Part 1 of 15
Mahommedan Conquerors of India.
SHOULD we judge of the truth of a religion from the success of those who profess it, the pretended revelation of Mahommed might be justly thought divine. By annexing judiciously a martial spirit to the enthusiasm which he inspired by his religious tenets, he laid a solid foundation for that greatness at which his followers soon after arrived. The passive humility inculcated by Christianity, is much more fit for philosophical retirement than for those active and daring enterprizss, which animate individuals, and render a nation powerful and glorious. We accordingly find that the spirit and power, and, we may say, even the virtue of the Romans, declined with the introduction of a new religion among them; whilst the Arabians, in the space of a few years after the promulgation of the faith of Mahommed, rose to the summit of all human greatness.
The state of the neighbouring nations, it must be acknowledged, was extremely favourable to conquest, when the invasions of the Arabians 'happened. That part of the Roman empire, which survived the deluge of Barbarians that overspread the west, subsisted in the Lesser Asia, Syria, and Egypt, more from the want of foreign enemies than by the bravery or wise conduct of its Emperor Humanity never appeared in a more degrading light, than in the history of those execrable princes who ruled the Eastern empire. Mean, cruel, and cowardly, they were enthusiasts, without religion; assassins, without boldness; averse to war, though unfit for the arts of peace. The character of the people took the colour of that of their Emperors; vice and immorality increased under the cloak of enthusiasm, all manly spirit was extinguished by despotism, and excess of villainy was the only proof given of parts.
The empire of Persia was upon the decline, in its internal vigour and strength, for two ages before the Arabian invasion, after the death of Mahommed. The splendid figure it made under Noshirwan, was the effect of the extraordinary abilities of that great man, and not of any spirit remaining in the nation. The successors of Noshirwan were generally men of weak parts; the governors of provinces, during public distractions, assumed the independence, though not the name of princes, and little more than the imperial title remained to the unfortunate Yesdegert, who sat upon the throne of Persia, when the arms of the Arabs penetrated into that country.
It being the design of this Dissertation to give a succinct account of the manner in which the empire of Ghizni, which afterwards extended itself to India, was formed, it is foreign to our purpose to follow the Arabs through the progress of their conquests in Syria and Persia. It is sufficient to observe, that the extensive province of Chorassan, which comprehended the greatest part of the original dominions of the imperial family of Ghizni, was conquered in the thirty-first year of the Higerah, by Abdulla the son of Amir, one of the generals of Osman, who then was Calipha, or Emperor of the Arabians. Abdulla, being governor of Bussora, on the Gulph of Persia, by the command of Osman, marched an army through Kirman, into Chorassan, and made a complete conquest of that country, which had been scarcely visited before by the arms of the Arabs. Chorassan is bounded, on the south, by a desert, which separates it from Pharis [Pharis is the name from which Persia is derived. It is also called Pharistan, or the Country of Horses.], or Persia, properly so called; on the north by Maver-ul-nere, or the ancient Transoxiana; on the east by Seistan and India; and it terminates on the west, in a sandy desert towards the confines of Georgia. It is the most fruitful and populous, as well as the most extensive province in Persia, and comprehends the whole of the Bactria of the ancients. It forms a square of almost four hundred miles every way [The climate of Chorassan is excellent, and the most temperate of all Persia. Nothing can equal the fruitfulness of its soil. All sorts of exquisite fruits, cattle, corn, wine, and silk, thrive there to a miracle; neither are there wanting mines of silver, gold, and precious stones. The province of Chorassan, in short, abounds with every thing that can contribute to make a country rich and agreeable. It was formerly amazingly populous. The whole face of the country was almost covered with great cities, when it was invaded and ruined by Zingis Chan.].
The immense territory of Maver-ul-nere [Maver-ul-nere is little more than a translation of the Trans-oxiana of the ancients. It signifies the country beyond the river. It is now more generally known by the name of Great Bucharia. Its situation is between the 34 and 44 degrees of latitude, and the 92 and 107 degrees of longitude, reckoning from Faro. The country of the Calmacs bounds it now, on the north; Little Bucharia, or kingdom of Casgar, on the east; the dominions of India and Persia, on the south; and Charizm on the west. This extensive country is nearly 600 miles every way.], distinguished in ancient times by the name of Transoxiana, though it was invaded by Abdulla, the son of the famous Zeiâd, governor of Bussora, by the command of the Calipha, Mavia, in the fifty-third of the Higera, was not completely conquered by the Arabs, till the 88th year of that æra, when Katiba took the great cities of Bochara and Samercand. After the reduction of Bochara, the Arabian governor of Maver-ul-nere resided in that city. During the dynasty of the imperial family of Mavia, the Arabian empire remained in full vigour; and it even seemed to increase in strength, stability, and extent, under several sovereigns of the house of Abbassi, who acceded to the Caliphat, in the 132d of the Higera, or 749th of the Christian æra.
