Conclusion
By the middle of the century, the image of India in French academia had shifted, but subtly. While Parisian academics continued to drive the trends in Indology and the search for Sanskrit manuscripts representing an ancient civilization continued, the older romantic view of India was now replaced by an incisive, scientific tone, which was sometimes critical of contemporary Indian foibles. Rather than writing lyrically about the literature of India, scholars now stressed factual, scientific knowledge in terms of grammatical and philological data. The move from romance to science also threw attention on other periods of Indian history, such as the Buddhist period, leading to critical comparisons of brahminic religion with Buddhism. No longer were brahmins seen as representative of Indic greatness. Brahmins continued to dominate French impressions of India but these were for other reasons. As I will investigate in the next chapter, the brahmins of India were considered great, not because of their literary and cultural accomplishments, but because they were considered to be ‘Aryan‘. According to Burnouf, the brahmins represented a great era of creativity and accomplishment for Indian civilization. As a group the brahmins did not necessarily warrant the highest praise, since they built a religion which relied on the blind credulity of the people they governed. ―…Because the Brahmans requested too much from easily credulous peoples to which they gave laws…'444 The importance of India and of the brahmins of India lay in their philosophy, laws, and literature. These, in turn, were representative of a greater human spirit which demanded the attention of scholars world-wide. According to Burnouf, ―It is India, with its philosophy and its myths, its literature and its laws, which we will study in its language. It is more than India, Gentlemen, it is a page of the origins of the world, the primitive history of the human spirit, that we will try to decipher together.'445
As the romance of India waned, the results of comparing a civilization which was as different from Europe as night to day led to the colonialising of knowledge; a process whereby Western standards meant that different was often seen as inferior. Indologists no longer focused on what the brahmins of India claimed to have done or written. Rather, they analyzed the language, which was ostensibly more reliable, since it did not contain the human element of error. Through an analysis of syntax and grammar, Indologists could now study not only the evolution of language (Sanskrit), but also account for changes within the language in terms of the ‘degeneration‘ of India.
In addition institutional support for Indology declined and it was distanced from popular Orientalism in France. Indologists thus turned to comparative studies of India with Asia, particularly the Buddhist comparison between India and Indo-China, which greatly aided the French colonial understanding of the latter. In this manner the colonial agenda was tied closely to the careers of Indologists.
Another manner in which Indology changed was through its espousal of the scientific method. Since the sciences had become so popular by mid-century in France, Indology needed to reconfigure itself in terms of physical science. The next stage in the image of India in France was thus spearheaded by anthropologists. With anthropology new notions of race and the importance of physical markers of progress, rather than older notions of cultural or linguistic markers redrew the image of India. The next chapter examines these changes.
Table 3: Distribution of articles on India by topic: Journal des Savants, 1817-99
Year / Total Number of Articles on India / Hinduism / Buddhism / Literature / Colonialism/ Ethnology
1817-29 / 52 / 25 / 5 / 33 / 14
1830-39 / 47 / 13 / 6 / 32 / 5
1840-49 / 23 / 6 / 5 / 17 / 5
1850-59 / 54 / 19 / 23 / 46 / 8
1860-69 / 53 / 36 / 5 / 38 / 7
1870-79 / 36 / 12 / 9 / 28 / 7
1880-89 / 49 / 26 / 3 / 27 / 15
1890-99 / 48 / 17 / 17 / 31 / 4
Table 4: Graph of articles on India by topic: Journal des Savants, 1817-99
Table 5: Table of articles on India by topic: Journal Asiatique, 1822- 1902
Year / Total Articles on India / Buddhism / Hinduism / Islam / Philology / Indo-European ethnology
