Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West,by Judith Snodgrass

The impulse to believe the absurd when presented with the unknowable is called religion. Whether this is wise or unwise is the domain of doctrine. Once you understand someone's doctrine, you understand their rationale for believing the absurd. At that point, it may no longer seem absurd. You can get to both sides of this conondrum from here.

Re: Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West,by Judith Snodg

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CHAPTER 12: FROM EASTERN BUDDHISM TO ZEN

A Postscript


On March 10, 1895, Daisetsu Teitaro Suzuki wrote to Paul Carus introducing himself as the translator of The Gospel of Buddha, a student of philosophy, and an avid reader of Open Court and the Monist. In December of the same year, a letter from Shaku Soen to Carus (in Suzuki's handwriting) commended Suzuki to Carus as a diligent student of philosophy, "greatly inspired by your sound faith" and earnestly desiring to study under Carus's personal guidance. He offered the inducement that Suzuki would be able to introduce Carus's ideas to Japan and suggested that he start work early next spring.1 So began Suzuki's twelve-year apprenticeship in La Salle (March 1897 to February 1909), which was to have profound consequences for Western knowledge of Japanese Buddhism. When Suzuki died at the age of ninety-five, his publications in English included seven major translations of Mahayana texts, twenty-two books, and well over a hundred articles, essays, reviews, and miscellaneous writings.2 His Japanese-language corpus is many times greater: the Suzuki Collected Works runs to more than forty volumes and is still in progress.3 His work provided the basis of what the West knows of Japanese Buddhism at both popular and scholarly levels, and contributed substantially to the by now popularly accepted equation of Zen with Eastern Buddhism, and the attribution to it of the culture and civilization of Japan.

Although a direct consequence of the delegation to Chicago, and perhaps the culmination of its mission, the story of the formation of Zen as the essence of Eastern Buddhism and its acceptance in the West belongs to a later period of history and to other studies.4 Suzuki's career spans periods of massive change in Japan's relations with the West and with Asian countries; his writings participate in an even wider set of discursive formations, republished, recirculated at different times and in different languages and to different purposes. It is not my intention in this concluding chapter to take on a survey of Suzuki's long and productive career but to look at one or two aspects of his work at La Salle to demonstrate continuities with the Chicago mission, signpost changes, and foreground the work already done on the subject. Suzuki's journey to the West was both a continuation and a point of change.

Learning from the West

It is clear from the letters just mentioned that Suzuki (with Shaku Soen's encouragement) instigated his apprenticeship with Carus.5 His journey to the West followed the pattern of early Meiji Buddhists who studied at Oxford, seeking the methods of academic scholarship to produce a modern canon, the basis of modern Buddhist studies.6 Suzuki went to Carus to learn from him the various skills required to disseminate knowledge of Buddhism to the West. The need for this had been brought home to him very sharply in the year before he arrived in America by the controversy between Barrows, Ellinwood, and Shaku Soen.7 Suzuki, as Shaku Soen's translator, would have been at the center of the exchange, reminded of the ignorance of and prejudice toward Mahayana in the West, even among Buddhist scholars, and directly encountering the arrogance and power of the Western Buddhist establishment to exclude Asian authority. At La Salle he acquired both the authority to be heard and the means to win sympathy and understanding for Mahayana Buddhism.8

Although assisting Carus in translating Chinese mayor may not have instigated his trip to America, it was an important part of Suzuki's work. Their joint translation of Lao-Tze's Tao Teh King was published in 1898; two other co translated Taoist texts appeared in 1906.9 Suzuki's translation of Asvaghosha's Discourse on the Awakening of Faith was published in 1900, and it is clear from this immaculately documented display of erudition that he had by this time mastered the rules of scientific Buddhology. With this publication and the related scholarly articles in professional journals, he made the shift from "popular believer" and claimed his authority to contribute to academic discourse.

Studying Carus's philosophy of science was another central aspect of the program, providing both the framework and the vocabulary of Suzuki's Buddhist writings. Carus himself observed the striking similarities between the "very terms of Asvaghosha's system and expressions which I have used in my own philosophical writings," and was delighted that Suzuki's work "fully justified" his own interpretations of Buddhism.10 The similarities with Carus's monism are even more striking in Outlines of the Mahayana.11 As Verhoeven observes, "[L]ike Carus, or perhaps because of Carus Suzuki presents a Buddhism to Americans that recapitulates the German doctor's."12 In these early writings promoting Buddhism to American audiences, Suzuki took considerable license with central Buddhist concepts, some that Verhoeven traces directly to Carus's writings, which make Buddhism appear "eminently compatible with approved values."13 Although there are undoubtedly strong similarities, as Carus himself notes, "the coincidence of some salient points need of course not exclude disagreements in other important matters."14 Suzuki's unquestionable admiration for Carus and their mutual friendship did not preclude an agreement to disagree on the relative merits of Buddhism and monism, as we saw in the relationship between Carus and Shaku Saen. It was in 1901 -- shortly after the publication of Asvaghosha's Discourse and well into his American sojourn -- that Suzuki expressed his concern that Buddha no fukuin had "the odour of a Westerner about it," seriously qualifying his endorsement of it as a vehicle for teaching Buddhism to Japanese. I suggest it may be more useful to consider Suzuki inverting the process Carus had used in The Gospel of Buddha, deploying monism in the cause of Buddhism.

Suzuki's period at La Salle offers further parallels with the Oxford experience of Nanja Bun'yu and Takakusu Junjira. He too combined academic study with networking, establishing his credentials, studying the state of religion abroad. Where better than the Open Court editorial office to keep abreast of currents in Western thought? Carus's journals attracted papers on psychology, archaeology, science, and religion. Who better than Carus himself to teach the arts of reaching audiences? His achievements in promoting and maintaining interest in Buddhism in America cannot be denied. He made the unfamiliar less confronting, "less alien and worrisome," through his Christianizing and even Americanizing of Buddhism.15 His writings, disseminated through his journals and publishing company, facilitated acceptance of Buddhism among his predominantly Protestant North American readers. By the end of his apprenticeship with Carus, Suzuki had acquired an appropriate philosophical vocabulary and intellectual framework for presenting Japanese Buddhism to Western audiences. He had published books and papers to establish his credentials within the Western Buddhist discourse. He had also learned the basic skills of editing and publishing, which were to be used in establishing, first, the Japanese-language journal Zendo16 and, later, Eastern Buddhist.

Suzuki at La Salle

Suzukj's stay at La Salle was extremely productive. He began the translation of Asvaghosha's Discourse not long after he arrived.17 While working on this he also published book reviews and articles for the Monist, Open Court, and other journals.18 Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot appeared in 1906 and Outlines of the Mahayana in 1907. The first book was based on lectures given by Shaku Soen on his second trip to America in 190519 but was substantially Suzuki's work. He not only translated the lectures, but edited them, "condensing several articles into one," and made substantial additions -- "making a special essay out of subjects only cursorily referred to," and, where necessary, "put the thoughts in a form more comprehensible to the American public." Sermons also contained his translation of the Sutra of the Forty-Two Sections.20 While at La Salle Suzuki also wrote articles for the Japanese journals Rikugo zasshi and Shin bukkyo21 and, most significant, published his first English-language article on Zen, "The Zen Sect of Buddhism" (1906-7).

It is not difficult to trace a continuation of the Manifesto agenda in these early writings. The Buddhism they present is the familiar deinstitutionalized, deritualized, scientific and philosophical expression of shin bukkyo as a universal religion. They reiterate the familiar themes: the Mahayana is the teaching of the Buddha; Eastern Buddhism is not pessimistic or nihilistic; although it is a religion of self-reliance, people are not left unaided; Mahayana offers a noninterventionist system of moral retribution, is rational, and is compatible with science; "philosophical thought in this twentieth century runs parallel to Mahayana Buddhism."22 Each work laments Western ignorance and misunderstanding of the Mahayana. The trajectory is particularly clear in Outlines, in which Suzuki presents Eastern Buddhism to the West as the delegates to Chicago no doubt would have liked to have done. It addresses all of the priorities identified in the Manifesto and presents Eastern Buddhism -- the need for this third discursive space is clearly articulated -- unconstrained by time or language, equipped with knowledge of the interests of the audience and mastery of the vocabulary to make the ideas relevant to them.23 There are, however, significant differences, new strategies in a changing discursive environment, that contributed to the formation of the well-documented features of popular Western perceptions of Zen. The differences speak of the lessons of Suzuki's journey to the West as well as of changing strategies in the promotion of Eastern Buddhism.

Decentering Original Buddhism

The publication of Asvaghosha's Discourse made a key Mahayana text available to Western scholars. The introductory essay on the dating of Asvaghosha is an immaculately scholarly comparison of all the evidence available in Chinese sources on the dating of the lost Sanskrit original, challenging Western assumptions of the priority of Theravada. In this book Suzuki established the development and systematization of key Mahayana concepts several centuries earlier than previously believed, significantly closer to the time of the life of Sakyamuni. With this work Suzuki located the articulation of concepts of Suchness, of the three bodies of the Buddha (and therefore dharmakaya), and of the idea of salvation at a time not much later than the Pali sutras.24 From this it followed that the Mahayana and Hinayana both emerged out of a period of development soon after the Buddha's death when the various schools that had formed during the Buddha's life were formalized. They were more or less contemporary; Theravada had no more claim to originality than Mahayana.25 Working within the textual parameters of the Western paradigm, Suzuki challenged the priority of Pali Buddhism. There were "Hindu types," not just one Indian Buddhism.

In his next book, Outlines of the Mahayana, he takes a bolder step, inverting focus on the older canonical teachings and speaking instead to late nineteenth-century confidence in progress and evolution, of development. "Is Mahayana Buddhism the Genuine Teaching of the Buddha?" he asks in the introduction. Unquestionably yes, but "the role of an originator is necessarily indefinite and comprehensive." The concern to show that Mahayana and Japanese Buddhism are the teachings of the historical Buddha remains, but rather than pursue the tradition of the five periods of teaching, which he no doubt realized had little chance of being accepted against the evidence of Western scholarship, he approached the problem differently. Eastern Buddhism is a living religion, the culmination of thousands of years of development, a living force. "Just as Kant's philosophy instigated the diverse philosophical systems of Jacobi, Fitche, Hegel, and Schopenhauer;' the followers of the Buddha developed his teachings "as required by their needs and circumstances, finally giving birth to the distinction of Mahayanism and Hinayanism."26

In this scheme Mahayana is progressive; Hinayana, conservative. Both came from the one source, but one tended to preserve the monastic rules and traditions, the other drew nourishment where available and unfolded the germs of concepts presented in the original system.27 Eastern Buddhism then is the Buddha's teaching, not in the fundamentalist sense of return to origins but as a thoughtful development of the ideas presented. Development gives rise to the Mahayana and, in time, to Eastern Buddhism. Eastern Buddhism deserves a separate space because, Suzuki argues, its sects have differentiated so distinctly from their original Hindu types (note the plural) in the twenty centuries of its development under the East Asian genius.28 The scheme, introduced in Suzuki's first essay on Zen and repeated in each of his writings, is spelled out completely in a lecture he gave soon after his return to Japan in 1911."We know that the acorn is different from the oak, but as long as there is a continuation of growth their identity is a logical conclusion. To see really into the nature of the acorn is to trace an uninterrupted development through its historical stages. When the seed remains a seed and means nothing more, there is no life in it; it is a finished piece of work and, except as an object of historical curiosity, it has no value whatever in our religious experience."29 Following Carus, Suzuki is not concerned with "Buddhism in its cradle" but with "Buddhism up to date;' the living spiritual experience rather than the ancient texts.

Decentering the Canon

Suzuki's boldest challenge to Western assumptions appears in "The Zen Sect of Buddhism" (1906-7), provocatively placed in the Journal of the Pali Text Society, the flagship journal of Orientalist Theravada scholarship. By introducing Zen, Suzuki challenges the heart of Orientalist scholarship, circumventing the texts and the words of the Buddha entirely. In this article he presents an alternative system of legitimation through direct, face-to-face transmission from master to disciple, an unbroken lineage originating with Sakyamuni himself. Zen is the quintessential teaching of the Buddha, but for Zen, texts are beside the point. A detailed history of the transmission of Zen from Sakyamuni onward, patriarch by patriarch (pp. 9-18), establishes authenticity. A footnote on page 13 explains the importance of the lineage to anyone who might have missed the point.

Suzuki's stress on development, together with a guarantee of authenticity through the unbroken lineage of direct transmission, decentered the importance of the Founder and his very words that so obsessed Western scholars at the time and was used by them to dismiss Mahayana. Under the heading "Principles of Zen" are the subsections "Facts and Not Words" (p. 19) and "No Sutras, No Books" (p. 20). Zen "does not find any intrinsic importance in the sacred sutras, or their exposition by the wise and learned" (p. 9), but insists "most emphatically" on inner spiritual development. Zen discourages "blind acceptance of an outside authority and a meek submission to conventionality"; Zen teaches life, individuality, and inspiration. It gives "perfect freedom to the self-unfolding of the mind within one's self, which was not to be obstructed by any artificial instruments of torture, such as worshiping the Buddha as a savior, a blind belief in the sacred books, or an unconditioned reliance upon an outside authority" (p. 21). The article concludes with a list of traditional texts that may be consulted for further information. Although "it is an avowed enemy of literature," Zen has produced many learned scholars (pp. 42-43). Textuality is repositioned rather than abandoned.