After the death of the great Haroun Al Reshîd, the temporal power of the Caliphas began gradually to decline. Most of the governments of provinces, by the neglect or weakness of the imperial family, became hereditary; and the viceroys of the empire assumed every thing but the name of Kings. The revenues were retained, under a pretence of keeping a force to defend the provinces against foreign enemies, when they were actually designed to strengthen the hereditary governors against their lawful sovereign. When Al Radi mounted the throne, little more remained to the Calipha, beside Bagdad and its dependencies, and he was considered supreme only in matters of religion. The governors, however, who gradually grew into princes, retained a nominal respect for the empire, and the Calipha's name was inserted in all public writings.
The most powerful of those princes, that became in- dependent, under the Caliphat, was Ismael Samani, governor of Maver-ul-nere and Chorassan, who assumed royal titles, in the 263d of the Higera. He was the first of the dynasty of the Samanians, who reigned in Bochara, over Maver-ul-nere, Chorassan, and a great part of the Persian empire, with great reputation for justice and humanity. Their dominions also comprehended Candahar, Zabulistan, Cabul, the mountainous countries of the Afgans or Patans, who afterwards established a great empire in India.
The Mahommedan government, which subsisted in India more than three centuries before the invasion of that country by Timur, was called the Patan or Afgan empire, on account of its being governed by princes, descended of the mountaineers of that name, who possessed the confines of India and Persia. The Afgans, from the nature of the country they possessed, became divided into distinct tribes. Mountains intersected with a few valleys did not admit either of general cultivation or communication; yet mindful of their common origin, and united by a natural, though rude, policy, they, by their bravery, became extremely formidable to their neighbours. We shall have occasion to see, in the sequel, that they not only conquered, but retained the empire of India for several centuries, and though the valour and conduct of the posterity of Timur wrested the government from them, they continued formidable, from the ferocity and hardiness peculiar to Mountaineers. As late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, they, under one of their chiefs, conquered Persia; and they now possess not only a great part of that empire by their bravery, but also bid fair to establish another dynasty of Kings in Hindostan.
The power as well as conduct of the race of Samania, who reigned in Bochara, subjected a great part of the Afgans to their empire. They were governed in chief by the viceroy of Chorassan, who generally had a substitute in the city of Ghizni [Ghizni is known in Europe by the name of Gazna. It lies in the mountains between India and Persia, and was a considerable city even before it was made the imperial residence by the family of Subuctagi.], the capital of Zabulistan, to command the regions of the hills. It however appears, that those who possessed the most inaccessible mountains towards India, remained independent, till they were reduced by Mahmood, the second prince of the imperial family of Ghizni.
The family of Samania enjoyed their extensive empire for ninety years, in tranquillity, accompanied with that renown, which naturally arises from a just and equitable administration. Abdul Malleck Noo, the fourth of that race, dying at Bochara [The city of Bochara is situated in 39° 30' of lat. and is still a very considerable place, and the residence of the great Chan of Bucharia.] in the three hundred and fiftieth year of the Higera, left a son, a very young man, called Munsur. The great men about court were divided in their opinion about the succession, some favouring the brother of the late Emperor, and others declaring themselves for Munsur. To end the dispute, it was agreed to refer the whole to Abistagi, who governed for the empire, with great reputation, the extensive province of Chorassan. Abistagi returned for answer, that, Munsur being as yet but a child, it was prudent for the friends of the family of Samania to chuse his uncle king. Before Abistagi's messengers arrived at Bochara, the contending factions had settled matters together, and jointly raised Munsur to the throne: that young monarch, offended. with Abistagi's advice, recalled him immediately to Bochara.