1822-27 / 48/5/20/12/6 / 0
1828-1835 / 38/6/12/5/9/1
1836-1842 / 32/6/11/5/9/2
1843-1852 / 27/4/14/6/4/0
1853-1862 / 37/1/10/2/22/0
1863-1872 / 16/7/3/0/0/0
1873-1882 / 23/19/0/1/0/0
1883-1892 / 43/26/11 / 2/6/0
1893-1902 / 8/4/0/1/0/0
Table 6: Graph of articles on India by topic: Journal Asiatique, 1822- 1902
Table 7: Table of articles on India by topic: Revue des Deux Mondes, 1829- 1900
Period / Total / Academic / Hinduism / Buddhism / Islam / Sanskrit
1829-39 / 25/6/3/1/2/3 (12% )
1840-49 / 29/8/4 / - / 4/2 (6%)
1850-59 / 37/12/12 / - / 1/9 (24%)
1860-69 / 18/2/1/1 / - / 1 (5%)
1870-79 / 10 / - / - / - / - / -
1880-89 / 15/4/3/1 / - / 3 (20%)
1890-1900 / 23/9 / 7/5 / - / 3 (13%)
_______________
Notes:
368 ―Pour moi, messieurs, je pense, à l‘honneur de l‘érudition, que les travaux des hommes savants qui ont dévoué leur vie à l‘étude de l‘Inde ne seront pas stériles pour l‘histoire ancienne de ce pays. J‘ai l‘espérance que la réunion de tant d‘efforts finira quelque jour par reconstruire la plus brillante et peut-être la plus riche histoire littéraire qu‘un peuple puisse offrir à la curiosité et à l‘admiration de l‘Europe.’ E. Burnouf, ―Discours sur la langue et la littérature sanscrite, prononcé au Collège de France’, Journal Asiatique, Series 2, Vol 11, Jan- Jun 1833: 264.
369 Georges Cuvier, Discours sur les révolutions de la surface du globe; et sur les changemens [sic] qu'elles ont produits dans le règne animal (Paris, 1825): 3. Quoted in Douglas T. McGetchin, ―Wilting Florists: The Turbulent Early Decades of the Société Asiatique, 1822-1860‖, Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 64, No. 4 (2003): 574.
370 Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984 ): 82.
371 Jennifer Pitts, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005):165-66.
372 ―la parenté commune des dialectes de l‘Europe…et qui présentait les analogies les plus frappantes avec le grec, le latin et les dialectes germaniques et slaves…c‘est le Sanskrit des Brahmanes…’ E. Burnouf, ―Discours sur la langue et la littérature sanscrite, prononcé au Collège de France’, Journal Asiatique, Series 2, Vol 11, (Jan- Jun 1833): 253-54. Burnouf also describes the philological similarity between Sanskrit and Avestic which led to the hypothesis of the Aryans or Indo-Europeans possibly hailing from north-west India.
373―Les liens de parenté qui l‘unissent aux idiomes de l‘Europe savante sont incontestables, et ce résultat, le plus singulier de ceux qu‘ait obtenus de nos jours la philologie, est aussi le plus évidemment démontré.’ Ibid: 254.
374 Quoted in Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984): 134.
375 ―E. Burnouf se proposa un objet plus viril et plus sérieux; il voulut rechercher les traces de la filiation des peuples, les liens de parenté entre l‘Orient et l‘Occident, et les titres héréditaires des races européennes, conservés dans les analogies des signes de la pensée; démêler et promulguer les lois de décomposition des idiomes originaires dans les langues anciennes et dans les langues modernes, retrouver enfin par la grammaire les grandes époques de l‘histoire de la famille humaine.' J. Naudet, ‘Notice historique sur MM. Burnouf, père et fils‘, Mémoires de l‟Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, Vol 20, no. 1, (SD): 309-310.
376 Some examples of such articles include E. Burnouf, ―Analyse et Extrait du Devi-Mahatmyam, fragment du Markandeya- Pourana', Journal Asiatique, Series 1, Vol 4, (Jan-Jun 1824); Auguste Schlégel, ―Observations sur la critique du Bhagavad-Gita, insérée dans le Journal Asiatique', JA, Series 1, Vol 9, (Jul- Dec 1826); and Baron G de Humboldt, ―Mémoire sur la séparation des mots dans les textes sanscrits', JA, Series 1, Vol 11, (Jul- Dec 1827).
377―L‘homme n‘est cependant pas oublié dans les autres productions de l‘esprit religieux de l‘Inde, et les grandes épopées (sic. Possibly Epics) qui retracent l‘histoire héroïque des Brahmanes et de la caste guerrière nous le montrent au milieu d‘une société qui allie aux raffinements de la civilisation la plus avancée (et) la naïveté des moeurs primitives.' E. Burnouf, ―Discours sur la langue et la littérature sanscrite, prononcé au Collège de France', Journal Asiatique, Series 2, Vol 11, (Jan- Jun 1833): 258.
