/Tucson for their association with a fourth individual in the distribution of multi-kilograms of cocaine during 1984-1985.

Further, according to the DEA memorandum, an aircraft of the prime contractor had been seized at a Colombian airstrip in January 1978 along with "165 tons of marijuana." The prime contractor was also linked to the seizure of another aircraft in Colombia in January 1978, but the DEA memorandum did not indicate whether the seizure was drug related.

The April 28, 1987 DEA memorandum also reported that an aircraft of the prime contractor had been modified in 1981 in a manner that led the source to believe the aircraft was to have been used for narcotics-related activity. A December 12, 1988 memorandum to the LA Division Deputy Chief from a CATF officer noted that " . . . these modifications are consistent with those needed for [Contra] airdrop activity." An unsigned, handwritten note in the margin of the CATF memorandum noted that there was "no activity [by the prime contractor] for [CIA] during this period."

On May 13, 1987, Customs responded to the CIA trace request. The Customs response indicated that Al Herreros, Vortex/Universal's president, was a suspected drug trafficker. Customs' records reportedly indicated that Herreros "[was] believed [in 1985] to be engaged in smuggling narcotics via aircraft" and was doing business as Vortex Sales and Leasing. He was also reported to be associated with "documented smuggler" John Lett. In a June 24, 1987 cable to CIA, Customs described the source of this information as "highly reliable" and noted that the source had acquired the information from Herreros himself.

An August 18, 1987 FBI cable to Headquarters--in response to a May 1, 1987 CIA cable--and the April 28, 1987 memorandum from the DEA Deputy Assistant Administrator for Intelligence provided no derogatory information on the president of the prime contractor. A May 13, 1987 cable from Customs to Headquarters provided information that he had been involved in possible neutrality and munitions control violations in 1977. The FBI, DEA and Customs responses to the CIA trace request reported no links between him and drug trafficking. The DEA and Customs trace responses also indicated that other employees of Vortex/Universal and the prime contractor--Michael Palmer, Joseph Haas, Alberto Prado Herreros, Maurico Letona, Martin Gomez, Donaldo Frixone, and two pilots for the prime contractor--all of whom were affiliated with the CIA Contra support program, may have been involved in narcotics trafficking prior to their relationship with the Agency.(32)

On February 25, 1988, the Assistant General Counsel and an OGC attorney met with a representative from DEA's Office of General Counsel regarding the prosecution of Frank Correa--a Colombian drug kingpin. According to a March 8, 1988 Assistant General Counsel MFR regarding that meeting, the Agency became aware of federal criminal prosecution against Correa who was indicted in Detroit for drug trafficking. Palmer reportedly participated as a law enforcement informant in the September 1987 sting operation that resulted in Correa's arrest. The MFR stated that DEA provided funds for Palmer to lease a plane, hire a crew and pick up a load of drugs in Colombia. Correa flew back to the United States with Palmer and the drugs and was arrested when the plane landed in Michigan. As a result of Palmer's cooperation in this case, DEA reportedly was able to have Palmer's earlier indictment for drug trafficking dismissed.

The Assistant General Counsel's MFR also noted that Correa's attorneys were alleging that Palmer was a CIA asset and that Vortex/Universal was an Agency proprietary. The claims were based on an April 4, 1987 CBS news story that alleged the Agency was protecting known drug dealers in order to carry out secret operations in Central America and focused on the Miami DC-6 incident involving Palmer.

The Assistant General Counsel was the OGC attorney responsible for any Agency involvement in the Correa case. She recalls that Correa's lawyers sought information concerning Palmer's relationship with the U.S. Government and the Agency undertook a file search in response to a "discovery request" from them.

As part of the file search that was initiated on April 6, 1988, for information in response to the discovery request by Correa's lawyers, the SAS legal advisor sent a cable to the former CATF contractor who had overseen support for the Contras at the time and was now serving overseas. The SAS legal advisor's cable requested, among other things, "any information you may have regarding [CIA] suspicion or knowledge, or your suspicion or knowledge that Palmer and/or his associates at Vortex/Universal Air Leasing were involved in narcotics trafficking." The CATF contractor's April 8, 1988 reply stated that he "had no suspicion or knowledge of Palmer/Vortex narcotics trafficking

On May 6, 1988, Agency officers--David Pearline, OCA; OGC's Assistant General Counsel; the OGC attorney serving as CATF compliance officer; and three other CATF officers--met with the president of the prime contractor to inform him that the "Hughes Subcommittee on Crime" intended to subpoena him as part of its investigation into alleged ties between CIA, the Contras and drug trafficking. According to a May 9, 1988 OGC MFR regarding the meeting, the president of the prime contractor stated that his company's relationship with Palmer and Vortex/Universal began in late 1985 when CIA's SAS Air Branch asked him to meet with Ambassador Duemling, Director of the NHAO. NHAO needed to find a replacement for the company it was then using for humanitarian aid flights. The president reportedly recommended Vortex/Universal and, after speaking with Herreros, put Palmer in touch with the NHAO. The MFR noted that he said he had only sporadic contact with Palmer during the time that NHAO contracted with Vortex/Universal.