The great abilities of Abistagi, and the reputation he had acquired in his government, created to him many enemies at the court of Bochara, and he was unwilling to trust his person in the hands of a young prince, who, in his present rage, might be easily instigated to his ruin. He sent an excuse to Munsur, and, says our Persian author, resolved to stand behind his disobedience with thirty thousand men. He marched, next year, from Nessapoor, the capital of Chorassan, to Ghizni; settled the affairs of that country, and assumed the ensigns of royalty.
The young Emperor, Munsur, finding that Abistagi had, in a manner, left Chorassan totally destitute of troops, ordered one of his generals, named Hassen, to march an army into that province. Abistagi, apprized of Hassen's march, left Ġhizni suddenly, encountered the imperial army, and gave them two signal defeats. These victories secured to Abistagi the peaceable and independent possession of the provinces of Chorassan and Zabulistan, over which he reigned in tranquillity fifteen years. He, in the mean time, employed his army, under his general Subuċtagi, in successful expeditions to India, by which he acquired great spoil.
Abistagi dying in the 363 of the Higera, his son Abu Isaac succeeded him in the kingdoms of Chorassan and Ghizni. This young prince, by the advice of his experienced general Subuctagi, invaded the dominions of Bochara, in order to force the family of Samania to relinquish their title to Chorassan. The Emperor, Munsur, being accordingly worsted in some engagements, by the valour and conduct of Subuctagi, agreed to a peace, by which it was stipulated that Isaac, under the tuition of Subuctagi, should enjoy his dominions as a nominal tenure from the empire. Isaac did not long survive this pacification, for, being too much addicted to pleasure, he ruined his constitution, and died two years after the demise of his father Abistagi. The army, who were much attached to Subuctagi, proclaimed him their king; and he mounted the throne of Ghizni in the 365th year of the Higera, which agrees with the 977th of the Christian era.
[Section II. The Reign of Nasir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.]
SUBUCTAGI.
SUBUCTAGI, who, upon his accession to the throne, assumed the title of Nazir-ul-dien, was a Tartar by extraction, and was educated in the family, and brought up to arms under the command, of Abistagi, governor of Chorassan, for the house of Samania. His merit soon raised him to the first posts in the army, which he commanded in chief during the latter years of Abistagi, and under his son Isaac, who succeeded him in the government. When he became king, he married the daughter of his patron, Abistagi, and applied himself assiduously to an equal distribution of justice, which soon gained him the hearts of all his subjects. The court of Bochara perceiving, perhaps, that it was in vain to attempt to oppose Subuctagi, approved of his elevation, and he received letters of confirmation from the Emperor, Munsur Al Samania.
Soon after Subuctagi had assumed the ensigns of royalty, he was very near being taken off by one Tigga, an independent chief, on the confines of the province of Ghizni. Subuctagi had restored Tigga to his estate, from which he had been expelled by one of his neighbours, upon condition that he should hold it of the crown of Ghizni. Tigga broke his promise, and, soon after, making a circuit of his dominions, Subuctagi came to the territory of Tigga. He invited that chieftain to the chace, and when they were alone, he upbraided him for his breach of faith. Tigga, who was a daring and impetuous man, put his hand to his sword; the King drew his; a combat ensued, and Subuctagi was wounded in the hand. The royal attendants interfered; the adherents of Tigga engaged them, but were defeated. The citadel of Bust [Bust, which is at present the capital of Zabulistan, is a considerable and well-built city; the country round it is very pleasant and fertile; and by being situated in the confines of India and Persia, Bust drives a considerable trade. It lies in latitude 32.], whither Tigga fled, was taken, but he himself made his escape.
In the fort of Bust the king found the famous Abul-Fatti, who, in the art of writing and in the knowledge. of the sciences, had no equal in those days. He had been secretary to the chief, whom Subuctagi had expelled in favour of the ungrateful Tigga; and after the defeat of his patron, he had lived retired to enjoy his studies. The King called him into his presence, made him his own secretary, and dignified him with titles of honour. Abul Fatti continued in his office at Ghizni, till the accession of Mamood, when he retired in disgust to Turkestan.
Subuctagi, after taking the fortress of Bust, turned towards the neighbouring district of Cusdâr, and annexing it to his dominions, conferred the government upon one Actas. Towards the close of the first year of his reign, the King, having resolved upon a war with the idolaters of India, marched that way, and, having ravaged the provinces of Cabul and Punjâb, which last lies about the conflux of the five rivers which form the Indus, he returned with considerable spoil to Ghizni.