Positive, Energetic, Practical

Throughout the article Suzuki emphasizes the positive and energetic aspects of Zen ("Not Asceticism," "Zen and General Culture"); its adaptability and appeal to the practical mind; its "simplicity, directness, and efficiency." It flourished in Japan, we are told, because it was introduced at a time "noted for its able, military administration."30 Zen is practical, active, and energetic, "the very antithesis of Oriental 'fatalism.'"31 The section "Zen Discipline" describes zazen and offers meditation and mental discipline, speaking of their benefits beyond Buddhism, especially in "these days of industrial and commercial civilization" when many people have little time to devote themselves to spiritual culture.32 As Tweed has shown, many Americans came to Buddhism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries because -- thanks largely to Paul Carus -- they saw it as a positive, optimistic, active, and energetic alternative. Others came seeking spiritualism and mysticism, and still others came to it through an interest in Japanese art and culture. Suzuki's Zen offered much to attract interest in the West at that time.

Zen: The Essence of Eastern Buddhism

Although Eastern Buddhism is the result of twenty centuries of development of the Buddha's idea, Zen is unique within Eastern Buddhism, Suzuki argues, as the one sect peculiarly suited to the Far Eastern mind. Unlike the Tien T'ai, Avatamsaka, the Madkyamika, or the Yoga, which reflect the "elaborately speculative genius of the Hindus" (p. 32), Zen offers a simple and practical spirituality, suited to the down-to-earth Chinese mind.33

When we come to Zen, after a survey of the general field of Buddhism, we are compelled to acknowledge that its simplicity, its directness, its pragmatic tendency, and its close connection with everyday life stand in remarkable contrast to the other Buddhist sects. Undoubtedly the main ideas of Zen are derived from Buddhism, and we cannot but consider it a legitimate development of the latter; but this development has been achieved in order to meet the requirements peculiarly characteristic of the psychology of the Far-Eastern people. Therefore I make bold to say that in Zen are found systematized, or rather crystallised, all the philosophy, religion, and life itself of the Far-Eastern people, especially of the Japanese.34


The ease with which Zen accommodated Confucianism and Taoism in China was also to its advantage, Suzuki argues. It is a sect so elastic, so comprehensive it could readily reconcile itself to the Chinese environment and, by extension, into any other environment. The idea that Zen is suited to the East Asian mind in general and the Japanese in particular, is repeated and elaborated in later works. Buddhism is the quickening spiritual force of the Far East (p. 32), but Zen is unique; it is Buddhism in a form particular to the needs of the Far Eastern mind. It is the basis of the life and culture of Japan. Paradoxically, however, the argument of East Asian particularity, based on Zen's simplicity, practicality, and flexibility, is also the seed of its universality.

In Suzuki's 1907 essay on Zen, it is uniquely Japanese, the basis of Japanese culture, and as the essence of Buddhism, both of it and beyond it. This decontextualized essence then, paradoxically, can develop into a transreligious, universal spirituality. In a continuity with the Chicago position, it is uniquely Japanese and hence a source of national pride, but of universal applicability, and therefore available to be Japan's contribution to the world. The delegation repackaged shin bukkyo as Eastern Buddhism and offered it as the universal religion of the future; Suzuki -- after an apprenticeship with Carus and years of engagement with the Western discourse on religion and science -- made the further transition from Eastern Buddhism to Zen. Although they did not circulate widely at this time, the core ideas which were later to obtain popular currency were apparent at La Salle.

Buddhism, Zen, and Japanese Culture: The Haaden Revisited

The idea that Buddhism (and even Zen) was the basis of Japanese civilization was neither new nor unique to Suzuki. It had been an essential part of shin bukkyo's call for popular support. The delegation to Chicago emphasized the point, and it was given material form in the Hooden, the Japanese Pavilion at the exposition (Chapter 1). When Suzuki wrote in 1907, the connection had been eloquently articulated and disseminated in Europe and America by Okakura Kakuzo -- director of the art exhibition at Chicago -- in his Ideals of the East (1903), The Awakening of Japan (1903-4), and The Book of Tea (1906), and in Nitobe Inazo's Bushido: The Soul of Japan (1906 in English, 1899 in Japanese). The enthusiastic reception of these books in the West extended the discursive context within which Suzuki's writings circulated.35

The first two of Okakura's books had been written while he was in India visiting Buddhist archaeological sites and staying at the house of the Tagore family, leaders of Hindu Renaissance and Indian cultural nationalism, where he had been introduced by the Irish-born disciple of Vivekananda, Sister Nivedita. The books were written with the explicit intent of stirring the youth of India to follow Japan's example in throwing off the "White Disaster," waking from "the colonial night of Asia." The "ideals" of the title are the shared Hindu-Buddhist ideals of Indian origin, which, when subjected to the Japanese genius, provided the basis of Japan's success.36 The Kamakura, a time of military rule and bureaucratic achievement during which Zen took hold among the samurai, is central to the scheme of the book. It is the time when a distinctive Japanese form of Buddhism emerged. Okakura compares it with the European age of chivalry (p. 154), and likens the stories of its hero, Yoshitsune, to the tales of the Round Table, and his death to that of King Arthur (p. 157). But Japan's age of chivalry is merely preparation for the Ashikaga period, the Age of Bushido, the way of the warrior, an age of chivalry and also of great artistic achievement, a time when the influence of Zen has brought Japanese culture to a point of even higher development. The result is a restatement of the message of the Hooden: Japan was exquisitely civilized while Europe was still in the Dark Ages.37 In this section of the book we find all the elements of the now familiar equation of Zen Buddhism with the essence of Japan, and the attribution of all the accomplishments of Japanese culture to the union of Zen and the warrior class (pp. 172-84 especially).

The point here is the way in which Okakura's contacts in Calcutta circulated the texts of Japanese Buddhist nationalism into new arenas. Nivedita had introduced Okakura to the Tagores as the "William Morris of Japan," linking him with Western critics of the Industrial Revolution and the materialistic society of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. His books, written for an Indian audience, were popular in the West because of the mutually supportive concerns of Asian cultural nationalism and the ideas of Ruskin, Carlyle, and William Morris. He gave them the spiritual East, an idealized Age of Chivalry and refined aestheticism. Okakura's pan-Asian anti-imperialist writings served in this Western cause and in doing so bound Buddhism, particularly Zen, to warrior culture and to artistic achievement.38

As we have seen, when Suzuki wrote of Zen and Japanese culture in 1907, he wrote of the appeal of Zen to the samurai rulers to illustrate the positive, life-affirming aspects of Zen. It was a religion that appealed to men of action, to efficient administrators; it was life-affirming, the opposite of "Oriental fatalism." It appealed not just to the elites but to all levels of society. "Not only emperors, statesmen and generals came to see Zen masters, but also men of letters, artists, singers, actors, wrestlers, merchants, masters of tea ceremony, and swordsmen" (p. 34). The list is of practitioners, again emphasizing that Zen is active and practical. It is clear that Suzuki is aware that he is engaging with other writers here. He writes that, while Bushido, "much talked of since the conclusion of the Russo-Japanese War;' is "in fact, a production of ... Shintoism, Confucianism and Buddhism;' "no fair observer will deny that Zen had a great deal to do with the religious and spiritual aspects of Bushido. For the Lebensanschauung of Bushido is no more nor less than that of Zen."

The Changing Contexts of Buddhist Nationalism

When Inoue Enryo spoke of Japan as the repository of Asian culture, of Japan as leader of Asia, of Japan's duty to lead the battle of the yellow races against the white, his focus was essentially domestic; his project, the formation of a sense of national belonging based on allegiance to and pride in Buddhism. Hence the delegation to Chicago could be seen to be very largely an event for reinterpretation within the Japanese discourse. In contrast, by the early years of the twentieth century when Suzuki began his career, the discourse of nation was a matter of international projection, of negotiating the definition of the nation in relation to Asia and to the West. Japan's military successes, as well as its growing imperial presence and increased status in Asia, gave potential reality to rhetoric such as Inoue's. Aspiring Asian nationalists looking to emulate Japan's success came to study in Japan. Indians thrilled to Okakura's vision of "Buddhaland" in opposition to "Christendom." Filipinos saw Japan as what they sought to become, free from colonial rule, sovereign in their capacity to determine their own history.39 In colonial domains as remote as Egypt Mustafa Kamil's book The Rising Sun (al-Shams al-mushriqua, 1904) stirred anti-imperial passion with the Meiji model.40 Decades before the military appropriation of the idea, Japan was seen by some Asians at least as model and leader.

Military success also won Western esteem at this time. "As a gentle, peaceful, honest and honourable nation, Christians would have none of her except as a semi-contemptuous field for mission work," observed a writer in Arena (1894) soon after Japan's victory in the Sino-Japanese War, but "as a slayer, as a fighter, she has brought all Christian nations to her side with hats off, and a surprised: 'By Jove, she's great. She has won our respect. She must henceforth be reckoned with as a nation.'"41 Respect increased when Japan protected Western interests in China during the Boxer uprising (1900-1901) leading to the signing of the Anglo- Japanese alliance (1902) and recognition of Japan's status as a major power.42 Japan's new status was demonstrated most spectacularly in the defeat of Russia in 1905. For the first time an Asian nation had defeated a Western power.

There can be little surprise that writings of this period show a pride in Japan's military heritage.43 Military success and Buddhist culture were explicitly, and proudly, linked by Shaku Saen, who wrote that "it was impossible to explain Japan's string of military victories in terms of military equipment or logistics. This was not something that took place because of military prowess built up in Japan over a few decades ... but was due to the samurai spirit, the Spirit of Japan, nurtured by the country over the past two thousand years."44 Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot contained three short essays defending Japanese aggression in Manchuria,45 as well as "Buddhism and Oriental Culture;' which explained Buddhist equanimity in the face of death and sacrifice, the Bushido spirit shown by the heroes in the recent war.

The pervasiveness of Bushido at this time prompted Basil Hall Chamberlain, contemporary observer and longtime resident of Japan, to produce a pamphlet, The Invention of a New Religion (1905), explaining to Westerners that this "high minded chivalry" was an entirely new phenomenon "fabricated out of whole cloth, chiefly for foreign consumption." There was no end of people ready to spread the "new religion of loyalty and patriotism," readily swallowed by Europeans and Americans in their enthusiasm for the marvelous and for Japan, "a land of fabulous antiquity and incredible virtues." Although Japan did have its valiant heroes as all nations have, he wrote, "the very word ["Bushido"] appears in no dictionary, native or foreign, before the year 1900."46 In terms of creating Western understanding of modern Japan, Chamberlain's concern was well founded.

The connection between Zen, art, and Bushido is elaborated in The Book of Tea, the one book that Okakura specifically directed to the West. Written after the Russo- Japanese War to foster international respect based on cultural achievement rather than success at war, the preface tells us, it introduced Zen and its influence on Japanese aesthetics as displayed through various aspects of tea-related arts. It concludes with a romanticized account of the final tea and death by seppuku of the sixteenth-century tea master Sen no Rikyu, the point of which is to show the composure and awareness of beauty of a chajin even in moments of extremity. "The last moments of the great tea-masters were as full of exquisite refinement as had been their lives." The Book of Tea remains in print to the present and has had enormous influence on Western understanding of Japan, leading many to an appreciation of Japanese aesthetics and serious study of tea and Zen. It was, nevertheless, self-Orientalizing, projecting an image of Japanese cultural practice long past as the essence of the present. When General Nogi Maresuke followed the emperor Meiji in death by committing ritual suicide on September 13, 1912, Japanese were shocked by what was to them such an archaic, anachronistic act. In the West, remote from the reality of Japan, it merely confirmed what people had so recently read.47

The transition from Eastern Buddhism to Zen as the repackaged version of shin bukkyo for Western consumption occurred with Nukariya Kaiten's Religion of the Samurai in 1913. It developed ideas such as those expressed in Suzuki's 1907 essay and appropriated for Zen-the religion of the samurai-Eastern Buddhism's claims to universality and its uniqueness to Japan.48 Nukariya equated Zen with shin bukkyo and, in an echo of Inoue Enryo's plea, offered it as the ideal doctrine for "the rising generation." He advocated Bushido as the code of conduct for all citizens in their struggle for existence. Zen was the essence of Eastern Buddhism, "the very heart of Asian spirituality, the essence of Japanese culture, and key to the unique features of the Japanese race." Japan remained the exclusive repository of this transnational truth. Zen was both universal and uniquely Japanese.