He also added at the May 6 meeting, according to the OGC MFR, that the CATF contractor had checked Vortex/Universal and Palmer with U.S. Customs and DEA at the time the NHAO was considering using Vortex/Universal as a carrier. Both agencies, he said, gave glowing reports concerning Palmer and indicated that he had worked with them on sting operations. The OGC MFR also indicated that he said he had told the CATF contractor who oversaw support for the Contras at the time in April 1986 that Palmer had been arrested by the FBI in Miami on drug trafficking charges. He also said that a decision had been made at that time that the president should have no further contact with Palmer. The president of the prime contractor stated that Palmer's subsequent indictment--in June 1986--was discussed in November 1986.

Agency records that describe the NHAO-Vortex/Universal relationship differ in one respect from the statements of the president of the prime contractor. A March 31, 1988 memorandum from the SAS legal advisor to the OGC Assistant General Counsel stated that the president of the prime contractor had recommended Palmer and Vortex/Universal to the NHAO, but made no mention of an Air Branch request that the president of the prime contractor meet with Ambassador Duemling. The former CATF contractor who oversaw support for the Contras at the time of the NHAO's contract with Vortex/Universal also stated in his April 8, 1988 cable that responded to the SAS legal advisor's request for information that the president of the prime contractor had recommended Vortex to NHAO on his own initiative, and that either the former CATF contractor or Fiers had concurred in the recommendation. The former CATF contractor's cable ended by pointing out that the "NHAO was in a position to accept or reject any carrier." According to the April 4, 1988 OCA MFR of a March 31 Agency briefing to the HPSCI, HPSCI Staff member Dick Giza stated that Fiers had said in a February 2, 1987 briefing to HPSCI that he had referred NHAO to Vortex/Universal.

The president of the prime contractor says that he believes he learned of Palmer's arrest from someone in the Agency, but he cannot be sure because it was such a long time ago. Further, he recalls a lot of discussion with Agency personnel in the fall of 1986 about Palmer's drug arrest. He recalls that the attitude among the participants in these discussions was that the Agency needed a plane that was "clean" and the fact that Palmer had been indicted for drug trafficking was "irrelevant."

One of the air operations officers identified by the president of the prime contractor says that he was told by an Air Branch officer, whose name he cannot recall, at a meeting in late 1986 that Palmer had been under investigation, but that everything was fine and Palmer was now in the clear. The officer says he does not recall being told that Palmer had been indicted for drug trafficking, but says the implication was that there were allegations that Palmer was a drug trafficker.

A June 7, 1988 cable responded to a CIA/OIG request for information as part of an investigation into the Agency's connection with Palmer. The cable stated that the president of the prime contracting company had discussed Palmer at a November 1986 meeting with FDN representatives. The president, according to the cable, mentioned that Palmer had been "questioned for a possible connection with drugs." Furthermore, the cable stated that Palmer had "volunteered" information at a meeting at Vortex/Universal, that he had been questioned about drug trafficking and that he had taken the issue "very seriously and had legally cleared the issue." The officer also stated in the cable:
I have no knowledge or information that would make me suspicious that Palmer or Vortex [/Universal] were involved or connected with narcotic trafficking. The up front attitude and explanation from Palmer about the subject further dispelled suspicion.

Dupart states that he has no recollection of a May 1988 meeting at which, as claimed by the president of the prime contractor, Palmer's indictment was discussed, nor can he recall any other discussion of that subject with the president. Dupart notes that, in the aftermath of the Iran-Contra affair, matters like the Palmer case would not have been overlooked. The president, Dupart observes, is "loose with the facts."

The OGC Assistant General Counsel recalls that the statement of the president of the prime contractor at the May 1988 meeting that he had discussed Palmer's arrest with a CIA official in 1986--prior to the March 21, 1987 Customs incident--caused quite a stir at the meeting because Agency personnel realized this meant that erroneous information had been given to Congress in the March 14, 1988 briefing. At that briefing, Agency personnel had stated that CIA was not aware of Palmer's arrest until after the Customs incident. Once they realized this, she says they went back to Congress and corrected the error.
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Re: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INVESTIGATIONS STAFF REPORT

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PART 2 OF 4

The OGC attorney who served as CATF compliance officer at the time, recalls the May 1988 meeting. However, she says she has no recollection of a discussion about drug trafficking. She says that, in general, drug trafficking was not a priority at the time in CATF--"it would not hit a register." She also has no recollection that any action was taken after the meeting. Two of the other officers the MFR indicated had attended the May 1988 meeting with the president of the prime contractor do not recall participating.

CIA's OIG opened an investigation regarding CIA's involvement with Palmer in May 1988. The CIA/OIG Investigator says that she was assigned the investigation on an "urgent basis." A May 16, 1988 memorandum from her to Inspector General William Donnelly reporting the results of her investigation stated that OIG opened the investigation as a result of "Congressional concern" regarding allegations that "CIA had knowledge of and assisted Vortex Aviation pilot Michael B. Palmer's drug activities."