378 Ibid: 266-67 and passim.
379―E. Burnouf éclaira ces questions d‘un jour nouveau, et, en déterminant les époques relatives du brahmanisme et du bouddhisme, il introduisit un élément de chronologie dans l‘histoire de l‘Inde, qui semble ignorer les divisions réelles du temps.' J. Naudet, ―Notice historique sur MM. Burnouf, père et fils', Mémoires de l‟Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, Vol 20, no. 1, (SD): 321. Also see J Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, Eugene Burnouf. Ses Travaux et sa Correspondence. (Paris, 1891): 44.
380 As Buddhism spread in Asia, the followers found themselves in disagreement about the practice of the religion. The basic divisions were the Northern or Mahayana school of Buddhism which became popular in China, Japan, Korea, Tibet and Mongolia, and Southern or Theravada Buddhism which became the norm in Southeast Asia- Thailand, Burma, Cambodia and Laos. Tibetan Buddhism which is also practiced today and incorporates a great deal of Tantra, developed much later and largely independent of these two schools due to its geographical isolation.
381 After the death of Buddha, the followers of Buddhism split into two schools based disagreements about the level of austerity to be practiced. The teachings of the Buddha were split into two main traditions, or ‘vehicles‘, which were the Little or Hinayana and the Great or Mahayana. The lay followers of the Buddha tended to follow the former, which largely consisted of precepts meant for everyday living, while the monks followed the more rigorous Mahayana tradition.
382 Unfortunately the exigencies of colonial rule dictated that the myth of the Oriental Despot be perpetuated and this period of Indian history, together with Kautilya‘s Arthashastra, remained the preserve of Indic scholars. In India‘s nationalist tradition too, the unfortunate reliance on the myth of the ‘Golden Age‘ of Vedic Aryanism (see, for example, the revisionist history proposed by Uma Chakravarti, in her essay on ―Whatever Happened to the Vedic Dasi?', in Recasting Women. Essays in colonial history, ed. Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (Delhi: Kali for Women, 1989) which raises the issue of the forgotten dasas and dasyus while Hindu Nationalists like Dayanand Saraswati of the Arya Samaj were propagating the myth of the Golden Age of Vedic Aryanism. What is significant here is that Indian nationalists built upon this creation of French Indologists to argue that Indians belonged to the Aryan race and therefore should free themselves from British colonial rule. I discuss this creation of Aryan India by French Indologists and anthropologists in detail in chapter 5) meant that Indians too neglected this period of Indian history until the reform of the historical syllabus in post- Independence India. In schools and colleges of modern India, the study of the post-Vedic and Buddhist period, as it is called, now stimulates a discussion on the continued achievements of India, in stark contrast to the colonial histories which portrayed the history of post- Vedic India as a dark age which continued until the colonial period. Unfortunately, this discussion, introduced in Independent India, comes too late to rectify the damage done both by colonial historians as well as Indian nationalist historians determined to create a ‘Golden Age‘ for India. In a sense this represents the ‘colonization of knowledge‘ wherein India‘s past was first interpreted and then appropriated by her colonial masters, and then taught to Indians themselves. The result of such a process was that most erstwhile colonies internalized the same discourses of ‘western progress‘ and ‘eastern decadence‘ that they were trying to resist, primarily through the education of a new westernized middle class. This middle class was responsible for the recycling of colonial knowledge back into their own societies.
383 Lee Irwin, ‘Western Esotericism, Eastern Spirituality, and the Global Future‘, Esoterica III (2001): 1-47
384 Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984): 111.
385 See Table 3. I examine the later popularity of Indian Buddhism in Chapter Six.
386 See Table 1.
387―Ainsi, s‘appuyant sur des documents nombreux et décisifs, l‘historien reconnaîtra l‘Inde antique du Mahâbharata et du Râmâyana dans l‘Inde telle qu‘elle nous apparaît au commencement du onzième siècle de notre ère, au temps de l‘invasion musulmane.' Ibid: 265.