Suzuki offers similar ideas in his extremely influential book Zen and Japanese Culture, but this belongs to later times, and other stages of Japan's relations with Asia and the West.49 In Eastern Buddhist (1921) we see the more cautious statement that Buddhism in general is the basis of the arts in Japan, the basis of Japanese intellectuality. Echoing Inoue Enryo, Suzuki suggested that the training in Buddhist thought over the centuries was "one of the chief reasons the Japanese were readily able to assimilate the highest flights of Western intellect."50

The Eastern Buddhist Society

Suzuki's English-language writings on Zen did not have wide circulation until Essays in Zen Buddhism appeared in 1927, and the reprint of the essays written for New East as Introduction to Zen Buddhism in 1934. Meanwhile, his work of promoting knowledge of Mahayana, including Zen, continued with the founding of the Eastern Buddhist Society, an emphatically nonsectarian Mahayana counterpart to the Pali Text Society. It fostered study of Buddhism and translations of primary sources into Japanese and European languages. It would support and propagate and legitimate scholarship on Mahayana in the way that the Pali Text Society had so admirably done for Theravada. Its aim was to bring knowledge of Japanese Buddhism to the West; to address Western ignorance and misunderstanding of the Mahayana; to publish in both English and Japanese, "raising the beacon of Buddhism in the West"; and to make knowledge of Buddhism accessible to the Japanese general public.51 The subscription rates for England, France, India, and the United States on the cover of the society's journal signal its transnational vision.

Eastern Buddhist stressed the fact that Buddhism is a living religion in Japan and that Buddhist scholarship in Japan remains active. It reported on scholarly activities and reviewed (in English) recent Japanese publications. Eastern Buddhist exemplified the Chicago message: only in Japan do we still have the texts and the people who understand them and write new ones.52 It chronicled the public vitality of Buddhism in Japan, noting major public celebrations, events, and debates. A regular frontispiece introduced a major artwork illustrating Buddhism's long, active, and culturally rich history in Japan. Much of the work that circulated in later publications first appeared in the pages of the journal.

Throughout his career Suzuki wrote prolifically on Mahayana Buddhism, particularly on Pure Land schools and on Zen, the sect of his own practice. It was Zen, however, that caught popular attention, accepted, as the Western Theravada construct had been, because of its perceived relevance to Western concerns. As Sharf observes, the single most attractive feature of Zen was the idea of "direct experience," which he sees as a Japanese appropriation of the idea of "religious experience" emphasized in the work of scholars such as Friedrich Schleirmacher, Rudolf Otto, Joachim Wach, and William James.53 This "direct experience," touted as characteristic of Eastern spirituality in general and Zen in particular, appealed to Westerners seeking alternatives to their own seemingly moribund religious institutions.54 Robert King sees Suzuki's Zen as an ideal Asian export to the spiritually inclined Westerner searching for an exotic alternative to institutional Christianity, a "classic example of the universality of 'mysticism,' increasingly conceived of as the common core of the various 'world religions.' Suzuki's Zen thus functioned as the archetypal Japanese example of the perennial philosophy for Theosophists and scholars of mysticism alike."55 Decontextualized from Buddhism, Zen could also be seen as a spiritual technology, something that could be adopted as an adjunct to Christian practice. In his preface to the 1963 reprint of Suzuki's Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism, Alan Watts would write: "Although Dr. Suzuki speaks here of Buddhism as a religion, this is only in the most vague and general sense of the term .... The real concerns of Buddhism are closer to psychology, or even to something such as ophthalmology, than to the differing systems of belief which we recognize in the west as adopting a religion .... It is so thoroughly experimental and empirical that the subject-matter of Buddhism must be said to be an immediate, non-verbal experience rather than a set of beliefs or ideas or rules of behaviour."56 Buddhism here (not even Zen in particular) is scientific, transreligious, universal. The impact of Suzuki's Zen owes much to interpreters like Watts and Hugo Munsterberg,57 whose own works depend on it, and its diffusion through the literary works of Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg, Gary Snyder, and others of their generation.58

As I wrote at the start of the chapter, my aim was to foreground the work that has been done on Japanese Buddhism in the West. I mention Sharf and King here because their work shows a persistence of certain patterns discussed already. The most important of these are the political dimensions of the discourse, interaction between East and West, the deployment of Western scholarship for intrinsically Japanese purposes, and the Western Orientalist gaze that continued to see only those aspects of the representations of Japanese Buddhism that were relevant to its present preoccupations. The result has been that Zen, represented in Japanese nationalist strategies as the essence of Japaneseness, has been accepted in the West as the "full and unmediated experience of life itself untainted by cultural accretions the ultimate source of all religious teaching, both Eastern and Western no more Buddhist than it is Christian, Jewish or Muslim."59 Eastern Buddhism, essentialized in Zen, is now respected, accepted, and practiced around the world. Japan has over time derived cultural kudos by taking Eastern Buddhism to the West, but with little consequence for general Western knowledge of the nature and variety of Buddhism in Japan.

Orientalism, Occidentalism, and Eastern Buddhism

I have argued that the Buddhist delegation to Chicago was a nationalist initiative, promoting shin bukkyo as the basis of Japan's modern identity by attaining apparent Western validation for its claim to be the universal religion of the future. The delegation did not succeed in winning Western regard for Japanese Buddhism at that time. Mahayana Buddhism remained excluded from academic consideration. This, however, did not detract from the importance of the event as a strategy in the Japanese discourse. The delegation itself, Japanese inclusion and participation in the international conference at Chicago, was an event that could be interpreted to the Japanese audience to support Buddhist revival.

The Japanese Buddhists were not alone in using the Parliament this way. Histories of nationalist movements in nineteenth-century India show the successful deployment of the Western reception of Vivekananda's Hinduism. Less apparent, probably because it was the continuation of a long-established tradition and challenged none of the presuppositions of readers, was the deployment of Christian success at the Parliament in Barrows's books, the two-volume official history as well as his later works, The Christian Conquest of Asia and Christianity: The World Religion. The Japanese, Hindus of India, and Barrows all demonstrated the familiar process of "Oriental ism;' of defining themselves by reference to a construct of remote reality. In the case of Japan and India, a more appropriate term might perhaps be "Occidentalism;' since the West, rather than the East, was the external resource.

The parallel between Orientalism and Occidentalism was, however, not complete. The "West," as the Japanese used the term, was as amorphous as the "East" is in English and operated in precisely the same way to signify an alterity. Seiyo or obei defined by contrast the Japanese wa (us) and was used within the Japanese discourse of this time with equal lack of concern for the reality of this other. The important difference, however, was the reality of Western dominance in the relationship and the function of the West in Meiji Japan as both model and judge of achievement. Consequently, even in the 1890s, at a time of intense reaction against Westernization, Western authority was deployed to promote Buddhism as a source of intrinsically Japanese identity. The development and promotion of shin bukkyo illustrated some of the various functions the West was put to in Meiji discourse.

Shin bukkyo owed a great deal to the West. Buddhist scholars adopted the methods of Western academic scholarship, using them to define modern Japanese Buddhism and to present it in a form acceptable to Western-educated Japanese. The West also provided models for the function of religion in society. The YMBA must be recognized as the domestication of the Protestant Christian institution. A similar influence is evident in the formation of lay Buddhist organizations; in the movement to provide direct personal access to the teachings of Buddhism through specially prepared introductory tracts; and in the emphasis on philanthropic works, such as the foundation of hospitals and pastoral work in prisons. However, the delegation to Chicago shows the West put to a different function. The West was neither a source of knowledge nor an example, but a source of legitimation.

From this point of view, taking Eastern Buddhism to Chicago was one in a series of events in the revitalization of Buddhism, linked by their reference to Western authority. The first was the Japanese tour of Colonel Olcott. In spite of the fact that his Japanese hosts were fully aware of the deficiencies of his understanding of Buddhism, they presented him as living evidence of reform claims that Western intellectuals and men of science were dissatisfied with Christianity and turning to Buddhism. Reform Buddhists paraded Olcott around rural Japan, having him speak the messages of Buddhist reform through his translators, creating opportunities for press coverage that diffused the message further still. Similar processes can be seen at work in Shaku Soen's Japanese publication of Carus's Gospel. What links these events is their recourse to a Western authority -- even a dubious one -- to validate things Japanese. In these cases, the West was not copied, borrowed from, or domesticated. The West was neither exemplar nor source of inspiration. Its only function was to appear to endorse Japanese Buddhism, and even the reality of this was beside the point.

One problem in this "Occidentalist" process, however, was the lack of separation between the Japanese nationalist and the Western Orientalist discourse on Buddhism. Discursive statements, once put into circulation, are subject to interpretation, available to be put to other uses. Hence, in Olcott's Western publications, his tour of Japan became a personal triumph, and he became one who brought the light of the East back to the benighted Japanese. Carus similarly reinterpreted his Japanese exposure to his own credit. The apparent approval of Japanese Buddhists in promoting these men as champions of Buddhism in Japan was used to give their enunciations on Buddhism an authority they would not otherwise have been granted. Because both these authors referred their readings of Buddhism to the Pali texts, the net effect of the Japanese Buddhist strategy was to reinforce the existing Western Orientalist construct of Buddhism. A statement made to Buddhist reform advantage in the Japanese discourse was turned against it in the West.

The attempt by Buddhist delegates at the World's Parliament of Religions to appropriate and deploy the Western construct of Buddhism had a similar result. The Buddhist delegates were excluded by the prevailing rules of truth, which gave priority to the written texts of "original" Buddhism over the voices of contemporary practitioners. What they said was only "true" when it endorsed what was already accepted. It was otherwise rejected as the modern, popular practice of "so-called Buddhists."

This does not, however, imply that there was unanimity of Western opinion on the nature of Buddhism. Theosophists, missionaries, transcendentalists, positivists, and others each continued to see Buddhism differently. The reception of Buddhism here followed the pattern evident in the American representation of material culture in the Hooden. In a continuation of the basic principle of Orientalism, the representation of Japanese Buddhism at Chicago -- like the representation of Japanese art and architecture -- was appreciated to the extent that it fitted with a current American vogue. Carus's appropriation of Buddhism in the cause of his post-Kantian, Christian monism was only the most clearly articulated exercise of this kind. Missionaries clung to their vision of the nihilist foe. Others admired Buddhism, as Lafcadio Hearn observed, because of the delight of discovering it contained "the very thoughts of Emerson."60 How significant is it that Ashitsu's paper that had suggested the links between Japanese Buddhism and philosophic idealism was translated into German, and that Catholic France -- where Toki Horyu spent some time on his return from Chicago -- published the first account of Shingon ritual?61 This selective acceptance was no doubt encouraged by the Japanese attempt to present those aspects of Eastern Buddhism they expected would meet European interests, making Eastern Buddhism accessible to Western readers. Suzuki's success as interpreter of Mahayana Buddhism to the West supports this.

Although Japanese Buddhism has been a strong and growing presence in America since the 1950s,the most significant immediate impact of the delegation on its Western audience may not have been in conveying knowledge of the Mahayana teachings but in its contribution to the wider Japanese project at the exposition, the campaign to establish that Japan was a civilized nation, so closely tied to the concurrent diplomatic campaign for treaty revision. Seager writes that the Parliament provided the first contact that many Americans had had with educated Asians. They were impressed by the obvious intelligence, erudition, commitment, and sincerity of the delegates. Seager's point is that their civilized demeanor undermined preexisting assumptions about the "heathen" and made it possible to take non-Christian religions seriously. For all its deficiencies as a source of knowledge of Buddhism, Carus's Gospel of Buddha must also be credited for contributing to this process of making Buddhism approachable. Although the delegation had expected to achieve this through Buddhist philosophy, one of its aims was realized. As Seager argues, this also had profound repercussions for the United States. The favorable impression created by the Asian delegates was important in effecting the transition from the nineteenth-century American ideal of religious assimilation to the pluralism of the twentieth century. The Parliament, Seager continues, "marked the formal debut of Asian religions into the mainstream of American religious life."62 Dharmapala, Shaku Soen, and Vivekananda all made subsequent lecture tours of the United States. This had repercussions not just for American religious awareness but for the continuing projection of the various Asian nationalist projects, most apparent in the Indian nationalist deployment of Vivekananda's Vedanta Societies in America.63

The delegates had been realistic in their expectations. As the Manifesto explained, they did not expect immediate benefits from sending a few people to a conference but hoped only to lay foundations for future progress, and from this perspective they were successful. The term "Eastern Buddhism" is now in general use, and if Mircea Eliade's work From Primitives to Zen can be taken as representative of comparative studies in religion, Zen, if not Japanese Buddhism as such, had, by the mid-1960s, won a place at the pinnacle of religious evolution. Interest in Mahayana Buddhism now far outstrips that in the Theravada at both popular and scholarly levels. Although it may not be anything the delegates would recognize, Eastern Buddhism -- as Zen -- is now sufficiently well established in the West to have produced new cultural forms64 and transmitted its lineages abroad.65 By the time of the centenary of the World's Parliament of Religions, Shingon, Tendai, and Pure Land schools had a growing presence.  
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Re: Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West,by Judith Snodg

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Part 1 of 4

NOTES

ABBREVIATIONS

 
BKJ: Inoue Enryo. Bukkyo katsuron Joron (Introduction to revitalizing Buddhism). Tokyo: Tetsugaku shoin, 1887. Reproduced in Meiji bunka zenshu, vol. 9, Shukyo, 377-416. Tokyo: Toyo University, 1954. Translated in Kathleen M. Staggs, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism: Essays from the Meiji Period by Inoue Enryo and Murakami Sensho, " 350-458. Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1979. Page references are to this version.

Fukuin: Budda no fukuin. Translated by D. T. Suzuki. Preface by Shaku Soen. Tokyo, January 1895. 2d ed., 1901. Translated from Paul Carus, The Gospel of Buddha. Chicago: Open Court, 1894. The 1901 edition is reprinted in Suzuki Daisetsu zenshu (The complete works of Suzuki Daisetsu), vol. 25. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970. Page references are to this version.