A May 7, 1988 CIA/OIG cable to the former CATF contractor who oversaw support for the Contras at the time informed him that the president of the prime contracting company had said at the May 6 meeting that he had told the contractor about Palmer's arrest in April 1986. The cable noted that the contractor had asserted earlier in his April 1988 response to the SAS legal advisor's cable that he was not aware of Palmer's involvement in narcotics trafficking and requested that he "clarify the facts." The former CATF contractor responded in a May 23 cable that he recalled being informed by the president of the prime contractor of Palmer's arrest. While he said he could not recall the exact date, it was after the NHAO flights ended.(33) He also said he recalled that he "immediately" informed Fiers of the information about Palmer's arrest. The former CATF contractor's cable also said that he did not recall any other CATF personnel being present when he advised Fiers of Palmer's arrest.

The former CATF contractor says he does not recall Fiers' response when told about Palmer's arrest in April 1986, but he assumes Fiers told Ambassador Duemling about it. The contractor states that he does not know much else about the Agency's handling of the Palmer incident because he was transferred in August 1986.

The former CATF contractor also states that he cannot explain why--after being told of Palmer's arrest by the president of the prime contractor in April 1986--he replied to the SAS legal advisor's cable in April 1988 that he had no knowledge of it. He speculates that the SAS cable reached him when he was in the field, and those were "long days with many things happening." The Palmer issue, he says, was "probably not the most important thing that happened that day." However, he says that the OIG cable noting the comments of the president of the prime contractor jogged his memory when he received it in May 1988.

Dupart asserts that, contrary to the former CATF contractor's account that he reported Palmer's arrest to Fiers sometime in early-1986, CATF was not aware of Palmer's arrest and indictment for drug trafficking until March 1987. He says he does not believe the former CATF contractor told Fiers about Palmer's arrest prior to March 1987 because the contractor would have had to go through Dupart on a matter like this and he has no recollection of ever discussing Palmer with the contractor. Moreover, Dupart states that "this was the kind of thing Fiers would have discussed with me, and no such discussion ever took place."

Fiers, in his written response to CIA/OIG questions, states that he does not recall being told by the former CATF contractor about Palmer's arrest in April 1986. Further, Fiers says that he has spoken "on the record" about Vortex/Universal and Palmer--"perhaps with the Independent Counsel [for Iran-Contra], perhaps with members of Congress." Fiers' written response notes that he "certainly became aware" that Palmer was "a problem" in the "late spring or early summer of 1987" and that "he had to be distanced from Central America operations." Fiers' written response states that "without going into extensive review of the records to refresh my memory . . . I cannot comment further, other than to say that I had no information that Palmer was using our operation for drug smuggling." Fiers' written response asserts that he was unaware of any rumors or conversations concerning Palmer and drug trafficking.

According to handwritten notes compiled by the OIG inspector in the course of the May 1988 CIA/OIG investigation, a detailee to CATF ran traces on Palmer in late December 1986 or early January 1987. The detailee reportedly stated that there were "whisperings" about Palmer and the detailee "remembers explicitly" that the traces showed Palmer was "under investigation" for drug trafficking. The notes also stated that the detailee passed the derogatory information about Palmer from the traces to Fiers, who passed the information "on up the line and [a] decision [was] made at a higher level to go ahead and use [Palmer]."

The OIG inspector's notes also stated that she discussed the information provided by the detailee regarding the Palmer traces with the SOG CATF Deputy Chief, who was the military detailee's supervisor beginning in May 1987. According to the notes, the Deputy Chief "reluctantly" said that she thought that the detailee was confused and that he was a "major stumbling block" concerning traces and that the detailee was "unable to distinguish between Agency and external traces" and that he believed there was "no need to trace people." The OIG notes indicated that the Deputy Chief said that she had to relieve the detailee of his duties "for cause," because he was causing unspecified problems.

The Deputy Chief says that she did not verify whether the detailee had conducted traces on Palmer. She also says she does not recall learning that a trace had been done regarding Palmer in December 1986 or January 1987, prior to the April/May 1987 traces. The March 21, 1987 Miami DC-6 incident was when Palmer first "burst on people," the Deputy Chief states.

The May 16, 1988 inspector's memorandum to IG Donnelly providing the results of her investigation regarding the Agency's involvement with Palmer stated her conclusion that allegations that CIA had knowledge of and assisted Palmer's drug trafficking activities were "without foundation." Further, the memorandum concluded that:

. . . there is no basis for the allegation that an Agency employee was aware of Mr. Palmer's drug activities when that employee concurred in a recommendation of Palmer/Vortex, made by . . . [the president of the prime contracting company] circa December 1985-January 1986 to the . . . Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office.

The memorandum did not mention any allegation or information indicating that CATF may have decided to use Vortex/Universal and Palmer after CATF reportedly became aware of Palmer's arrest and later indictment on drug trafficking charges. No information has been found to indicate that CIA/OIG produced a formal report concerning this investigation, or that the OIG inspector's May 1988 memorandum was made available to CIA management by IG Donnelly.

The OIG inspector says that she did not address the question of CATF's relationship with Vortex/Universal in her memorandum because she did not have enough facts at the time to reach a conclusion. She states that no one she interviewed could recall much about Palmer's drug arrest. Moreover, she says that she received little cooperation from CATF or the DO in response to her requests for documents. She recalls that CATF records "were unavailable, unobtainable and undiscoverable."