Jeipal, the son of Hispal, of the Brahmin race, reigned at that time over the country, extending, in length, from the mouth of the Indus to Limgan, and in breadth, from the kingdom of Cashmire to Moultan. This Prince, finding, by the reiterated invasions of the Mahommedans, that he was not likely to enjoy any tranquillity, levied a great army, with a design to invade them in their own country. Subuctagi, upon receiving intelligence of Jeipal's motions, marched towards India, and the armies came in sight of each other on the confines of Limgan. Some skirmishes ensued, and Mamood, the son of Subuctagi, though then but a boy, gave signal proofs of his valour and conduct.
Historians, whose credulity exceeded their wisdom, have told us, that, on this occasion, a certain person informed Subuctagi, that in the camp of Jeipal there was a spring, into which if a small quantity of a certain drug, called Casurat, should be thrown, the sky would immediately be overcast, and a dreadful storm of hail and wind arise. Subuctagi having accordingly ordered this to be done, the effects became visible, for immediately the sky loured, and thunder, lightning, wind, and hail began, turning the day into darkness, and spreading horror and desolation around; insomuch that a great part of the cavalry were killed, and some thousands of both armies perished: but the troops of Ghizni, being more hardy than those of Hindostan, suffered not so much upon this occasion. Jeipal in the morning found his army in such weakness and dejection, by the effects of this storm, which was rather natural than the work of magic, that fearing Subuctagi would take advantage of his condition, he sent heralds to treat of a peace: he offered to the King of Ghizni a certain tribute, and a considerable present in elephants and gold.
Subuctagi was not displeased with these terms, but his son, Mamood, who was an ambitious young man, fearing this would put an end to his expedition, prevailed with his father to reject the proposal, Jeipal, upon this, told him, that the customs of the Indian soldiers were of such a nature, that if he persisted in distressing them, it must make him, in the end, pay very dear for his victories. Upon such occasions, and when reduced to extremity, said Jeipal, they murder their wives and children, set fire to their houses, set loose their hair, and rushing in despair among the enemy, drown themselves in the crimson torrent of revenge. Subuctagi hearing of this custom, he was afraid to reduce them to despair, and consented to let them retreat upon their paying a million of Dirms, and presenting him with fifty elephants. Jeipal not being able to discharge the whole of this sum in camp, he desired that some persons of trust, on the part of Subuctagi, should accompany him to Lahore, to receive the balance; for whose safety, Subuctagi took hostages.
Jeipal having arrived at Lahore, and finding Subuctagi had returned home, imprisoned his messengers, and refused to pay the money. It was then customary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to assemble the double council, which consisted of an equal number of the most respectable Brahmins, who sat on the right side of the throne; and of the noblest Kittries, who sat on the left. When they saw that Jeipal proceeded to such an impolitic measure, they entreated the King, saying, that the consequence of this step would bring ruin and distress upon the country; the troops, said they, have not yet forgot the terror of their enemy's arms; and Jeipal may rest assured, that a conqueror will never brook such an indignity: it was, therefore, the opinion of the double council, to comply strictly with the terms of the peace, that the people might enjoy the blessings of tranquillity; but the King was obstinate, and would not hearken to their advice.
Intelligence of what was done, soon reached the ears of Subuctagi; like a foaming torrent he hastened towards Hindostan with a numerous army, to take revenge upon Jeipal for his treacherous behaviour: Jeipal also collected his forces, and marched forth to meet him; for the neighbouring Rajas, considering themselves interested in his success, supplied him with troops and money. The Kings of Delhi, Ajmere, Callinger, and Kinnoge, were now bound in his alliance, and Jeipal found himself at the head of an army of a hundred thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot; with which he marched with full assurance of victory.
When the moving armies approached each other, Subuctagi ascended a hill, to view the forces of Jeipal, which he beheld like a shoreless sea, and in number like the ants or the locusts; but he looked upon himself as a wolf among a flock of goats: calling therefore together his chiefs, he encouraged them to glory, and honoured them distinctly with his commands. His troops, though few in number, he divided into squadrons of five hundred each, which he ordered, one after another, to the attack in a circle, so that a continual round of fresh troops harassed the Indian army.
The Hindoos, being worse mounted than the cavalry of Subuctagi, could effect nothing against them; so that wearied out with this manner of fighting, confusion became visible amongst them. Subuctagi, perceiving their disorder, sounded a general charge; so that they fell like corn before the hands of the reaper; and were repulsed with great slaughter to the banks of the river Nilab [The blue river: the ancient Hydaspes.], one of the branches of the Indus; where many, who had escaped the edge of the sword, perished by their fear in the waters.