JEBD: Japanese-English Buddhist Dictionary. Tokyo: Daito shuppansha, 1965.

Manifesto: "Bankoku shukyo dai kai gi ni tsuite kaku shri kyo kai ni nozomu. A Request to the All Sects Council concerning the World's Parliament of Religions." Shukyo, April 5, 1893, 297. This document was an open letter from "Concerned Buddhists" calling for support of the delegation.

ODL: Henry Steel Olcott. Old Diary Leaves. 6 vols. Adyar: Theosophical Publishing House, 1972.

WPR: John Henry Barrows, ed. The World's Parliament of Religions. 2 vols. Chicago: Parliament Publishing, 1893.

INTRODUCTION

1. Rydell, All the World's a Fair.

2. Manifesto, 297.

3. The published record includes a paper by a Nichiren representative, Kawai Yoshigiro, but he was not part of the delegation. His claim that he alone represented the Buddhism of Japan failed to impress the organizers.

4. The one representative of Shinto was Shibata Reiichi, president of the recently founded independent Jikko sect.

5. Said, Orientalism.

6. Clausen, "Victorian Buddhism and the Origins of Comparative Religion"; Brear, "Early Assumptions in Western Buddhist Studies."

7. Wilson, "On Buddha and Buddhism, " 235, referring specifically to Spence Hardy's two books, Manual of Buddhism (1853) and Eastern Monachism (1850). The political implications of Hardy's interpretation are discussed in Chapter 4.

8. Foucault, "Two Lectures, " 99.

9. Shaku Soen's second paper, "Arbitration Instead of War, " remains contentious. See Aitken, "Three Lessons from Shaku Soen." Typical of the narrative histories of Zen in the West are Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake; Bando, "D. T. Suzuki's Life in La Salle"; Fader, "Zen in the West." A publication with a wider perspective is Kitagawa, The 1893 World's Parliament of Religions and Its Legacy. It nevertheless shares the characteristic focus on Shaku Soen.

10. This tendency persists, no doubt because of the importance of Zen in the West. McRae, "Oriental Verities on the American Frontier, " reassesses the event as North America's first serious contact with Eastern religion, with due consideration for the exposition context of the Parliament and the Protestant Christian parameters within which the delegates spoke. His observation on the representation of Japanese Buddhism nevertheless perpetuates the emphasis on Shaku Soen and the assumption that he was there to transmit Zen.

11. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, and "Strategic Occidentalism."

12. See McMullin's cogent criticism of this attitude in "Historical and Historiographical Issues in the Study of Pre-Modern Japanese Religions," 30-31.

13. Ibid., 22.

14. Ibid., quoting Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, I.

15. McMullin, Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth Century Japan; Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology; Collcutt, Five Mountains.

16. Grapard, "Japan's Ignored Cultural Revolution, " points to previous neglect of Buddhism in history, citing, for example, W. G. Beasley's work on the Meiji Restoration (240). See also Collcutt, "Buddhism: The Threat of Eradication"; Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan; Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs; Jaffe, Neither Monk nor Layman.

17. Staggs, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism." In her introduction Staggs complains of the total neglect of Meiji Buddhism even among Japanese scholars. They found her interest in it curious. See also her article "'Defend the Nation and Love the Truth.'''

18. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 219-20.

19. I am indebted to Richard Hughes Seager's work on the World's Parliament of Religions for insights into the place of the Parliament in American intellectual and religious history. He describes the problems faced by the Asian delegates in challenging the Christian presuppositions of the Parliament, its pervading racism, and the controversies over whether the fundamental American ideal of the freedom of religion implied the right of non-Christians to persist in error or their right to have free and equal claim to religious truth. The presence of representatives of non-Christian religions at the Parliament played a vital part in this debate. I first read his work in its thesis version, "The World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, Illinois, 1893: America's Religious Coming of Age." He has since published The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the World's Parliament of Religions and The World's Parliament of Religions: The East/West Encounter, Chicago, 1893.

20. The study began as a doctoral thesis in history at the University of Sydney: "The Representation of Japanese Buddhism at the World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, 1893" (1994).

CHAPTER 1

1. Rydell, All the World's a Fair, discusses this aspect of the Chicago exposition in detail.

2. The complex issue of treaty renewal is discussed in Perez, "Mutsu Munemitsu and the Revision of the 'Unequal' Treaties"; Sandra Davis, "Treaty Revision, National Security and Regional Co-operation." For attitudes to the treaties in the early Meiji period, particularly the realization of the association between "civilization" and revision, see Mayo, "The Iwakura Embassy and the Unequal Treaties." Perez documents the attempts at revision and in particular the determination with which Mutsu Munemitsu, the minister in charge of the Chicago exhibition, pursued the issue, resulting in his eventual success in 1894.

3. Mayo, "The Iwakura Embassy and the Unequal Treaties, " 9.

4. Perez, "Mutsu Munemitsu and the Revision of the 'Unequal' Treaties, " 161. The groundbreaking ceremony for the Trans-Siberian railway, which would give Russia rapid access to China and Korea, took place in 1891.

5. Ibid., 115. This was the ostensible reason, but comparison with the "white mutiny" in reaction to the Ilbert Bill in India, 1883, which attempted to remove the British exemption from appearing before British-trained Indian judges administering British law, suggests that a racist reluctance of Westerners to be judged by nonwhites may also apply here. See Hirschmann, White Mutiny.

6. Mayo, "The Iwakura Embassy and the Unequal Treaties, " 10.

7. Perez, "Mutsu Munemitsu and the Revision of the 'Unequal' Treaties, " 115-19.

8. Tateno, "Foreign Nations at the World's Fair: Japan, " 42.

9. McCabe, The Centennial Exhibition, 446, quoted in Neil Harris, "All the World's a Melting Pot?, " 30.

10. Ibid., 46.

11. Tateno, "Foreign Nations at the World's Fair: Japan, " 34 and 43.

12. Ibid., 43.

13. Perez, "Mutsu Munemitsu and the Revision of the 'Unequal' Treaties, " xi.

14. Mutsu Munemitsu, Kenkenroku, ch. 9, "The Korean Affair and Treaty Revision in Great Britain." Also Perez, "Mutsu Munemitsu and the Revision of the 'Unequal' Treaties, " 135-40. For an interesting account of Japanese Foreign Office manipulation of the foreign press, see Valliant, "The Selling of Japan."

15. Tateno, "Foreign Nations at the World's Fair: Japan, " 36.

16. See, for example, "The Educational and Moral Value of the Exposition," in Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, vol. 4, ch. 13.

17. See Rydell, All the World's a Fair, for the part played by world fairs, and particularly the Chicago fair, in disseminating and popularizing evolutionary ideas about race and progress.

18. Snider, World's Fair Studies, 238, 237, and 255 respectively.

19. Ibid., 256-57.

20. From a newspaper report on the Japanese exhibit at Philadelphia, quoted in Neil Harris, "All the World's a Melting Pot?," 36.

21. The Japanese term obei, commonly used at this time to designate "the West," literally denotes Europe and America.

22. Originally planned for 1892, the opening was delayed by competition between rivals for the right to host the fair.

23. Gates, "The Significance to Christianity," 39. Gates's book -- an exposition of the Protestant doctrine of America's divine mission, its obligation to proselyuze, and the unfolding of Providential history -- is discussed in the following chapter.

24. Ibid., 40-44.

25. Sanford, Manifest Destiny and the Imperialism Question, 5.

26. John L. O'Sullivan, 1839, quoted in ibid., 93. O'Sullivan coined the term "Manifest Destiny" in 1845, but as Sandford points out, the ideology was present from the early colonial period, originally as a justification for continental expansion, but logically extended across the Pacific in later years. O'Sullivan's vision of the hemisphere is more expansive than continental.

27. Theodore Roosevelt, 1902, quoted in ibid., 94.

28. New York Independent, quoted in the Japan Weekly Mail, July 15, 1893, 67-68.

29. Commodore Mathew Perry, letter to the Secretary of the Navy, December 14, 1852, quoted in Hawks, Narrative, 12.

30. Quoted in WPR, 1071-72.

31. Sanford, Manifest Destiny and the Imperialism Question, 7-8.

32. Commodore Mathew Perry, letter to the Secretary of the Navy, December 14, 1852, quoted in Hawks, Narrative, 11.

33. Letter from the Secretary of the Navy to Commodore Perry, February 15, 1853, quoted in ibid., 12.

34. Professor Ephraim D. Adams, 1913, quoted in Sanford, Manifest Destiny and the Imperialism Question, 7.

35. Ibid., 2.

36. Seager, "The World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, Illinois, 1893, " 12 and 18. See also ibid., 47-50, and Rydell, All the World's a Fair, on the exclusion of nonwhites from the representation of the United States at the Chicago Exposition. Burg, Chicago's White City of 1893, discusses the significance of the Columbian Exposition in American history. See Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America, for information on the social unrest of the period.

37. Cutler, The World's Fair, 532.

38. Burg, Chicago's White City of 1893, 92.

39. Ibid., 97.

40. Snider, World's Fair Studies, 37.

41. Ibid., 18.

42. Ibid., 19.

43. Ibid., 16-17.

44. Ibid., 12.

45. Ibid., 30.

46. Ibid., 35.

47. Ibid., 95-97.

48. Ibid.

49. Fenollosa, "Contemporary Japanese Art," 580.

50. Ibid. The modernity of the work is particularly apparent in the paintings reproduced in the catalog of an exhibition held at the Tokyo National Museum, April 3-May 11, 1997: World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 Revisited.

51. Okakura Kakuzo, "The Ho-o-den: An Illustrated Description of the Buildings Erected by the Japanese Government at the World's Columbian Exposition, Jackson Park, Chicago" (Tokyo, 1893), reprinted in Okakura Kakuzo: Collected English Writings, 2:5-29.

52. Ibid., 8.

53. Ibid., 1:82 (emphasis in original).

54. Ibid., 12.

55. Ibid., 13.

56. Ibid., 14.

57. Ibid., 8.

58. Ibid., 6.

59. Ibid., 16.

60. Ibid.

61. Japan Weekly Mail, January 30, 1892.

62. Lancaster, The Japanese Influence in America, 77.

63. Byodoin was originally a villa of Fujiwara no Michinaga, A.D. 966-1024. It became a monastery in 1052. The main building, the Hoodo, was built in 1053.

64. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 1:42.

65. Japan Weekly Mail, January 30, 1892.

66. Ibid. The agreement was honored by the Japanese. The buildings and gardens were completely refurbished in 1935 and survived until 1946. For fifty years they provided inspiration for American architects and designers. See Lancaster, The Japanese Influence in America.

67. Rydell, All the World's a Fair, 40-71.

68. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 1:75.

69. Tateno, "Foreign Nations at the World's Fair: Japan " 41.

70. Rydell, All the World's a Fair, 50.

71. Snider, World's Fair Studies, 350-56.

72. Ibid., 220-31.

73. Japan Weekly Mail, May 6, 1893, 545. This was the fortieth anniversary for Japanese, who count the years from 1 rather than o.

74. Ibid., 535.

75. Ibid.

76. Snider, World's Fair Studies, 229.

77. Ibid., 231.

78. Ibid., 230.

79. Ibid., 229.

80. Ibid.

81. Ibid., 145. This was, of course, precisely the kind of appreciation that the Japanese did not want. It particularly irked those progressive, Western-educated Japanese who wanted to be praised not as "pretty weaklings" but for the country's achievements in transport and industry.

82. Lancaster, The Japanese Influence in America, 83.

83. Neil Harris, "All the World's a Melting Pot?," 32-33.

84. Japan Weekly Mail, March 4, 1893.

85. Japan Weekly Mail, August 26, 1893.

86. Neil Harris, "All the World's a Melting Pot?," 40.

87. See Japan Weekly Mail, April 15, 1893. The theme for the design was a justification of Japanese expansion into Korea: Japan in symbolic union with the United States, defending Korea against the swooping eagle of Russia, bringing it out of the chill of China's dying power into the springtime of Japanese protection.

88. See, for example, the reconstruction of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's portable tea room in Varley and Kumakura, Tea in Japan. The room itself and all utensils in it are metallic gold. Hideyoshi's great tea master, Sen no Rikyu, credited with the formalization of the wabi aesthetic, presumably also performed chanoyu in this environment.

89. For a description of Azuchi castle and its paintings, see Wheelwright, "A Visualization of Eitoku's Lost Paintings at Azuchi Castle."

90. Pacific Friend 19:11 (March 1992): 19.

91. Ibid., 21.

92. Ibid.

93. Mutsu, Kenkenroku, 74-76.

94. Ibid., 74.

CHAPTER 2

1. Snider, World's Fair Studies, 33.

2. Gates was president of Amherst College, and this was the opening address of the Congress of the Evangelical Alliance, held in connection with the Auxiliary Congresses.

3. Gates described this process under headings such as "What Race Shall Rule the Continent?" "French Repression vs. English Self-Reliance," "The Very Best Blood of England," "The Best of England's Ideas," "Liberty Loving Hollanders," etc., in Gates, "The Significance to Christianity," 40-41.

4. Ibid., 41.

5. Houghton, Neely's History, IS, quoting Charles C. Bonney. For contemporary records of the Auxiliary Congresses, see also Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition; WPR; and Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions." For a most thorough and comprehensive study of the Parliament and its significance for late nineteenth-century America, see Seager's two books, The Dawn of Religious Pluralism and The World's Parliament of Religions.

6. Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America, 213. Contemporary records of the exposition contain vast quantities of self-confident and self-congratulatory descriptions of the genius of the concept and the importance of the congresses. Trachtenberg and also Burg, Chicago's White City of 1893, analyze their significance in American history.

7. Seager, The World's Parliament of Religions, 10.

8. Gates, "The Significance to Christianity," 55.

9. The chairman of the advisory committee responsible for this transformation of scope, and subsequently chairman of the Parliament itself, and editor of its official record, the Reverend John Henry Barrows, published two books on this theme: Christianity: The World Religion and The Christian Conquest of Asia.

10. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:2.

11. Ibid.

12. Quoted in Wherry, Missions at Home and Abroad, 7. Such sentiments were repeated frequently.

13. WPR, 126.

14. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:12. Bonney's chronological frame conveyed the accelerated pace of evolution and also articulated the idea of the United States rising from the European Renaissance graphically depicted in the Dome of Columbus (fig. 1).

15. Ibid.

16. See particularly "Harmonies and Distinctions in the Theistic Teaching of the Various Historic Faiths" by Professor M. Valentine, in WPR, 280-89. Valentine discussed Buddhism precisely as imperfect Christianity. He judged all religions against the ideals of Christianity, justifying his comparative approach by the need for standards against which to measure. He measured the worth of the various beliefs against their answers to the questions, Is there a monotheistic idea of God? Is it a personal God? is he the Creator? Is he a moral governor?

17. Seager, "The World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, Illinois, 1893," iv-v.

18. Bonney, opening the Congress of Women. See also Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:8.

19. Seager, "The World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, Illinois, 1893," 5.

20. Ibid., 12.

21. ibid., 39.

22. This particular quotation is from WPR, 43, but these images recur frequently.

23. Rev. Alex McKenzie (Puritan), in ibid., 85.

24. In Wherry, Missions pt Home and Abroad, 81. The publication is subtitled Papers and Addresses Presented at the World's Congress of Missions, October 2-4, 1893.

25. Seager, "The World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, Illinois, 1893," 7.

26. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 325-26, gives the list of his proposals. See also Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, vol. 4, which is devoted to the various congresses; WPR, 221-337.

27. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 326.

28. Manifesto, 295.

29. See Chapter 4. Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire's The Buddha and His Religion exemplifies this position.

30. The committee members were Rev. John Henry Barrows, D.D., Chairman (Presbyterian); Rev. Prof. David Swing, Vice Chairman (Independent); Archbishop P. A. Feehan (Catholic); Rt. Rev. Bishop William E. McLaren, D.D., D.C.L. (Protestant Episcopal); Rev. Dr. F. A. Noble (Congregationalist); Rev. Dr. William M. Lawrence (Baptist); Rev. Dr. F. M. Bristol (Methodist); Rabbi E. G. Hirsch (Jewish); Rev. Dr. A. J. Canfield (Universalist); Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones (Unitarian); Rt. Rev. Bishop C. E. Cheney (Reformed Episcopal); Rev. M. C. Ranseen (Swedish Lutheran); Rev. John Z. Torgersen (Norwegian Lutheran); Rev. J. Berger (German Methodist); Mr. J. W. Plummer (Quaker); Rev. L. P. Mercer (Swedenborgian). Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 327.

31. As noted elsewhere, his official publication is still taken at face value as a true record of proceedings in spite of its heavy editing and biased selection of material.

32. "Objects of the Parliament" listed in the official invitation, reproduced in Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 330-31, and in WPR, 18.

33. Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, 297.

34. The Anglican archbishop of Canterbury refused to participate, but his letter setting out his objections to the idea was published in the official record complete with a response from an American theologian. He was thereby made a participant in the discussion, focusing attention on the central issues of the relations between the various denominations within Christianity, and the "right to be" of non-Christian religions and their relationship to "the one religion." WPR, 21-23. Little seems to have changed. At the 1993 centenary reconvening of the event, the Greek Orthodox delegates withdrew in reaction to "the distinctive participation of certain quasi-religious groups with which orthodox Christians share no religious ground." The article specifically mentions groups that "pray to ancestors and a pantheon of gods," Washington Post, September 4, 1993.

35. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 331.

36. WPR, 1581.

37. WPR, 326.

38. WPR, 44.

39. Rev. Robert A. Hume, D.D., "Universal Christianity," appendix to Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, 332.

40. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, ch. 13, "The Educational and Moral Value of the Exposition."

41. Hume, "Universal Christianity," 332.

42. WPR, 113. Compare Bonney's scientific metaphor: "[A]s the light is differently received by different objects, so the light of divine revelation is differently received by different minds."

43. Hume, "Universal Christianity," 332. This comment occurs after a long passage describing the technological exhibitions in much the same terms as I have quoted from Johnson, glorying in the fact that the technology of Western countries was vastly superior to that of South American and Pacific Island countries. His expression "in the same way" refers to the comparative method of display.

44. Manilal Mahbubhai D'Vivedi, B.A. (b. 1858), "Member of the highest caste of Brahmans. Justice of the Peace of the town of Nadiad and prominent member of the Philosophical Society of Bombay," in WPR, 1585. D'Vivedi's paper was informative, orthodox, and highly critical of Western Orientalist scholarship. This may also have contributed to his lack of popularity.

45. WPR, 9.

46. The statistics of the vast number of Buddhists in the world is a common feature of lectures and writings at this time, either to establish that Buddhism must therefore have something to offer or to show that it must be considered a serious threat. Precisely because of its vast number of adherents, Christians recognized that it had to be taken seriously.

47. Quoted in WPR, 20-22.

48. WPR, 1574.

49. See frontispiece, reproduced from Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition. Not all of the non-Christian delegates were present when this photograph was taken.

50. WPR, 62-64.

51. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 330-31.

52. WPR, 19.

53. Ibid.

54. WPR, 28.

55. Rev. Dr. W. C. Roberts, in WPR, 114-15.

56. WPR, 23.

57. WPR, 3.

58. Barrows himself refers to this incident: "One of the Chairman's addresses to a Christian convention wherein he showed the Christian possibilities of the Parliament had disturbed some of the Buddhist priests in Japan." WPR, 61.

59. Manifesto, 297.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid., 295.

62. Dharmapala, in WPR, 95-96.

63. Shaku Soen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran (An outline of the World's Parliament of Religions), 57.

64. Rev. George T. Candlin, in WPR, 169.

65. Vivekananda, in WPR, 170-71.

66. WPR, 171.

67. WPR, 169.

68. Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, 306. Compare Rev. Dr. George Washburn, quoted approvingly by Bonney: "No missionary ever made a convert by avoiding him, refusing to listen to him, or cursing his religion. If I wish to reveal Christ to a man, I must not only treat him as a brother, but feel that he is a brother, and to find some common ground of sympathy. This was what was attempted on a grand scale at Chicago." Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 338. Moreover, Bonney believed that one of the achievements of the Parliament was that the "Orientals" showed themselves willing to listen.

69. WPR, 61.

70. WPR, 66.

71. I am also bearing in mind here that the sources I have aimed to emphasize Japanese success in Chicago and the West's acceptance of Buddhism and would therefore play down antagonism.

CHAPTER 3

1. Bonney, President of the Auxiliary Congresses, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 329-30. The list of objects of the Parliament "reproduced exactly as it was sent to those invited to take part in the convocation" appears on pp. 330-31 and in WPR, 18.

2. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 331. These are rules 2 and 3.

3. Ibid., 332.

4. Ibid., 333.

5. Japanese reform Buddhists published the list of the aims of the Parliament to reassure conservative opponents to the delegation. Manifesto, 294.

6. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:223. This is a condensation of objects 1, 2, 6, 7, and 9 on Bonney's list.

7. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 324.

8. Ibid., 333. This is an elaboration on rule 2.

9. WPR, 1561.

10. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 330 (emphasis added).

11. Ibid., 349 (emphasis added).

12. Ibid., 332.

13. WPR, 746. "[T]he next century will review it." The most notable alternative is Houghton, Neely's History, but a survey of the centenary publications shows that Barrows's official history remains the standard reference.

14. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:7.

15. Ibid. (emphasis added).

16. Trumbull, "The Parliament of Religions," 334. Note the distinction, intended by the author, between theology, Christian scholarship, which was the main focus of the event, and the "others."

17. This incident is described by Barrows in WPR, 127. It was not, however, the only incident. See also p. 143 where he mentions an exchange between the Reverend Pentecost and Indian delegate, Virchand Gandhi, on the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the Parliament. Whatever happened in the actual proceedings, in the permanent record harmony was to be seen to have prevailed. Bonney quoted an "oriental delegate" saying that "these sour notes only served to sweeten the whole." However, neither Bonney nor the official record mentions the clash between Barrows and Hirai described by Yatsubuchi in his Shukyo taikai hodo (Report on the Parliament of Religions), 39-40. Barrows apparently attempted to prevent Hirai giving his paper, but Hirai "with eyes full of anger" demanded his right to speak, and "they went into a heated argument." Were there other incidents not recorded, or was this one conducted with such decorum that only the Japanese were aware of it?

18. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 333.

19. Ibid., 332.

20. Ibid., 333.

21. The exception here is Paul Carus's journals Monist and Open Court, which carried post- Parliamentary papers by the Asian delegates, proof of their desire to participate in the debate if given the opportunity. The readership of these was select and important but in no way compared with the readership of the Christian journals or public press that carried most of the discussion.

22. Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, 326.

23. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 327.

24. Houghton, Neely's History, 316.

25. Sunderland, "The Importance of a Serious Study of All Religions," in WPR, 627.

26. McFarland, "Buddhism and Christianity," in WPR, 1296-97.

27. Doshisha was the Christian college established by Niijima Jo and the American Board of Missions, at this time controlled by the Kumamoto Band, the Christian delegates to the Parliament.

28. Quoted in WPR.53.

29. WPR, 152.

30. Japan Weekly Mail, July 15, 1893, 68a, gives the missionary's response.

31. Pung Kwan Yu, "Confucianism," 374-439.

32. WPR, 118; Kung Hsien Ho, "Confucianism," 596-604.

33. Houghton, Neely's History, 267-68, simply noted as Dr. Ernst Faber of Shanghai, presumably a missionary. Barrows placed this paper in the Scientific Section. WPR, 1350-53.

34. Bonney, "The World's Parliament of Religions," 332.

35. WPR, 1565.

36. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 344. Hardy's writings are discussed in Chapter 4.

37. Barrows, "Results from the Parliament of Religions," 56.

38. See the Reverend George F. Pentecost's response to the Indian appropriation of this technique, in WPR. 143. "Some of the brahmans of India have dared to make an attack upon Christianity. They take the slums of New York and Chicago and ask us why we do not cure ourselves. They take what is outside the pale of Christianity and judge Christianity by it." This occurred toward the end of the Congress and created one of the rare opportunities for Asian response taken up by Virchand Gandhi, who similarly explained that the unacceptable aspects of Indian society were "not from religion but in spite of it." WPR, 145.

39. Gordon, "Some Characteristics of Buddhism as It Exists in Japan Which Indicate That It Is Not a Final Religion." Note the significant difference between "Japanese Buddhism." the term used by Japanese priests, and his expression "Buddhism in Japan," which reduced Japanese Buddhism to one aspect of the monolithic Western creation, Buddhism.

40. Ibid.

41. See Rev. George F. Pentecost, in WPR, 143. Reverend T. E. Slater of Bangalore. India. spoke on Hinduism with special reference to idolatry and sacrifice, in WPR, 456-60

42. Nagarkar, "The Work of Social Reform in India." Nagarkar was described as a "writer and lecturer on Theism, " a Christian-educated brahmin, and member of the Brahmo Samaj of Bombay. His paper on social reform discussed the caste system, "infant marriage," and "injustice to women." The Brahmo Samaj was also represented by P. C. Mozoomdar, who spoke on "The World's Religious Debt to Asia, " offering Eastern spirituality to balance the overmaterialism of the West, a paper that was "particularly pleasing to his audience of Western admirers." Houghton, Neely's History, 596.

43. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:232.

44. Malalgoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society.

45. Barrows read the first of Shaku Soen's papers, "The Law of Cause and Effect as Taught by the Buddha," but the delegates apparently found this unsatisfactory because Hirai read the second as well as Toki's paper. Noguchi read Yatsubuchi's.

46. Barrows wrote to President Alexander Tison of the Imperial Law School of Tokyo asking for his assistance in finding English-speaking Buddhists. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:223.

47. Barrows, "Results from the Parliament of Religions," 56, and The Christian Conquest of Asia, 152.

48. Rossiter Johnson, A History of the World's Columbian Exposition, 4:502-5, lists forty-one publications. There were also the various foreign-language sources. Barrows's history was translated into Japanese and no doubt other languages. The Japanese delegates produced their own accounts.

49. Houghton, Neely's History, 11.

50. The word he used was ikyosha. Ikyo means heathen, pagan, heretic, a believer in a wrong teaching. See Shaku Soen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 65. Houghton, Neely's History, softens it to a remark on the joy of having none but Buddhists on the platform.

5!. The Very Reverend William Byrne, in Houghton, Neely's History, 141.