She states that she tried to interview Dupart at the time regarding the Palmer issue, but he refused to discuss the matter because he had moved to one of the Intelligence Oversight Committee Staffs--HPSCI--and he believed commenting on the matter would be inappropriate. She says she never got around to interviewing Fiers because she was assigned another urgent investigation into Agency activities in Honduras. Dupart says he has never refused a request to be interviewed by OIG.

She does not know why there is no record of a final CIA/OIG report concerning the Palmer investigation, but speculates that it may have been because she was told to drop everything she was working on in June 1988 to focus on the investigation involving Honduras. She says the Palmer issue may have "fallen through the cracks" as a result. No information has been found to indicate that the Palmer matter was examined subsequently by any CIA component other than CIA/OIG.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. On March 14, 1988, according to a March 29 MFR prepared by OCA's David Pearline, he and OGC's Assistant General Counsel described the circumstances surrounding the Miami DC-6 incident and the Agency's relationship with Palmer to the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime Staff members. The Staff members reportedly asked whether the Agency had realized that Palmer was a DEA informant who had been indicted for drug trafficking. OGC's Assistant General Counsel responded, according to the MFR, that the Agency was not aware of Palmer's indictment or his DEA connection until the Miami DC-6 incident. On learning of his indictment, she said, the Agency terminated the relationship with Palmer and Vortex/Universal Air. This information was also conveyed to the SSCI and HPSCI Staffs on March 31, according to the MFR.

According to an April 4, 1988 MFR regarding the March 31 briefing to HPSCI Staff members, OCA expressed concern that Palmer would reveal the Agency's ties to the prime contractor at his upcoming testimony before the House Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Crime. Further, OCA informed the HPSCI Staff members that the Agency anticipated that the Crime Subcommittee would press for operational information in its investigation into drug smuggling by the Contras. OCA requested the HPSCI's assistance in handling these inquiries. The MFR indicated that Michael O'Neil of the HPSCI Staff responded that the Judiciary Committee's inquiry had the full support of HPSCI members and that the HPSCI was not in a position to provide any assistance to CIA in limiting the Judiciary Committee's probe into intelligence activities that related to its investigation.

Following the May 6, 1988 meeting, the president of the prime contractor, OGC's Assistant General Counsel, Pearline, and two CATF officers met on May 11 with two House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime Staff members. A May 16 OCA MFR concerning that meeting reported that OCA had corrected the information given earlier to the Subcommittee Staff regarding when the Agency first learned that Palmer had been arrested for drug trafficking. OCA reportedly said that:

. . . at least two Agency officers (Fiers and the [former CATF contractor]) knew about Palmer's drug dealing before the Agency agreed to buy an aircraft from [Vortex/] Universal Air Leasing and approved the subcontracting ... to [Vortex/] Universal Air Leasing of the servicing of aircraft flying resupply flights for the Contras.

OCA reportedly also informed the Staff members that the Agency was "still looking into this matter." The Subcommittee Staff requested that the Agency inform it of the results of any investigation. The same information, according to the MFR, was shared with David Holliday of the SSCI Staff and O'Neil of the HPSCI Staff on May 13 and May 16, respectively.

No information has been found to indicate that the results of the 1988 CIA/OIG investigation or any other CIA inquiry into this matter were communicated to the SSCI, HPSCI, or the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime.

CIA Vetting Role. As noted earlier, Agency records indicate that the president of the prime contracting company claimed in 1988 that he had met with Ambassador Duemling of NHAO in 1985 and, during the course of the meeting, had recommended that NHAO utilize Vortex/Universal. However, Agency records differ in whether he says he contacted Ambassador Duemling on his own initiative or if he was responding to a request from CIA officials that he meet with the Ambassador. In any event, an April 4, 1988 OCA MFR indicated that HPSCI Staff member Dick Giza said that Alan Fiers had said in a February 2, 1987 briefing to HPSCI that he had referred NHAO to Vortex/Universal. Fiers' written response to OIG questions also indicates CIA played some role in steering NHAO to Vortex/Universal since Fiers states that he "specifically recalls discussions with Ambassador Duemling" pertaining to the vetting of air carriers for NHAO.

Hondu Carib

Background. According to the December 1988 Kerry Report, one of the pilots who flew Contra resupply missions for SETCO was Frank Moss. The Kerry Report also noted that Moss had been under investigation since 1979 for drug trafficking but reportedly was never indicted. In 1985, Moss formed his own company, Hondu Carib, which flew supplies to the FDN. The Kerry Report indicated that the FDN's arrangement with Moss and Hondu Carib was based on a commercial agreement between Moss and Mario Calero, the FDN's chief supply officer. Under that agreement, Calero was to receive an ownership interest in Moss' company.