388 ―La tolerance indienne est venue diminuer dans l‘Inde le fanatisme musulman. Là Sunnites et Chiites n‘ont point entre eux cette animosité qui divise les Turcs et les Persans; ils vivent ordinairement en bonne intelligence et prennent meme part, à peu d‘exceptions près, aux memes fêtes religieuses.' Garcin de Tassy, ―Mémoire sur quelques particularités de la religion musulmane dans l‘Inde, d‘après les ouvrages hindoustani', Nouveau Journal Asiatique, (Aug. 1831): 90.
389―Ce fut là le terme des guerres et des persécutions causées par l‘ambition et le zèle outrés des arabes pour leur religion: car l‘idolâtrie eut ses martyrs. Cette persecution ne cessa que peu à peu: la douceur du climat et le caractère des Indiens fit perdre, dans la suite, aux successeurs de ces Arabes et Moghols, l‘espèce de fanatisme que leurs prédécesseurs manifesté…' L. Langlès, ―Notice sur l‘Indoustan, tirée des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale', Magasin Encyclopédique, Vol 16, (1795): 43- 44.
390 La religion des Hindous attire généralement l‘attention des savans qui s‘occupent de l‘Inde, et des voyageurs qui, après en avoir parcouru les belles provinces, communiquent au public les fruits de leurs recherches. Il n‘en est pas ainsi du culte musulman dans l‘Inde, qui fut néanmoins pendant plusieurs siècles la religion du Gouvernement d‘une grande partie de la presqu‘île en deçà du Gange soumise au sceptre du Mogol, et qui est encore aujourd‘hui professée par plusieurs souverains de cette vaste contrée, et par vingt millions d‘individus dont le nombre s‘accroît tous les jours. Les savans en ont peu parlé; aussi ignore-t-on généralement quel y est précisément l‘état de cette religion, quelles en sont les particularités. Ce manque de données positives se fait surtout sentir à ceux qui veulent lire les ouvrages hindoustani et persans écrits dans l‘Inde, et déchiffrer les inscriptions des monumens musulmans de cette belle partie du monde…Pour remplir en partie la lacune que je signale, j‘ai entrepris le travail que je soumets aujourd‘hui aux amis de l‘Inde…' Garcin de Tassy, ―Mémoire sur quelques particularités de la religion musulmane dans l‘Inde, d‘après les ouvrages hindoustani', Nouveau Journal Asiatique, (Aug. 1831): 81-82.
391 In fact the majority of Tassy‘s sources were works commissioned by British administrators. The major source material was complied using works by full-time employees of the Fort William College at Calcutta, which had been established as a training ground for young officers of the East India Company. Tassy‘s work came to be used primarily as a local guide by British administrators.
392―La littérature orientale a fait en France de progrès rapides depuis quelques années; les savants ne se bornent plus aux langues nécessaires pour la diplomatie et le commerce, tels que le persan, le turc ou l‘arabe; ils embrassent dans leurs études le sanskrit, le pali, le chinois, le géorgien…Les recherches auxquelles ils se livrent sur l‘histoire et la philologie de l‘Orient sont recueils dans le Journal Asiatique, le Journal des Savants et quelques autres écrits périodiques, qui peuvent donner une idée de l‘importance de leurs travaux.' ―Littérature orientale en France', Revue Brittanique, Vol 17, (Mar- Apr. 1828): 377.
393 Garcin de Tassy, ―Mémoire sur quelques particularités de la religion musulmane dans l‘Inde, d‘après les ouvrages hindoustani', 3 articles, Nouveau Journal Asiatique, (Aug. 1831).
394 In fact the efforts of French scholars who studied aspects of Indian life and culture which were relevant but not fashionable seem to have been met with a cold shoulder from their Parisian intelligentsia and a warm reception from the British who were only too glad to have help in their colonial enterprise in India. An example of this type is the copious use of the work of French academics‘ translations of works by Indian Islamic writers from Persian, Urdu, Dakkhani, and Arabic into French, by Elliot, The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. Ed. John Dowson. (London: Trubner Company, 1867–1877). The series was greeted with great acclaim since it professed to present India‘s history as told by natives, untouched and uninterrupted by the British.