Subuctagi acquired in this action much glory and wealth; for, besides the rich plunder of the Indian camp, he raised great contributions in the countries of Limgan and Peshawir, and annexed them to his own dominions, joined them to his titles, and stamped their names, as was customary, upon his coins. One of his Omrahs, with three thousand horse, was appointed to the government of Peshawir; and the Afghans, who resided among the mountains, having promised allegiance, he entertained some thousands of them in his army, and returned victorious to Ghizni.
Munsur, Emperor of Bochara, being dead, his son, Noo, the sixth of the house of Samania, sat upon the throne. Being at this time hard pressed by the rebel Faeck, he sent one Pharsi to Subuctagi, to beg his assistance. Subuctagi was moved by gratitude to the family of Bochara, and hastened with his army towards Maver-ul-nere, while Noo advanced to the country of Sirchush to meet him. Subuctagi, being not well in his health, sent a messenger to Noo, to excuse his lighting from his horse; but when he advanced and recognized the features of his royal house, in the face of the young prince, he could not suppress the emotions of his heart. He leaped from his horse and run to kiss his stirrup, which the young King perceiving, prevented him, by dismounting and receiving him in his embrace. At this happy interview the flower of joy bloomed in every face, and such a knot of friendship was bound as can hardly be paralleled in any age.
As the season was now too far advanced for action, it was agreed, that Subuctagi should return, during the winter, to Ghizni, and prepare his forces to act in conjunction with those of the Emperor in the spring. But when Sumjure, who had seized part of Chorassan, at whose court Faeck was then in treaty, heard of the alliance formed between Noo and Subuctagi, he began to fear the consequence of his engagement with Faeck. He asked his council, where he should take protection, in case fortune, which was seldom to be depended upon, should desert his standards in war. They replied, that the situation of affairs required he should endeavour to gain the alliance of Fuchier ul Dowla, prince of Jirja [A small province to the north-east of Chorassan.]. Jaffier was accordingly appointed ambassador to the court of Jirja, with presents of every thing that was valuable and curious: and in a short time a treaty of friendship and alliance was settled between the two powers.
Subuctagi in the mean time put his troops in motion, and marched towards Balich [An ancient and great city near the Oxus or Amu, situated at the end of great Bucharia, in latitude 37° 10' and 92° 20' east of Faro.], where Noo joined him with his forces from Bochara. The rebels Faeck and Sumjure hearing of this junction, with consent of Dara, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, marched out of Herat in great pomp and magnificence. Subuctagi pitched his camp in an extensive plain, where he waited for the enemy. They soon appeared in his front, he drew out his army in order of battle, and took post in the centre, with his son Mamood and the young Emperor.
In the first charge the troops of the enemy came forward with great violence and bravery, and pressed so hard upon the flanks of Subuctagi, that both wings began to give ground, and the whole army was upon the point of being defeated. But Dara, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, charging the centre where Subuctagi in person led on his troops with great bravery, as soon as he had got near, threw his shield upon his back, which was a signal of friendship, and riding up to the King, begged he would accept of his services. He then returned with the few who had accompanied him, and immediately brought over his troops to the side of Subuctagi, facing round on his deserted friends, who were astonished at this unexpected treachery. Subuctagi took immediate advantage of their confusion, charged them home, and soon put their whole army to flight, pursuing them with great slaughter, and taking many prisoners.
Thus the unfortunate man, who had exalted the spear of enmity against his sovereign, lost his honour, and his wealth, a tenth of which might have maintained him and his family in splendor and happiness.
Faeck and Sumjure took in their flight the way of Neshapoor [Neshapoor is still a very considerable city, well peopled, and drives a great trade in all sorts of silks, stuffs, and carpets.], the capital of Chorassan, with the scattered remains of their army. Noo and Subuctagi entered forthwith the city of Herat, where they remained a few days to refresh their troops and divide the spoil. Subuctagi after this signal victory received the title of Nasir ul Dien, or the Supporter of the Faith; and his son Mamood was dignified with that of Seif al Dowla, or the Sword of Fortune, by the Emperor, who was still acknowledged, though his power was greatly diminished.