Also according to the December 1988 Kerry Report, one of the Moss planes that was used to ferry supplies to the Contras was chased off the west coast of Florida by the Customs Service while it was dumping what appeared to be a load of drugs. When the plane landed in Port Charlotte, Florida, an inspection revealed significant marijuana residue on board. The plane reportedly was seized by the DEA in March 1987.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. On March 31, 1984, Headquarters was informed by cable that Moss was among a group suspected of using a DC-4 owned by Hondu Carib in drug and arms trafficking through the Merida, Mexico International Airport. The aircraft reportedly flew from the United States to Honduras or Guatemala and then to Merida, ostensibly to pick up fish for export to Tampa. The aircraft had reportedly been searched by Mexican authorities and DEA agents with negative results. However, DEA agents were suspicious because of the aircraft's circuitous route and the fact that all of the individuals connected with the plane had previous drug trafficking records. This information reportedly had been brought to the CIA's attention by DEA because Moss and the others had claimed at the time of the search that they were connected with or worked for the Agency. No information has been found to indicate that Headquarters responded to the March 1984 cable.

A July 9, 1984 cable to Headquarters described Moss' company, Atlas Aviation, as a "shoestring cargo operation and hungry for business," that was "normally employed in transporting fresh fish and fruits from Central America and Mexico to the United States." The cable noted, however, that Atlas' "business profile fits the U.S. Customs narcotic trafficking profile," and the company was in the Customs computer as a "suspicious operation." Consequently, Atlas was "closely watched and thoroughly checked at all U.S. airports of entry and in Mexico, but not in other countries." Nonetheless, according to the cable, Atlas had a "clean record" with Customs and "will not become involved in drug trafficking or any other illegal activity which could damage their record."

The July 1984 cable also pointed out, however, that Atlas is "hungry enough to walk a thin line in other countries," and that the company was aware of all international traffic regulations and procedures and "how to circumvent them if necessary." The Station added that Atlas had accomplished "very confidential modifications on [sic] low profile customers and aircraft for sensitive use."

As mentioned earlier, the Kerry Report indicated that one of the planes Moss used to carry Contra supplies had been seized in March 1987 by DEA after dumping what appeared to be drugs off the Florida coast and that significant marijuana residue was found on board at the time. According to an April 28, 1987 cable, the names of two CIA officers and their telephone numbers were included in Moss' notes that were seized by DEA when the aircraft was confiscated.

At an April 7, 1987 meeting between CIA and Customs officials in connection with the March 1987 Miami incident involving Michael Palmer and a DC-6 Vortex/Universal aircraft, Customs officials also raised issues relating to the March 1987 seizure of Moss' DC-4. According to the April 7 memorandum summarizing that meeting that was prepared by the Air Branch Chief, Customs was informed that "there is no linkage of this aircraft or Mr. Moss to [CIA]."

A May 12, 1989 FBI report concerning Moss indicated that DEA's search of Moss' aircraft in March 1987 had resulted in no narcotics evidence being discovered and that the aircraft had subsequently been released to Moss. Further, the FBI report noted that Customs had an open case on Moss as of November 1988, but there was no evidence to substantiate the drug trafficking allegations against him.

On May 26, 1987, a cable reported to Headquarters that Moss was trying to generate business with the FDN by offering to fly air resupply drops inside Nicaragua. CATF responded on June 3 that it was concerned about Moss' possible ties to "druggers and the FDN." Headquarters also requested that the field "look into the ties with Moss and the FDN further and keep us advised." No information has been found to indicate that any further action was taken or that any additional information was generated in response to this request.

A former CATF NOG Chief's initial recollection was that Moss may have been involved briefly with the Contra program, but that the Agency's relationship with him was terminated on the basis of something that happened with respect to keeping files on an aircraft. However, based upon further reflection and review of relevant records, he stated that Moss may have actually flown "stuff" for the Private Benefactors, not the Agency. No other Agency officers could recall any relationship between the Agency and Moss or his company. No information has been found to indicate any relationship between CIA and Moss or his company at any time.

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. Apart from the meeting with Customs officials on April 7, 1987, no information has been found to indicate that the Agency provided information concerning Moss or his company to other U.S. Government intelligence or law enforcement agencies or the Congress.

CIA Vetting Role. A February 25, 1986 Headquarters cable noted that Moss had approached the NHAO in early 1986 with a proposal for Hondu Carib to provide air services for the NHAO. The cable requested information on the company's suitability for flying NHAO cargo missions. No information has been found to indicate there was a reply to this request. No information has been found to indicate that Agency personnel retrieved and considered the March and July 1984 cables regarding Moss and his companies or that the Agency requested further information from U.S. law enforcement agencies concerning Moss or Hondu Carib at this time. No information has been found to indicate whether CIA provided any information regarding Hondu Carib to the NHAO.

A February 26, 1986 Headquarters cable indicated that the Agency received an inquiry from NHAO in February 1986 regarding the use of Hondu Carib as a conduit for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Contras.

Allegations Involving Other Companies Associated With the Contras

Allegations were made regarding two companies, Southern Air Transport and Markair--that were involved in supporting the Contras.

Southern Air Transport

Background. Southern Air Transport (SAT) carried a variety of equipment, supplies and humanitarian aid for the FDN during the 1980s.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. A January 21, 1987 memorandum from ADCI Robert Gates to Morton Abramowitz, Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research, stated that the U.S. Customs Service had advised CIA that the Customs office in New Orleans was investigating an allegation of drug trafficking by SAT crew members. The Gates memorandum noted that the source of the allegation was a senior FDN official. The memorandum indicated that the FDN official was concerned that "scandal emanating from Southern Air Transport could redound badly on FDN interests, including humanitarian aid from the United States."