395 According to Lafont, a combination of the dominance of Arabic and Persian studies from 1699 onwards at the École des Jeunes de Langues as well as the ‘systematic nature‘ of the French was responsible for the lack of attention paid to Muslims in India, at least until Garcin de Tassy was appointed as the first to the hold the newly created Chair of Hindustani in 1828. However, this does not explain the lack of interest in Muslim India which continued throughout the nineteenth century. Jean-Marie Lafont, Indika. Essays in Indo- French Relations 1630- 1976 (New Delhi: Manohar, 2000): 43.
396 ―Je vais donc décrire, d‘après les ouvrages que je viens d‘indiquer, les fêtes propres à l‘Inde musulmane et aussi les solennités usitées en Perse ou même dans tout le monde musulman, mais que distinguent dans l‘Inde des cérémonies particulières. Je parlerai de quelques pratiques superstitieuses nées du contact des Musulmans avec les Hindous; je donnerai enfin la Biographie de plusieurs saints musulmans très-célèbres dans l‘Inde, mais inconnus hors de ses limites…Ce qui frappe surtout dans le culte extérieur des musulmans de l‘Inde, c‘est l‘altération qu‘il a subie pour prendre la physionomie indigène. Ce sont ces cérémonies accessoires et ces usages peu conformes ou contraires à l‘esprit du Coran, mais qui se sont établis insensiblement par le contact des Musulmans avec les Hindous…En effet le culte de Mahomet était trop simple pour un pays où domine une religion allégorique et idolâtre qui parle aux sens et à l‘imagination plutôt qu‘à l‘esprit et au coeur…' Garcin de Tassy, ―Mémoire sur quelques particularités de la religion musulmane dans l‘Inde, d‘après les ouvrages hindoustani', Nouveau Journal Asiatique, (Aug. 1831): 87-88.
397 Works like E. de Neveu, Les Khouans: Ordres religieux chez les musulmans de l'Algérie (Paris: A. Guyot, 1846) which was an early text, compared to the burst of French scholarship on Islam post- 1848 deal with the varieties of Islam. According to George Trumbull (NYU), there are only passim references to Indic Islam. Email communication.
398 From the Journal Asiatique, there were a number of articles which dealt with the links between India and Buddhism in the Far East, including several articles by British scholars. For example, M. B H Hodgson, ―Notice sur la langue, la littérature et la religion des Bouddhistes du Népal et du Bhot ou Tibet', 2 articles, Series 2, Vol 6, (Jul-Dec 1830); HH Wilson, ―Notice sur trois ouvrages bouddhiques reçus du Nepal', Series 2, Vol 7, (Jan-Jun 1831); M. Klaproth, ―Table chronologique des plus célèbres patriarches et des événemens remarquables de la religion bouddhique; rédigée en 1678 (traduite du Mongol), et commentée', Series 2, Vol 7, (Jan- Jun 1831); Théodore Pavie, ―Examen méthodique des faits qui concernent le Thien - tchu on l'Inde', 3 articles, Series 3, vol. 8, (Jul- Dec 1839).
399 Jean-Claude Bonnan, Jugemens du tribunal de la chaudrie de Pondichéry, 1766- 1817. 2 vols. (Pondicherry: Institut Français de Pondichéry, 1999). Bonnan has compiled the records of the Chaudrie or Choultry court of Pondichéry. Among the dozens of cases heard, the majority related to issues of privilege between different castes. In most cases, the court deferred to local custom, rather than a rigid adherence to French or even ‘Hindu‘ law. The Etat Civil, or Civil Registry of the French Comptoirs which recorded births in French India from 1824 (prior to this the Registry only contained records for the mixed race Topas, Hindu converts to Christianity and the French) also substantiates the fact that the majority of natives in French India were Hindus.
400 Douglas T. McGetchin, ―Wilting Florists: The Turbulent Early Decades of the Société Asiatique, 1822-1860', Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 64, No. 4 (2003):576.
400 Quoted in Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press
401 Mohl, Vingt-sept Ans, 2 vols. (Paris: Reinwald, 1879-80), vol 1: 204. Cited in Douglas T. McGetchin, ―Wilting Florists: The Turbulent Early Decades of the Société Asiatique, 1822-1860', Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 64, No. 4 (2003): 577.