52. WPR, 253n.

53. WPR, x.

54. Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, and also The Christian Conquest of Asia.

55. Houghton, Neely's History, 802.

56. Ashitsu, "Buddha."

57. Houghton, Neely's History, 541.

58. Ketelaar, "Strategic Occidentalism," 49, comments on the discrepancy between Ashitsu's clear exposition of Buddhist doctrine in the Japanese text of his paper and the incomprehensible English version. McRae, "Oriental Verities on the American Frontier," 30, is similarly disparaging. Both refer to Barrows's record.

59. See Aitken, "Three Lessons from Shaku Soen."

60. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," in WPR, 447.

61. This is consistent with the paper as he wrote it in Japanese under the less contentious title of "Harmony instead of War." Shaku Soen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 65.

62. Some examples are of archbishop of Constantinople, in WPR, 69; Most Holy Archbishop and Ecumenical Patriarch Neoplytos VIII, in WPR, 77; Mgrditch Khriman, Catholis of All Armenia, in WPR, 83.

63. WPR, 978.

64. WPR, 64.

65. Barrows's later work, The Christian Conquest of Asia, a series of "studies and personal observations of oriental religions," barely mentions Japanese Buddhism. Comments on Japan appear in the chapter on Confucianism and relate mainly to Christianity, the beauty and cleanliness of Japan, and its achievements in modernization.

66. Ibid., 150.

67. Note, for example, Anna Leonowens's shock on meeting the bare-chested prime minister of Siam, recorded in her The English Governess at the Siamese Court, 8-9. Miyoshi Masao records reactions of early visitors to Japan in Miyoshi, As We Saw Them.

68. Smith, Fine Art in India and Ceylon, 182.

69. Barrows, The Christian Conquest of Asia, 152.

70. Manifesto, 296.

71. Listed in detail elsewhere. One of the most widely distributed was Kuroda Shinto, Outlines of the Mahayana.

72. Ashitsu, "The Fundamental Teachings of Buddhism." An article by Annie Elizabeth Cheney, "Mahayana Buddhism in Japan, " appeared in Arena 16 (1896). Her account of Mahayana Buddhism, like her 1893 article on treaty revision referred to elsewhere, shows a marked similarity to Hirai's papers, one of which appeared in the same journal. The evidence is purely circumstantial, but it does suggest the possibility of a connection between them.

73. Muller, "The Real Significance of the Parliament of Religions," 1.

74. Ibid., 8.

75. Ibid., 10.

76. Ibid., 11.
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Re: Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West,by Judith Snodg

Postby admin » Sun Jan 26, 2020 7:48 am

Part 2 of 4

CHAPTER 4

1. The papers in defense of Islam by Mohammed Webb confirm that old enmities continued to stir passion among Christians.

2. WPR, xvi.

3. WPR, 894.

4. Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism."

5. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism: Its History and Literature, 216-17. Ashitsu was not just a practicing Buddhist with a "popular" understanding of his religion but a prominent Meiji Buddhist intellectual and scholar.

6. James D'Alwis, missionary in Ceylon, in a review of Max Muller's Dhammapada (1870), quoted in Welbon, The Buddhist Nirvana, 133 (emphasis added).

7. This was itself a problem. Conze, "Problems in Buddhist History," discusses the shortcomings of a purely textual approach to Buddhism which is, and always has been, essentially a practice, and the effects of this limitation on the image produced. Neil McMullin also points to the preeminence of ritual and practice in Japanese Buddhism in "Historical and Historiographical Issues in the Study of Pre-Modern Japanese Religions." See also Hallisey, "Roads Taken and Not Taken in the Study of Theravada Buddhism."

8. For an overview of early writing on Buddhism, see Almond, The British Discovery of Buddhism, and De Jong, "A Brief History of Buddhist Studies," Both have details of early accounts of Buddhism in European languages.

9. Elison, Deus Destroyed, uses Jesuit reports for his account of Christian incursion in sixteenth-century Japan. See also Cooper, They Came to Japan. For a narrative account of Jesuit encounters with Buddhism, see Batchelor, Awakening of the West.

10. Mungello, Curious Land, 68-70.

11. Kaempfer, The History of Japan, 1609-1692, vol. 2.

12. Dumoulin, "Buddhism and Nineteenth-Century German Philosophy." For Hegel on Hinduism, see Inden, Imagining India.

13. Dumoulin, "Buddhism and Nineteenth-Century German Philosophy," 464.

14. Oldenberg, The Buddha: His Life, His Doctrine, His Order.

15. Ward, A View of the History, Literature, and Religion of the Hindoos: Including a Minute Description of Their Manners and Customs and Translations from Their Principal Works, 2 vols. (London: Black Parbury and Allen, 1817), quoted in Almond, The British Discovery of Buddhism, 70.

16. Quoted in ibid., 71.

17. Strong, The Legend of King Asoka, II.

18. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist-Sutras, xlv-xlviii, gives a brief summary of his calculation using the Chronicles which link Asoka's dates to the death of the Buddha. His calculations appear in full in his first publication, Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon (1877), although the identification of Asoka this is based on was not confirmed until the twentieth century.

19. Klostermaier, Survey of Hinduism, 37-38, offers an alternative view. D'Vivedi, "Answers of Orthodox Hinduism to Certain Religious Problems," 333-39.

20. The British treaty with Ceylon was signed in 1815. Incursion of Burma occurred later. There was a British resident in Ava, a Burmese court, from 1830. Pegu was annexed in 1852.

21. Charles Grant, quoted in Stokes, English Utilitarians and India, 34.

22. Arthur Buller, Queen's Advocate of Ceylon, 1844, quoted in De Silva, Social Policy and Missionary Organizations in Ceylon, 1840-1855, 44.

23. Hodgson, "Notices of the Languages, Literature, and Religion of Nepal and Tibet, " and "Sketch of Buddhism." These collections of manuscripts eventually provided Burnouf with the material for his translation. Is it pure coincidence that scholars from Catholic cultures were the first to show an interest in the "Rom ish" Mahayana Buddhism, whereas Protestants devoted themselves to the Pali texts of what they recognized as a fundamentalist Theravada?

24. Hodgson, "Sketch of Buddhism," 35.

25. Ibid., 41-50. See text for the complete list.

26. Ibid., 44-46.

27. This was a question posed by Buddhist reform leaders in Ceylon in 1873. See Peebles, The Great Debate, 63 and 82. This not only compromised Christianity but left missionaries open to criticism. In a public debate at Panadure, Ceylon, in 1873, the Buddhist orator Mohotivatte accused the Christians of using Indian names for God and Jesus to "ingratiate themselves into the favour of Hindus" (82).

28. Clausen, "Victorian Buddhism and the Origins of Comparative Religion," 12.

29. T. W. Rhys Davids's work is discussed later.

30. Brear, "Early Assumptions in Western Buddhist Studies," 137.

31. Ibid., 145-46. For an extensive discussion of misrecognized concepts, see Conze, "Buddhist Philosophy and Its European Parallels" and "Spurious Parallels to Buddhist Philosophy." 32. Brear, "Early Assumptions in Western Buddhist Studies," 148, quoting Edkins, The Religious Condition of the Chinese, 190. As McMullin points out, the inapplicability of these terms to Buddhist societies is still a problem in understanding premodern Japanese Buddhism. McMullin, Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth Century Japan, 15.

33. The Anguttam Nikaya addresses this issue: "A brahman asked the Buddha whether he was a god, a demi-god, a demon or a human." The Buddha answers that he is none of these. "Realise brahman, that I am a Buddha." Gods, demigods, demons, and humans are all inhabitants of the world, samsara. A Buddha is one who has transcended the distinctions of this world and, most significantly, has transcended the opposition of man and God.

34. Wilson, "On Buddha and Buddhism."

35. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, viii-ix.

36. Hardy, The British Government and Idolatry.

37. Ibid. The pamphlet was published in Colombo in 1839 according to Malalgoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society, and in London in 1841. It appears that Hardy attempted to lobby opinion not only in Ceylon but also in England, where the matter would ultimately be decided.

38. Hardy, The British Government and Idolatry, 8. Cf. Charles Grant quoted earlier.

39. Ibid. Hardy reproduces the letter of August 8, 1838, ordering the separation of government from the control of temples on pp. 8-9.

40. Tennent, Christianity in Ceylon (1850). Hardy, Eastern Monachism (1853). Hardy's Manual of Budhism {sic] in Its Modern Development appeared shortly after in 1853. In spite of its title, Tennent's book was largely devoted to Buddhism because it dealt with reasons why Christianity had not yet succeeded in Ceylon. It also included a section on devil worship, significantly separated from Buddhism.

41. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 1.

42. Hardy follows the pattern of Western scholarship, referring to the Buddha Sakyomuni by the "personal" name, Gautama, stressing the Buddha's human identity. By contrast, the Buddhist texts on which their works are supposedly based use titles such as Tathagata, Blessed One, Lord.

43. Wilson, "On Buddha and Buddhism." More recent scholarship on Theravada Buddhism confirms the discrepancy. See, for example, Southwold, Buddhism in Life: The Anthropological Study of Religion and the Sinhalese Practice of Buddhism; Gombrich, Theravada Buddhism: A Social History; and most particularly Reynolds and Carbine's significantly titled The Life of Buddhism. Late twentieth-century scholarship has shifted the focus from the Buddha to the practice of Buddhism.

44. Church Missionary Gleaner, 1878-83, 52-53. Cf. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 344-45.

45. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 345.

46. Ibid., 339.

47. Hardy, Manual of Budhism, 506.

48. Hardy, Eastern Monachism, 334.

49. Torrington, Minute of October 13, 1847, quoted in De Silva, Social Policy and Missionary Organizations in Ceylon, 104.

50. Tennent, Christianity in Ceylon, 206.

51. Ibid., 256.

52. Ibid., 207.

53. Ibid., 222.

54. Ibid., 197. Buddhism is equated with Protestant Christianity either as the original teachings of the Founder or as Lutheranism.

55. Ibid., 210.

56. Ibid., 207.

57. Ibid., 210.

58. Ibid., 38.

59. Ibid., 192.

60. Hardy's later publications attempted a more open attack on Buddhism, using the mythological aspects of the work to discredit the authority of the Buddha. The message was too blatant, and the works remained curiosities. Hardy, The Sacred Books of the Buddhists Compared with History and Modern Science (1863), and The Legends and Theories of the Buddhists Compared with History and Modern Science (1866).

61. Christy, The Orient in American Transcendentalism, 292-94. Christy concluded that Eastern Monachism was probably one of the most influential books in disseminating Buddhist lore in Concord.

62. Arnold, The Light of Asia; Wright, Interpreter of Buddhism to the West, 73. According to Wright (86), other sources used by Arnold were Beal's translation of the Abhinishkramma Sutra (1875), Max Muller's Dhammapada, and a Burmese version of the parables of Buddhaghosha. The estimate of U.S. readership is from Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism, 29.

63. For Saint-Hilaire's indebtedness to Hardy, see Saint-Hilaire, The Buddha and His Religion, 20. Saint-Hilaire, a student of Eugene Burnouf, read Sanskrit and Nepalese texts but depended on Hardy for knowledge of Southern Buddhism. This book continues to circulate. Whether a Christian or purely commercial response to the current interest in Buddhism, a new paperback edition appeared in 1996.

64. Ernest Renan, Vie de Jesus (Paris, 1974), 46, quoted in Kent, "Religion and Science, " 8.

65. Ibid., 7.

66. Saint-Hilaire, The Buddha and His Religion, 13-16. Cf. Hardy, Manual of Budhism, 506.

67. Saint-Hilaire, The Buddha and His Religion, II. Max Muller praised Saint-Hilaire as the first real historian of Buddhism. Welbon, The Buddhist Nirvana, 67. Rhys Davids condemned his book as "a thoroughly erroneous and unreliable view of early Buddhism." T. W. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, 197.

68. Saint-Hilaire, The Buddha and His Religion, 14.

69. Ibid., 13.

70. Others include Max Muller's Dhammapada (1872), which was less useful for those seeking information on the Buddha himself. Muller, Dhammapada.

71. "The Passing of the Founder," Journal of the Pali Text Society (1923): 5.

72. Ibid., 2. There are extensive footnotes to Hardy throughout the early edition. Successive editions are updated to refer to his own translations as they appear.

73. Conze, "Recent Progress in Buddhist Studies," 1. Conze continues that it is from its work that the general public still derives its ideas of what Buddhism is. The society was founded as a voluntary cooperative of Pali scholars in Europe and included Herman Oldenberg, Professors Fausboll, Kern, and Lanman, and M. Senart. For a full list of the scholars initiating the society, see T. W. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, 233-34. Charles Hallisey, quoting Edward Said, refers to Rhys Davids as an "inaugural hero" for his phenomenal work in carving out a field of study. Hallisey, "Roads Taken and ot Taken in the Study of Theravada Buddhism," 34.

74. T. W. Rhys Davids outlines his project in Hibbert Lectures, Lecture I; Buddhism: A Sketch; and "What Has Buddhism Derived from Christianity?," 37-53.

75.T. W. Rhys Davids, "What Has Buddhism Derived from Christianity?," 52.