A February 23, 1991 DEA cable to CIA linked SAT to drug trafficking. The cable reported that SAT was "of record" in DEA's database from January 1985-September 1990 for alleged involvement in cocaine trafficking. An August 1990 entry in DEA's database reportedly alleged that $2 million was delivered to the firm's business sites, and several of the firm's pilots and executives were suspected of smuggling "narcotics currency."

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As previously noted, a January 21, 1987 memorandum from ADCI Robert Gates to Morton Abramowitz, Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research, reported that U.S. Customs had informed CIA that the Customs office in New Orleans was investigating an allegation of drug trafficking by SAT crew members.

Markair

Background. A June 24, 1986 Headquarters cable indicated that Markair flew the last three support flights for NHAO in late June 1986.

Allegations of Drug Trafficking. On October 14, 1987, CIA requested traces concerning Markair from U.S. law enforcement agencies. The October 21 Customs Service response reported that the company was "strongly suspected" of owning an aircraft that had been used in 1984 to smuggle cocaine into the United States from South America. Further, according to Customs, the aircraft was sold that same year by Markair to "a large scale . . . [unnamed] drug trafficking organization recently convicted in federal court." Customs reported also that it was investigating the financial activities of Markair and its officers because of "large cash movements to and from Mexico and other foreign countries."

An October 26, 1987 MFR by the CATF Deputy Chief indicated that he had contacted the Intelligence Section of the Customs Service that same day to determine whether the information in the Customs response to the CIA trace request was "sufficiently well-sourced to exclude Markair from contracting with the U.S. Government." According to the MFR, the Customs Intelligence Section indicated that the drug trafficking information was "only speculation." The MFR stated that Customs reportedly had confirmed that Markair had sold the aircraft to a major narcotics smuggling ring, but "the sale to this group may have been a legitimate business deal and not drug related." According to the MFR, Customs indicated that the information concerning Markair officers carrying large quantities of cash was "certain," but the Intelligence Section reported that "such behavior is common in the air charter business and thus is not by itself suspicious. Customs advises there is no current investigation open involving Markair." The MFR concluded by noting that the Customs Intelligence Section "would not exclude" the use [by the U.S. Government] of Markair "solely on the basis of information in Customs' files."

Information Sharing with Other U.S. Government Entities. As noted earlier, an October 26, 1987 MFR indicates that the CATF Deputy Chief contacted the Intelligence Section of U.S. Customs on October 26 to discuss information provided by Customs regarding suspected drug trafficking activities by Markair.

[Paragraphs 913 to 961 removed]

Allegations Involving Air Crew Members of Companies that Provided Services to the Contras Under Contract or Subcontract with CIA

Background. Following the March 21, 1987 incident at the Miami airport involving U.S. Customs and an Agency DC-6 operated by Michael Palmer of Vortex/Universal Air Leasing, ADCI Gates sent a memorandum to DDO Clair George on April 9, 1987 directing that all contractor and subcontractor air crew personnel be vetted with DEA and the U.S. Customs Service as well as with the FBI. This was necessary, wrote Gates, to protect the Agency against even indirect involvement with drug trafficking.

Thereafter, CATF requested traces during April, May and June 1987 from DEA, U.S. Customs and the FBI concerning employees of Vortex/Universal and the prime contracting company. In addition to linking Michael Palmer and Al Herreros of Vortex/Universal to drug trafficking, information provided by DEA and Customs in response to these CIA trace requests also indicated that two employees of the prime contractor and seven employees of Vortex/Universal were suspected of having drug trafficking connections.

Moreover, CIA, through the use of a trusted resource, developed information to indicate that three other individuals—all of whom were employed by the prime contractor—might have some connection to drug trafficking.

A Prime Contractor Pilot. According to DEA information provided to CIA on April 28, 1987 a contractor pilot was:

. . . listed as the pilot of [aircraft registration number] . In 1981, the aircraft was placed on lookout because [he] was suspected of smuggling drugs into the United States from the Bahamas. The lookout was later canceled.

According to Customs information provided to CIA on May 13, 1987 from the Treasury database, the pilot was the subject of a 1982 report of alleged drug smuggling. According to the Customs report, he was alleged to have used an aircraft with the same registration number that was cited in the April 28, 1987 DEA information.

A June 1, 1987 CIA cable to Customs requested further information on the pilot and three other individuals in an attempt to determine the validity of the information that Customs had provided to CIA in its May 13, 1987 cable. According to the June 1 cable, CIA:

. . . . would appreciate details on the sources of information, including any available assessments on the reliability of the sources and their access to the information (for example, whether through direct involvement in the alleged activity or via hearsay). . . .

In its June 24, 1987 response, Customs referred the CIA to the U.S. Coast Guard for further information pertaining to the pilot. However, no information has been found to indicate CIA contacted the U.S. Coast Guard regarding the pilot.