402 Ibid.
403 Edgar Quinet titled the chapter on India the ‘Oriental Renaissance‘ in his Genie des religions published in 1841. He compared the ancient Hindu texts to the Iliad and Odyssey and the role of early translators like Anquetil to the great poets and scholars of the West.
404 See Jules Michelet, Bible de l‟Humanité, (Paris, 1864). In this work Michelet incorporated a great deal of Indian thought and philosophy which he had spent the preceding decades in learning and understanding. His deep interest in Indic studies was a continuing vein which grew with his friendship with Burnouf as well as his explorations into natural history and law. In fact his fascination with Indian literature and thought as well as his increasing dependence on it to interpret his life can be seen in his later works, both historical and literary, which not only include his interpretation of Indian thought but also his indebtedness to it.
405 Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984). Also see Richard Anderson, India in romantic and Parnassian French poetry (New Haven, 1950), Jean Biès, Littérature française et pensée hindoue des origines à 1950. (Paris: C. Klincksieck), 1973. Reprint 1992 and Jean Lahor, L‟Influence de la pensée religieuse indienne dans le romanticisme et le Parnasse (Paris: AG Nizet), 1962.
406 Ibid: 104
407 Ibid: 107
408 Quoted in ibid: 461.
409 Felix Lacôte, "L'Indianisme," Le Livre du Centenaire (1822-1922), ed. Société Asiatique (Paris, 1922): 229-31. Quoted in Douglas T. McGetchin, ―Wilting Florists: The Turbulent Early Decades of the Société Asiatique, 1822-1860', Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 64, No. 4 (2003):579.
410 Felix Lacôte, "L'Indianisme," Le Livre du Centenaire (1822-1922), ed. Société Asiatique (Paris, 1922): 232. Quoted in McGetchin: 579.
411 Felix Lacôte, "L'Indianisme," Le Livre du Centenaire (1822-1922), ed. Société Asiatique (Paris, 1922): 231. Quoted in McGetchin: 580.
412 Raymond Schwab, La Renaissance orientale. (Paris: Payot, 1950): 100.
413 Ibid.
414 See Table 5.
415 Raymond Schwab, La Renaissance orientale. (Paris: Payot, 1950): 101.
416 Ibid.: 100-101.
417 See Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1960) and Akira Hirakawa and Paul Groner, A History of Indian Buddhism: From Sakyamuni to Early Mahayana (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1996).
418 Penny Edwards, ―Taj Angkor: Enshrining l‟Inde in le Cambodge” Paper presented at ‘Indochina‘, India and France: Cultural Representations, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle, England, September 5-7 2003): 11.
419 Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005): 125.
420 Ibid.
421 Cited in ibid: 125-26.
422 Ibid: 126.
423 Ibid.
424 Penny Edwards, ―Taj Angkor: Enshrining l‟Inde in le Cambodge” Paper presented at ‘Indochina‘, India and France: Cultural Representations, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle, England, September 5-7 2003): 12. Also, see Donald Lopez, Curators of the Buddha: the Study of Buddhism under Colonialism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995)
425― Descendue des hauts plateaux de l‘Asie, la race Aryenne a peuplé tout l‘Occident, conquis l‘Inde et la Perse, agi par celle-ci sur les Sémites, et enfin, par l‘Inde, imprimé son cachet, à tout l‘Extrême- Orient. Aujourd‘hui la civilisation Aryenne remonte vers son berceau; les slaves, les Anglais, les Français, inséré chaque jour plus étroitement dans la Haute-Asie et l‘empire Chinois; il est donc pour nous le plus haut intérêt de connaître le résultat actuel de l‘action et de l‘influence sur ces countrées des religions issues des Aryens de l‘Inde; et la clef de cette influence se trouve surtout dans la vie du Bouddha Çâkyamouni.' Ibid: 23.
426 Felix Lacôte, ―L‘Indianisme', Société Asiatique: Livre du centenaire, (Paris: La Société Asiatique, 1922) : 245- 46.
427 In fact the EFEO was initially proposed as a society to study Indian history, to be called the History Society of Chandernagore. The importance of Indo-China in French colonial history led to the reconfiguring of the Society as an institution which would study both India and Indo-China.