Noo, after these transactions, directed his march to Bochara, and Subuctagi, and his son Mamood, turned their faces towards Neshapoor; the Emperor having confirmed the King of Ghizni in the government of Chorassan. Faeck and Sumjure fled into Jirja, and took protection with Fuchir ul Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Subuctagi returned to Ghizni, while his son Mamood remained at Neshapoor with a small force. Faeck and Sumjure, seizing upon this opportunity, collected all their forces, marched towards Mamood, and before he could receive any assistance from the Emperor, or his father, he was compelled to an engagement, in which he was defeated, and lost all his baggage.
Subuctagi hearing of the situation of his son, hastened towards. Neshapoor, and in the districts of Toos, meeting with the rebels, engaged them without delay. In the heat of the action a great dust was seen to rise in the rear of Sumjure, which proved to be the Prince Mamood; and Faeck and Sumjure, finding they would soon be attacked on both sides, made a resolute charge against Subuctagi, which was so well received that they were obliged to give ground. Mamood arriving at that instant attacked them like an angry lion, and they, unable to support the contest, turned their face to flight, and took refuge in the fort of Killat.
Subuctagi, after this victory, resided at Balich, in peace and tranquillity. In less than a year after the defeat of the rebels, he fell into a languishing distemper, which would not yield to the power of medicine. He resolved to try whether a change of air would not relieve him, and he accordingly resolved upon a journey to Ghizni. He was so weak when he came to the town of Turmuz, not far from Balich, that he was obliged to stop at that place. He expired in the month of Shabãn of the year 387, and his remains were carried to Ghizni.
Subuctagi was certainly a prince of great bravery, conduct, probity, and justice; and he governed his subjects with uncommon prudence, equity, and moderation, for twenty years. He died in the fifty-sixth year of his age. Fourteen Kings of his race reigned at Ghizni and Lahore. His Vizier was Abul Abas Fazil, a great minister in the management of both civil and military affairs. The author of Jam ul Hickaiat relates, that Subuctagi was at first a private horseman in the service of Abistagi, and being of a vigorous and active disposition, used to hunt every day in the forest. It happened one time as he employed himself in this amusement, that he saw a deer grazing with her young fawn, upon which, spurring his horse, he seized the fawn, and binding his legs, laid him across his saddle, and turned his face towards his home. When he had rode a little way, he looked behind and beheld the mother of the fawn following him, and exhibiting every mark of extreme affliction. The soul of Subuctagi melted within him into pity, he untied the feet of the fawn, and generously restored him to his liberty. The happy mother turned her face to the wilderness, but often looked back upon Subuctagi, and the tears dropped fast from her eyes.
Subuctagi is said to have seen that night a figure or apparition in his dream, who said to him, That generosity and compassion which you have this day shown to a distressed animal, has been approved of in the presence of God: therefore, in the records of Providence, the kingdom of Ghizni is marked as a reward against thy name. But let not greatness destroy your virtue, but thus continue your benevolence to men.
It is said in the Masir ul Maluck, that Mamood his son having built a pleasure-house in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizni, he invited his father, when it was finished, to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him. The son, in the joy of his heart, desired the opinion of Subuctagi concerning the house and garden, which were esteemed admirable in taste and structure. The King, to the great disappointment of Mamood, told him, that he looked upon the whole as a bauble, which any of his subjects might have raised by the means of wealth: but that it was the business of a prince to erect the more durable structure of good fame, which might stand for ever, to be imitated, but never to be equalled, by posterity. The great poet Nizami makes upon this saying the following reflection: Of all the magnificent palaces which we are told Mamood built, we now find not one stone upon another; but the edifice of his fame, as he was told by his father, still triumphs over time, and seems established on a lasting foundation.
Altay, the son of Al Moti, kept up the name of Emperor at Bagdad, without any real power, during the greatest part of the reign of Subuctagi. Altay was deposed in the 381 of the Higera, and Al Kader Billa raised to the Caliphat. The provinces of the Arabian Empire, in the Western Persia, remained in the same condition as before, under the hereditary governors, who had assumed independence. Chorassan, and Zabulistan, Cabul, the provinces upon the Indus, and in general all the countries from the Oxus or Amu to Persia proper, and from the Caspian to the Indus, were secured to the house of Subuctagi. The power of the house of Samania was even declined in the province of Maver-ul-nere; and the middle and Eastern Tartary were subject to their native princes.