On April 29, 1986, the pilot was questioned by CIA Security as part of the clearance process to work under the prime contractor. A May 1, 1986 report of that questioning indicated that the pilot admitted to extensive use of illegal drugs and to selling marijuana to friends on several occasions in the late 1960s and early 1970s. He claimed that these sales occurred at social functions and that he did not make a profit from this activity. The report noted that although he was questioned intensively on these matters, CIA concluded that his answers were probably credible. According to the report, the pilot was advised of CIA's policy regarding the illegal use of drugs and he agreed to abide by that policy.

A December 22, 1988 CIA memorandum indicated that an aircraft that Customs identified as belonging to the prime contractor and suspected of drug smuggling in 1981-82 had been sold by the prime contractor in November 1979, but subsequently had been stored at the prime contractor's facility. It was unclear, the MFR noted, whether the pilot had been flying this aircraft as an employee of the prime contractor or as a charter pilot for the new owners. The December 1988 MFR indicated that more information would be needed from Customs in order to determine whether the aircraft and the pilot had actually been involved in drug trafficking. No information has been found to indicate that CIA sought additional information from Customs or any other source to follow-up or verify this information.

No information has been found to indicate that the results of questioning regarding drug use by the pilot were provided to U.S. law enforcement agencies. No information has been found to indicate that information regarding allegations of drug trafficking by the pilot was provided to Congress.

A Second Prime Contractor Pilot. According to a June 8, 1987 DEA cable, a second pilot was suspected of being "the pilot of an aircraft that was placed on lookout [sic] for suspected drug smuggling."

He was hired on June 25, 1987 as a pilot for the Contra program with temporary approvals.

An October 21, 1987 Headquarters cable indicated that the pilot had resigned from the Contra program. An October 23 cable to Headquarters urged that a strong effort be made "to try and turn him around," because he was "unquestionably the premier DC-6 captain." On December 3, Headquarters cabled that the pilot had agreed to continue in the Contra program. A December 10 Headquarters cable indicated that "investigative efforts" were underway to "clarify" the drug trafficking allegations. The cable stated that questioning by CIA Security "will be scheduled as soon as possible."

No information has been found to indicate any further investigative efforts were pursued by CIA. No information has been found to indicate when CIA's relationship with the pilot was actually terminated.

No information has been found to indicate that information regarding allegations of drug trafficking by the pilot was provided to Congress.

An Aircraft Mechanic. CIA Security questioned this mechanic was conducted on December 2, 1986. According to the report cabled to Headquarters on April 3, 1987, the information provided by the mechanic led CIA to conclude that he was probably involved in drug trafficking. Further, the report indicated CIA's view that, even under intense questioning, he was also withholding information regarding people he knew who were involved in the Contra program and drug trafficking. According to the report, the mechanic refused to identify any of these individuals, although he claimed that one of them had recommended him for the Contra program.

An April 20, 1987 Headquarters cable provided instructions that the mechanic was to be removed from his job pending the results of a second round of questioning by CIA Security. An April 24, 1987 memorandum from the LA Division Chief to DDO Clair George and the Director of Security indicated that the mechanic had been advised that he would have to undergo a third round of questioning to resolve the drug trafficking questions.

The mechanic was questioned again on May 10, 1987. According to the Security report of June 22, the mechanic admitted to smuggling a small amount of marijuana for his personal use into the United States in 1968. He also admitted that he "fostered drug transactions on a few occasions" while with the U.S. military in Vietnam. He reportedly asserted, however, that he never personally dealt illegally in drugs. Based on the information he provided, CIA concluded that his answers were probably credible. The report, however, did not indicate whether he was questioned regarding the other individuals in the Contra program who might be involved in drug trafficking and to whom he had referred in December 1986.

No information has been found to indicate that the Agency took any further action to pursue or verify the information regarding the mechanic or to determine the identities of the other individuals.

No information has been found to indicate that information regarding allegations of drug trafficking by the mechanic was provided to Congress or to other U.S. Government agencies.

A Third Pilot. This pilot was hired by the prime contractor in November 1986 in support of the Contra program and was questioned by CIA Security on December 2 and December 4, 1986. As a result of the information the pilot provided on both dates, CIA concluded that this pilot was probably involved in drug trafficking. The pilot was questioned further on December 11 and December 12, 1986 without the issues being clarified.

No information has been found to indicate that the Agency took any further action to pursue or verify the information developed during questioning by CIA Security.

No information has been found to indicate that information regarding drug trafficking by the pilot was provided to Congress or to other U.S. Government agencies.

A Fourth Pilot. This pilot was hired by the prime contractor for the Contra program in late 1986. He was questioned by CIA Security on December 2 and December 3, 1986. Based on the information he provided, CIA concluded that the questioning was not productive.

No record has been found to indicate any further action by CIA to follow-up or verify this information. No information has been found to indicate to what extent or for how long he was employed by the prime contractor to support CIA's Contra program.

No information has been found to indicate that information regarding drug trafficking by the pilot was provided to Congress or to other U.S. Government agencies.

Vortex/Universal employees. The seven individuals identified through DEA and Customs trace responses as suspected drug traffickers who were employed by Vortex/Universal were:

Joseph Haas

Donaldo Frixone

Martin H. Gomez

Martin Alberto Gomez

Irving Silva

Mauricio Letona

Stephen Herreros.