428― …il exerça une influence prépondérante sur les relations extérieures de l‘orientalisme français et sur nos enterprises scientifiques en Asia' L. Finot, ‘Necrologie. Émile Sénart', Bulletin de l‟École Française d‟Extrême Orient, 1928, Vol. 28 : 343.
429 ―Mais surtout en Indochine que s‘est fait sentir l‘heureuse influence de M. Sénart. Il s‘était jadis intéressé à la mission Aymonier et au déchiffrement des inscriptions sanskrites rapportées par ce voyageur. Lorsque M. Doumer résolu de créer l‘Ecole Français d‘Extrême-Orient, M. Sénart fut le premier à qui il s‘ouvrit de son dessin et qui eut, avec ses amis Auguste Barth et Michel Bréal, la charge de le réaliser.' L. Finot, ‘Necrologie. Émile Sénart', Bulletin de l‟École Française d‟Extrême Orient, 1928, Vol. 28: 344-45.
430 Penny Edwards, ―Taj Angkor: Enshrining l‟Inde in le Cambodge” Paper presented at ‘Indochina‘, India and France: Cultural Representations, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle, England, September 5-7 2003): 5. Cited from Paul Doumer, L‘Indochine française (Paris: Librairie Vuibert, 1930) : 270-74.
431 Ibid: 6.
432 Jyoti Mohan ―'I thought India was French': The images of India at the Exposition Universelle, Paris 1931', Francophone Postcolonial Studies, 3.1 (Spring/Summer 2005). Also see Edwards.
433 See Table 4.
434 Louis Delaporte, ‘Rapport fait au Ministre de la Marine et des colonies et au minister de l‘Instruction Publique, des cultes et des beaux arts, par M. Louis Delaporte, sur la mission scientifique aux ruines des monuments Khmers des l‘ancien Cambodge', Journel Officiel de la republique Française, vol 6, no. 90.
435 Penny Edwards, ―Taj Angkor: Enshrining l‟Inde in le Cambodge” Paper presented at ‘Indochina‘, India and France: Cultural Representations, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle, England, September 5-7 2003): 5. Cited from Louis Delaporte, Voyage au Cambodge: L‟Architecture Khmer (Paris: Librairie ch. Delagrave, 1880) : 159, 337-38.
436 Romila Thapar, The Past and Prejudice (New Delhi, 1975): 1.
437 Ranajit Guha, Dominance Without Hegemony. History and power in Colonial India (Cambridge, Mass, 1997): 3.
438 Ibid: 79.
439 Gyan Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India (Delhi, 1990).
440 Mill has traditionally been portrayed as a classic utilitarian by historians like Eric Stokes, The English utilitarians and India (Michigan: Clarendon Press, 1959), Gautam Chakravarty, The Indian Mutiny and the British Imagination (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2005), and Uday Singh Mehta, Liberalism and empire: a study in nineteenth-century British liberal thought (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). However scholars like Jennifer Pitts, A Turn to Empire: The Rise of Imperial Liberalism in Britain and France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005) have expressed their doubt that Mill was guided strictly by Utilitarian ethics in his portrayal of India, positing instead that he was motivated more by imperial ambition for Britain.
441 Ranajit Guha, Dominance Without Hegemony. History and power in Colonial India (Cambridge, Mass, 1997): 160-161.
442 Ibid: 163.
443 Retrieving these histories has been a modern phenomenon. See Gyan Prakash, Bonded Histories: Genealogies of Labor Servitude in Colonial India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
444―…Parce-que les Brahmanes avaient trop demandé à la crédulité facile des peoples auxquels ils ont donné des lois…' …' E. Burnouf, ―Discours sur la langue et la littérature sanscrite, prononcé au Collège de France', Journal Asiatique, Series 2, Vol 11, (Jan- Jun 1833): 263-64. 445―C‘est l‘Inde, avec sa philosophie et ses mythes, sa littérature et ses lois, que nous étudierons dans sa langue. C‘est plus que l‘Inde, messieurs, c‘est une page des origines du monde, de l‘histoire primitive de l‘esprit humain, que nous essaierons de déchiffrer ensemble.' Ibid: 272.