According to information DEA provided to CIA on April 28, 1987, Haas, Frixone, Silva, and Stephen Herreros had been implicated with Michael Palmer in a September 1986 drug smuggling incident in northern Mexico involving 19,000 pounds of marijuana destined for the United States. The DEA response also reported that Haas, Frixone and Martin Alberto Gomez had been crew members on the DC-6 that was involved in the March 1987 incident at Miami International Airport.

Joseph Haas. Haas was reportedly a long-time informant for a U.S. law enforcement agency.

Haas had been hired by Vortex/Universal in December 1986 to assist in providing crew support for air drops in support of the Contras. The April 28, 1987 DEA memorandum appears to have been the first indication to the Agency that Haas was suspected of involvement in drug trafficking and had been a suspected marijuana trafficker since 1984. According to an April 7, 1987 MFR prepared by a CIA Contracts Branch Chief regarding a conversation she had with the president of the prime contractor on that date, Haas had been "taken off" CIA's payroll as of April 1 because he had gone to work for a U.S. law enforcement agency in the United States. No information has been found to indicate that the Agency had any further contact or relationship with Haas.

DoJ and DEA requested information from CIA concerning Haas in 1985, 1987 and 1991. A December 16, 1987 OGC memorandum indicated that the Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of New York requested CIA information concerning Haas in May 1985 because he was likely to be a witness in an arms smuggling case--U.S. v. Schwartz and Berg, et al.

A December 7, 1987 letter from the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of New York again requested information from CIA regarding its relationship with Haas in connection with the "Berg" prosecution because of "inquiries from the press, and from defense counsel, asking if Haas is involved in any type of covert operations to aid the Nicaraguan contras [sic]." These inquiries, according to the letter, also involved questions concerning the "Vortex Affair." The letter indicated that Haas' involvement with CIA might be used by the defense to "impeach Haas' testimony" as a witness for the prosecution.

An undated internal CIA memorandum in response to the U.S. Attorney's December 1987 request indicated that Haas had been "a contractor of Vortex/Universal which was a subcontractor of an Agency prime contractor." The memorandum noted that Haas had been employed by Vortex/Universal from "approximately December 1986 to April 1987." In answering the U.S. Attorney's request regarding any relationship between CIA and Haas, the memorandum made no mention of the April 1987 DEA and Customs trace responses that linked Haas to drug trafficking.

On September 9, 1988, CIA received a request for information from the DEA Administrator concerning Haas and Michael Palmer. ADCI Gates responded to the request in an October 1988 memorandum that briefly outlined the CIA's relationship with Haas, and indicated that the "Agency has had no contact, direct or indirect, with Haas since April 1, 1987." ADCI Gates' memorandum also noted that the Agency had directed that the prime contractor sever its ties with Vortex/Universal following the March 21, 1987 Miami airport incident involving U.S. Customs and the subsequent discovery of drug trafficking information relating to Haas.

An October 4, 1988 memorandum to the Director of Congressional Affairs from David Pearline of OCA's Legislative Division indicates that CIA may have informed the House Judiciary Committee of information pertaining to Haas. According to the memorandum, which discussed an October 3, 1988 meeting between Pearline and Congressional staff employees Haydon Gregory and Jim Dahl of the House Judiciary's Subcommittee on Crime:

. . . .

3. The Committee staff also made two additional inquiries while I was present. The first inquiry concerned the relationship we had with Joseph Haus [sic], a pilot who flew resupply flights for the Contras. The staff felt we may have provided some information on Mr. Haus [sic]. (FYI: I checked my memos for the record on our earlier briefings and could not locate a reference to Mr. Haus [sic], but the CATF compliance officer believes we may have provided some information during a briefing of the staff in May.)

. . . .

Donaldo Frixone. Frixone was, according to information DEA provided to CIA on April 28, 1987, implicated along with Michael Palmer and others in the September 1986 drug smuggling incident in northern Mexico involving 19,000 pounds of marijuana destined for the United States. Frixone was hired by CIA for Contra aerial missions from early 1983 to June 1985. Frixone's relationship with CIA was terminated in June 1985 for Frixone's refusal to follow his supervisor's instructions.

Following the termination of his relationship with CIA, Frixone was hired by Vortex/Universal in late 1986 or early 1987 as a pilot in support of Contra logistics operations. Frixone was killed on January 23, 1988 when his aircraft was shot down during an air drop over Nicaragua.

On July 13, 1983, CATF cabled a Station and requested that it verify allegations made in May 1981 that Frixone had been arrested on a drug trafficking charge. The Station replied on July 22 that it had received confirmation that Frixone had been arrested for drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic in August 1980.

Frixone was questioned by CIA Security on July 19, 1983. According to the report, Frixone said that he had been arrested for trying to steal an airplane in the Dominican Republic, but was exonerated by a jury. The report did not mention the drug charge, but noted that "upon instruction by [a CIA] representative, [the Security Officer] did not [follow up on] the subject's story" of the arrest incident. No information has been found to indicate that CIA undertook any further action to follow up or verify the information about Frixone's arrest for drug trafficking before the termination of the initial Agency relationship with him in June 1985.
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