76. Ibid., 44.

77. Ibid., 53.

78. T. W. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, 47.

79. T. W. Rhys Davids, "What Has Buddhism Derived from Christianity?," 52-53.

80. T. W. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, 31.

81. Ibid., 145.

82. "Passing of the Founder, " 8, a modified quote from T. W. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, 145, establishing that this was Rhys Davids's aim at the start of his career and remained so at the end. A similar point was made by the publication of his 1877 lecture on the subject in 1923.

83. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism: A Sketch, 55.

84. Pali Text Society Dictionary, 427b, quoted in Welbon, The Buddhist Nirvana, 231.

85. Without doubt the influence of the Pali Text Society and the publication of its dictionary has contributed to this. Childers's dictionary, the only one available when Rhys Davids was working on his early translations, defines bodhi as "[t]he knowledge possessed by a Buddha supreme, or infinite knowledge, omniscience, the Truth; Buddhahood." Childers, A Dictionary of the Pali Language, 93.

86. Encyclopedia of Buddhism, 3:178.

87. Lillie, The Popular Life of the Buddha (1883), reprinted as The Life of the Buddha, vii.

88. See Hallisey, "Roads Taken and ot Taken in the Study of Theravada Buddhism," for the most recent discussion of nineteenth-century scholarship. He identifies the study of the production of meaning of texts in living societies as one of the "roads not taken."

89. Muller, Selected Essays on Language, Mythology and Religion, 2:300.

90. This quotation is from his student, wife, and colleague, C. A. F. Rhys Davids, Buddhism, 16-17.

91. T. W. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, xxv.

92. Quoted in Almond, The British Discovery of Buddhism, 102.

93. Ibid.

94. Walpola, What the Buddha Taught, ch. 2, "The Four Noble Truths," addresses the question, suggesting the persistence of the pessimistic interpretation to the present time.

95. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism: A Sketch, 106-23.

96. Pali Text Society Dictionary, 477b, quoted in Welbon, The Buddhist Nirvana, 231.

97. Arnold, quoted in Clausen, "Victorian Buddhism and the Origins of Comparative Religion," 5.

98. Rhys Davids's sources here are Burnouf, Le Lotus de la bonne loi; Beal, A Catena of Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese; and Csoma's Tibetan Grammar. This quotation is from T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism: A Sketch, 199.

99. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism: A Sketch, 207.

100. Takakusu, "The Amitayur-Dhyana-Sutra."

101. Muller, Buddhist Mahayana Texts, part II, xxi.

102. Nanjio [sic], A Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripiyaka.

103. Muller, "On Sanskrit Texts Discovered in Japan," in Chips from a German Workshop, 5:236.

104. Muller, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, 236-37.

105. MacFarlane, Japan, vii-viii. McFarlane gave an account of Japan's sixteenth-century encounter with Christianity as a warning to the forthcoming American expedition of Commodore Perry. His advice was that the difference between the Church of Rome and the Reformed churches be made clear and that missionaries be kept out of politics and from every display of military force (230-34).

106. Yokoyama, Japan in the Victorian Mind, comments that guidebooks on Japan were similarly content to reproduce old stereotypes, formed before the English had access to Japan, long after they had the opportunity for firsthand observation. Even the academic journal Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society shows very little interest in religion before 1890. There is one article on phallicism, but it is not related to Buddhism.

107. Griffis, The Mikado's Empire. See the section "Buddhism in Japan," 158-75. Griffis was not a missionary.

108. Ibid., 158.

109. Ibid., 161.

110. Ibid., 166.

111. Ibid., 170-74.

112. Ibid., 174. Jesuit documents used by Elison in his study of early Japanese Christianity show that the Jesuit Valignano, in possibly the earliest Western accounts of Japanese Buddhism, also likened "Amidaism" of the Jodo schools to Lutheran Protestantism, but with different connotations. Elison, Deus Destroyed.

113. Reed, Japan: Its History, Tradition and Religions. Reed was a naval architect employed in Japan.

114. Ibid., 83-84. The idea apparently appealed to Reed. He commented elsewhere that "[ i]t will be gratifying, doubtless, to the many good people at home who look upon Buddhists as eligible for conversion to their particular view of the Christian religion ... to find their own generous intentions so entirely reciprocated .... It may be interesting to some of my readers to learn that [Akamatsu] possessing a knowledge of England and the English [after two and a half years' residence] and also the chief priest who was our host on this occasion find embraced in their sect of the Buddhist faith all that they consider good and true in the Christian religion, and are not without hope of seeing England adopt this view, and with it the tenets and practice of their faith, which they consider most excellent" (214-15). Cf. Kitagawa, The 1893 World's Parliament of Religions and Its Legacy, 11-12, attributing Japanese initiatives in these areas to the Christian example of the Parliament. Sumangala, high priest of Southern Buddhism, also expressed a similar expansive ambition at least as early as 1886, reported in the Times Democrat, April 19, 1886. Nishizaki, Lafcadio Hearn, 83-86.

CHAPTER 5

1. The reasons for attending the Parliament were explained in the Manifesto, signed by Concerned Buddhists.

2. Literally "New Buddhism." The term does not refer to a particular sect or specific doctrine, but to a number of Buddhist initiatives of the period that shared these general characteristics.

3. See Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, for a comprehensive account of the persecution and redefinition of Buddhism in this period.

4. Hirata Atsutane, for example, argued that ideology must be in harmony with the national spirit. Buddhism, a product of the "inferior Indian mind," was a harmful influence on the Japanese. See also Collcutt, "Buddhism: The Threat of Eradication"; Grapard, "Japan's Ignored Cultural Revolution"; Hardacre, Shinto and the State. On the doctrine of honji suijaku, which assimilates Shinto kami as indigenous manifestations of Buddhist deities, see Alicia Matsunaga, The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation. Kuroda Toshio in his important article "Shinto in the History of Japanese Religion" points out that Shinto did not even exist as a word until the modern era. McMullin, "Historical and Historiographical Issues in the Study of Pre-Modern Japanese Religions," gives a concise summary of the interconnectedness of pre-Meiji Japanese religion. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, ch. 2, gives a fascinating account of the radical nature of the separation, and the arbitrary-or at least nonobjective-basis for many of the identifications. Only 1 of 4,500 shrines in Satsuma, for example, was free of Buddhist taint. Ise, the principal Shinto site, was cleared of several hundred Buddhist temples. The distinctive features that make Shinto shrines so readily recognizable today were defined during this period. The shimenawa and torii, previously part of a common religious lexicon, were from this time associated exclusively with Shinto. Mirrors were installed to replace images in shrines. Ibid., 58-59.

5. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 47-54.

6. Ibid., 56. The impact did not fall evenly across the Buddhist community but varied by both domain and sects. For details, see also Collcutt, "Buddhism: The Threat of Eradication," 163; Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:113-24. Census reports show that between 1872 and 1876 the number of Buddhist priests dropped from 75, 925 to less than 20, 000 (Collcutt, 162). Because the four preceding years, 1868-71, were the most destructive, these figures give only a small indication of the extent of the reduction of the Buddhist institutions in the transition from Tokugawa to the Meiji. Kishimoto gives figures for representative domains. Sadoshima reduced a population of more than five hundred temples to eighty.

7. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 8, identifies prominent nativists in the Ministry of Rites and traces their influence in the drafting of the Separation Edicts.

8. Literally "abolish Buddhism and destroy Sakyomuni." Again, Ketelaar gives a most detailed account of this campaign, describing the disclaimer as a "gesture of disarming ingenuousness" (74), and arguing that the separation, as the government defined it, could only occur through the destruction of Buddhism (222). He also argues that article four of the Meiji Charter Oath that declared that "evil customs of the past shall be broken off and all will be based on the just laws of nature" prefigured the accomplishments of shinbutsu bunri.

9. There were earlier pre-Meiji initiatives, but this was the first united effort, the first step in creating a unified "Japanese Buddhism."

10. Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:128.

11. Soviak, "On the Nature of Western Progress."

12. Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:137-48.

13. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 28-29.

14. From "The Late Kenju Kasawara," obituary, Times, September 22, 1883, reprinted in the Journal of the Pali Text Society 1:2 (1883): 69-75.

15. Muller, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, 237.

16. Quoted by Takakusu in the introduction to I-Tsing.

17. Nanjio [sic], A Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka. The Tripitaka held in the India Office library had been donated by Iwakura Tomomi in 1875. The first mission to the West apparently also perceived the value of promoting Buddhism. Nanjo's catalog was a landmark work in Western Buddhist studies because it provided the means to cross-reference Chinese, Sanskrit, and Pali texts.

18. Nanja Bun'yu and Maeda Eun, Bukkyo seiten; Takakusu Junjiro and Watanabe Kaigyoku, Taisho shinshu daizokyo. Both Nanja and Takakusu had studied with Max Muller. Takakusu published two works in English in Muller's Sacred Books of the East series, "The Amitayur-Dhyana-Sutra, " and I-Tsing: A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (AD 671-695). In 1947 he published The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy. See Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, ch. 5, "The Making of a History, " for the importance of these works in creating Japanese Buddhism.

19. Takakusu, "Buddhism as We Find It in Japan."

20. See De Jong's "A Brief History of Buddhist Studies." Japanese Buddhism is the one area where De Jong defers to native scholarship.

21. The subscription list appears in journal of the Pali Text Society 1:3 (1884). Kasawara's obituary also appears in this issue.

22. Active members of the association that it represented included Takakusu Junjiro, Shimaji Mokurai, Akamatsu Renjo, and Inoue Enryo. By 1895 it had a membership of almost twenty thousand. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 200.

23. "Monthly Summary of the Religious Press," Japan Weekly Mail, October 3, 1891.

24. For an account of Shaku Soen's voyage, see his Seiyu nikki (Diary of a journey to the West). He was not the first to go to Ceylon, and others followed later. See also Furuta, "Shaku Soen," 70-74.

25. Kozaki, Reminiscences. See also Scheiner, Christian Converts and Social Protest in Meiji Japan, 34.

26. Fukuzawa Yukichi, Jiji shimpo (1888), reported in the Japan Weekly Mail, March 3, 1888, and quoted in Schwantes, "Christianity vs. Science, " 128 (emphasis added).

27. Kozaki, "Christianity in Japan: Its Present Condition and Future Prospects," in WPR, 1013.

28. Ibid., 1012.

29. Kozaki, Reminiscences, 39.

30. Scheiner, Christian Converts and Social Protest in Meiji Japan, 6, argues that many of the Christian converts in the early Meiji were former samurai of domains that had not joined the Restoration and found that traditional routes to bureaucratic positions had been cut.

31. Kozaki, Reminiscences, 29.

32. Ibid., 20. The text of the oath is in Kosaka, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 9:175-76.

33. Kozaki, Reminiscences, 204. This was Ebina Danjo, who was to become a leading theologian in the Japanese interpretation of Christianity. Ebina's nationalist Christianity eventually equated the Christian God and the divinity of the imperial line. See Chapter 8, note 89.

34. Staggs, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism, " 147-48, quoting Niijima Jo.

35. Kokumin no tomo, June 15, 1887, quoted in Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan, 25. Kokumin no tomo (Friend of the nation) was the journal of the Min'yusha (Society of Friends of the People). The Min'yusha and the Seikyosha, nationalist groups that are discussed later in this chapter, represent two poles in the spectrum of opinion concerning the problem of how to be both modern and Japanese. Though Pyle avoids the religious affiliations of these fundamentally political associations, they correspond to the Christian delegates and the Buddhist delegates to the World's Parliament of Religions respectively.

36. Tokutomi Soho was also known as Tokutomi Ichiro. Although he would have been only thirteen years old at the time, he was among the Kumamoto Band who participated in the mass conversion on Hanaoka Hill. He described himself as a follower of Niijima rather than a follower of Christ. Quoted in Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan, 107.

37. Ibid., 51.

38. Kozaki, Reminiscences, 358.

39. Ibid.

40. Japan Weekly Mail, October 3, 1891, 412. Yokoi, son of the influential Confucian scholar Yokoi Shonan, contributed a paper on "Christianity in Japan" at the World's Parliament of Religions.

41. Quoted in Schwantes, "Christianity vs. Science," 124.


42. Quoted in Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan, 70, from the manifesto of the founding of the Seikyosha.

43. Inoue and his project in Bukkyo katsuron joron are the subject of the following chapter. His work was followed by that of Nakanishi Goro. A summary of the aims of shin bukkyo appeared in Japan Weekly Mail, March 5, 1892, under the title "The New Buddhism," 450-52.

44. BKJ. An English translation is available in Staggs, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism."

45. Tamamuro, Nihon bukkyoshi, 3:340.

46. Ibid.

47. See, for example, Manifesto, 294-99. Christianity was not the only model for this. The value of community support had been demonstrated by the events of early Meiji. Jodoshinshu temples had survived the devastation of haibutsu kishaku, and later financial crises, because of their broad community support.

48. Tamamuro, Nihon bukkyoshi, 352. A number of youth organizations developed before this. The Japan Weekly Mail reported that Shaku Soen addressed the Yokohama chapter of the YMBA on his return from Chicago in 1893.

49. Jaffe, Neither Monk nor Layman, 169, mentions Tanaka Koho writing a wedding ceremony in 1886 for Rengekai, the lay association for the promotion of the Lotus Sutra and ichiren Buddhism. Tanaka also devised a ceremony for conferring the Lotus Sutra on newborn children. Ibid.

50. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 60, discusses the funeral issue as an attempt to break community links with Buddhism. The first Shinto wedding was performed in 1901.

51. Tsunemitsu, Meiji no bukkyosha (Meiji Buddhists), 182-92; Tamamuro, Nihon bukkyoshi, 340.

52. Collcutt, "The Zen Monastery in Kamakura Society," and Five Mountains.

53. Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology. The most recent book on the subject is Adolphson, Gates of Power.

54. McMullin, "Historical and Historiographical Issues in the Study of Pre-Modern Japanese Religions," 14. McMullin here relates obo-buppo to the Buddhist polity familiar to scholars of South and Southeast Asia as the principle of the interdependence of the sangha, the community of religious specialists, and the state.

55. The association was formed in 1869. Its topics for discussion are quoted in Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:128.

56. Ibid., 125.

57. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 72.

58. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," in WPR, 445.

59. Japan Weekly Mail, June 4, 1892.

60. Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan, 5. Pyle translates Seikyosha as Society for Political Education. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 101, gives Society for Politics and Religion. The flexibility in the reading of kyo (religion or education) encompassed the variety of opinion among its members. Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:151, calls it the National Religio-ethical Society of Japan. The term shukyo was coined in the Meiji period to translate the English "religion," Bukkyo, translated as Buddhism, is literally the teaching of awakening, or the teaching of the Buddha; kirisutokyo is the teaching of Christ.

61. BKJ, 377. Inoue contributed regularly to the Seikyosha journal Nihonjin, first published April 3, 1888. It became a weekly magazine but was banned because of political controversy from June to October 1891 and replaced for this period by a journal called Ajia. Nishida, Meiji jidai no shimbun to zasshi, 207-8. In these articles Inoue elaborated on the ideas expressed in Bukkyo katsuron joron.

62. BKJ, 368. Cf. Buddhist delegate Toki Horyu's paper at Chicago, "What Buddhism Has Done for Japan," 780: "And now let me tell you that this Buddhism has been the living spirit of our beloved Japan for so many years .... But don't too hastily conclude that we are only blinded in imitating others. We have our own nationality; let me assure you that we have our own spirit." The other delegates made similarly strong statements of Buddhism as the spirit of Japan.

63. Inoue Enryo, "Nihon shukyo ron," 12.

64. BKJ, 366.

65. BKJ, 370-71.

66. Japan Weekly Mail, March 9, 1889. The article was headed "Political Buddhism."

67. The intention to introduce constitutional government with a new political system based on elected representation had been announced in 1881.

68. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 104, quoting the Daido shimpo 1 (March 11, 1889): 17. Thelle, who disapproves of Buddhists engaging in politics, is extremely critical of the organization: "With the establishment of the Sonno Hobutsu Daidodan the potential exclusionism and aggressive anti-Christian character of Buddhist nationalism became manifest and was developed into a concrete strategy. Religious strife was politicized in a fatal way, apparently with the public sanction of prominent Buddhists, and the violent methods of political struggle found a way into the sphere of religion" (103). "Daidodan intensified the animosity between Buddhists and Christians by combining Buddhist apologetics with political struggle .... violence increasingly dominated the political climate of this period" (107). Clearly for Thelle, Buddhism and politics should not be mixed. He did not apply the same critical standards to the political activity of Japanese Christian converts.

69. Yoshida, Nihon kindai bukkyoshi, 44-45.

70. A chapter could be devoted to the entanglement of the freedom of religion clause with foreign relations and treaty revision on the one hand -- it was a prerequisite for revision -- and Buddhists' attempts to reestablish their position in society on the other. See Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 212 and 238-39; Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:139- 44, discusses Shimaji Mokurai's support for religious freedom. Abe Yoshiya, "Religious Freedom under the Meiji Constitution," 79.

71. In 1891 Inoue Tetsujiro's Chokugo engi appeared. This was an interpretive commentary on the Imperial Rescript on Education, which attempted 10 set forth a national morality based on loyalty to the divine emperor, an organic theory of sovereignty and Confucian ethics. Inoue Tetsujiro's work is important in this context because of its strongly anti-Christian stance, which became even more explicit in his Kyoiku to shukyo no shototsu (Collision of education and religion) (1893). The press reaction to this brought Buddhist and Christian opposition into focus in the months immediately preceding the delegation to Chicago. See Yamazaki and Miyakawa, "Inoue Tetsujiro: The Man and His Works"; W. Davis, "The Civil Religion of Inoue Tetsujiro"; Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths, ch. 5.

72. The term "civil religion" is used by Davis 10 describe the government-sponsored work of Inoue Tetsujiro. See Hardacre, Shinto and the State, for the condition of the Shinto experiment at this time.

73. Kishimoto Nobuta, "Future of Religion in Japan," in Houghton, Neely's History, 794.

74. Brinkley, Japan and China, 5:90.

75. Japan Weekly Mail, December 5, 1891.

76. The Doshisha group were Kumiai Protestants. While kumiai might be translated as Congregational, this was explicitly rejected by its leaders, who wanted no part of the sectarianism evident among Western Protestants and even more ardently wished to distance themselves from mission associations of this imported term.

77. Kishimoto Nobuta, "Future of Religion in Japan," 796.

78. The Mail's observation that it was the conservative Buddhist magazines alone that published technical articles supports this.
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Re: Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West,by Judith Snodg

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Part 3 of 4

CHAPTER 6

1. BKJ (Introduction to revitalizing Buddhism).

2. The character for tetsu had been used in Chinese in association with Confucian thought.

3. Japan Weekly Mail, March 1893.

4. This is not surprising considering Inoue's association with delegate Ashitsu Jitsuzen in the formation of the Sonno hobutsu daidodan and the Seikyosha, and the number of Inoue's close associates and colleagues in Buddhist revival who were signatories to the document.

5. Chisolm, Fenollosa, 42.

6. Fenollosa, Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art, 1:xiv.

7. Fukuzawa Yukichi, Chrysanthemum (October 1881): 393, translated by Walter Dening.

8. Chisolm, Fenollosa, 50, describes the Ryuchikai incident. The introductory essay by Mary Fenollosa in Fenollosa, Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art, xviii, lists his imperial honors.

9. The institute, under Okakura's direction, was responsible for the Hooden, the Japanese Pavilion at the Chicago Exposition.

10. Staggs, "Defend the Nation," 258. Shimaji Mokurai and Ouchi Seiran should need no further introduction. Kitabatake Doryu was a Honganji priest recently returned from study overseas, the first Japanese to visit Bodhgaya. Kiyozawa was also a Honganji student studying philosophy and later wrote on Hegel and Buddhism. His Hegelian-inspired lectures on Buddhism were circulated at the Parliament as the book Outlines of the Mahayiina. He was to become the founding president of Otani University. Inoue Tetsujiro studied philosophy in Europe. Miyake, Tanabashi, and Shiga were major Seikyosha spokesmen. Shiga was the editor of their journal Nihonjin.

11. Tsunemitsu, Meiji no bukkyosha, 174.

12. Staggs, "Defend the Nation," 154.

13. Although reform was supported at the highest levels the conservative opposition should not be underestimated. It is apparent in the refusal to endorse officially the delegation to Chicago, and in the absence of Honganji priests in the delegation in spite of the fact that invitations were originally extended to Nanjo, Shimaji, and Akamatsu as the Buddhists most well known overseas. See also Murakami Sensho's resignation from the Honganji over the controversy of his history of Buddhism. Ibid., 295-96. Kiyozawa Manshi mentions the factions in the Honganji, Inoue's institution. See Haneda, December Fan.

14. BKJ, 350 and 360. Part 2 of Bukkyo katsuron was entitled "Destroying Evil."

15. Staggs, "Defend the Nation, " 154. The ploy apparently worked. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity inJapan, 100-101, is generous in his praises for Inoue's rational approach. Inoue's earliest publications were anti-Christian: Haja shmron (A new refutation of Christianity) (1885); Shinri kishin (The guiding principle of Truth) (1886-87). Volumes 1 and 2 were a "point by point refutation of what Inoue deemed the erroneous and irrational tenets of Christianity." Staggs, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism," 191-202. Inoue's publishing house, Tetsugaku shoin, published numerous anti-Christian works through the 1890s. Inoue warned, however, against taking Christianity too lightly. "It is much more profound than would be indicated by the foolish chattering of the missionaries we hear" (190).

16. BKJ, 350.

17. BKJ, 362-64.

18. In reality, Inoue (1858-1919) would have been only ten years old at this time and, contrary to the implication of this "autobiography," remained a priest until 1885.

19. BKJ, 363-64.

20. Chisolm, Fenollosa, 131. Inoue's Buddhist philosophy was based on Tendai teachings.

21. BKJ, 334-35.

22. BKJ, 397.

23. BKJ, 351 and 361.

24. BKJ, 358-59.

25. BKJ, 364.

26. The Buddhist term hoben (Sanskrit: upaya) refers to provisional truth used as a means of leading beings to greater understanding. It relates to the Buddha's skill in teaching according to the ability of the audience to comprehend. See the subsequent account of the Five Periods of the Buddha's teachings.

27. BKJ, 397.

28. BKJ, 397-98. Staggs's thesis provides a detailed analysis of this, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism," 248-72.

29. BKJ, 398.

30. BKJ, 398-99.

31. BKJ, 399. See Inagaki, A Dictionary of Japanese Buddhist Terms, 83, for a definition of goun.

32. BKJ, 402.

33. Japanese Kegonkyo. This is a Mahayana sutra. For Inoue's account of this, see BKJ, 426- 28. The five periods are Kegonji, when Sakyomuni taught the Avatamsaka-sutra; the Agonji, when he taught the Agama-sutras; the Hodoji, when he taught the Vaipulya-sutras; the Hannyaji, when he taught the Prajnaparamita-sutras; and Hokeji or nehanji, when he taught the Saddharma-pundarika-sutra and Mahaparinirvana-sutra. The periods take their names from the Japanese names of the sutras.

34. BKJ, 427.

35. BKJ, 354; Staggs, "Defend the Nation," 274 n. 69.

36. BKJ, 365.

37. BKJ, 377.

38. BKJ, 368.

39. BKJ, 377.

40. BKJ, 374.

41. BKJ, 375.

42. BKJ, 386.

43. BKJ, 351.

44. BKJ, 378.

45. Staggs, "Defend the Nation," 226-28.

46. BKJ, 370.

47. Shiga Shigetaka (1863-1927) published his Nanyo jiji (Conditions in the South Seas) in 1887, the same year as BKJ. His voyages in Australia and New Zealand, among other places, had convinced him of the danger of "naive and weak-willed association with Westerners and their culture." Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan, 56-58.

48. Inoue Enryo, Nihonjin 1 (April 1888).

49. BKJ, 368.

50. BKJ, 365.

51. BKJ, 365-66.

52. BKJ, 366.

53. BKJ, 370-71.

54. BKJ, 366.

55. BKJ, 371.

56. BKJ, 366.

57. BKJ, 366-67.

58. BKJ, 372.

59. Ibid.

60. BKJ, 372-73.

61. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 110.

CHAPTER 7

1. ODL, 4:83. ODL was first published in 1910 as a narrative expansion of Olcott's diaries. I have also consulted microfilms of the handwritten originals, Colonel Olcott's Diary, vol. 4 (1883- 91). This quotation is from the text of the invitation reproduced in ODL.

2. Hirai's home address in Kyoto appears on the inside cover of Olcott's diary for 1887 and 1888, suggesting that Hirai made the contact. Kasawara Kenju, the Nishi Honganji priest who had been studying with Max Muller since 1879, appears in the 1883 diary. Kasawara had returned to Japan via Ceylon in 1882. Once Olcott was in Japan, his tour received the endorsement of the combined sects and was backed financially by the Nishi Honganji and the Higashi Honganji. ODL.

3. See, for example, ODL, 4:153.

4. For the most recent and well balanced account of Olcott and his religious position, and a detailed account of Olcott's mission in Asia. see Prothero's insightful book, The White Buddhist: The Asian Odyssey of Henry Steel Olcott.

5. Murphet, Hammer on the Mountain, ch. 2, gives account of Olcott's early career. His work on agriculture is generally overlooked in Western sketches of the founder of Theosophy but was most important in Japan. He was asked to lecture on the subject.

6. Quoted in ODL, 4:86.

7. Compare Tamamuro, Nihon bukkyoshi (History of Japanese Buddhism), 3:340. Olcott receives only passing reference.

8. I expand on Olcott's idiosyncratic interpretation of Buddhism later. Prothero, using a linguistic metaphor, describes Olcott's Buddhism as a "creole." Prothero argues: "What shifted for Olcott was merely the 'lexicon' of his faith. The structural framework out of which he spoke his Buddhist words -- what has been described here as his 'grammar' -- remained Protestant, and 'his accent' remained decidedly theosophical" (The White Buddhist, 96).

9. ODL, 2:190.

10. It became an issue later when Olcott asked his former Japanese Buddhist sponsors to endorse his platform for Buddhist unity.

11. ODL, 4:83.

12. ODL, 4:85.

13. See Malalgoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society, for a discussion of the Buddhist revival in nineteenth-century Ceylon, including details of Olcott's contribution. ODL, vol. 2, presents Olcott's own account. This is elaborated upon in Murphet, Hammer on the Mountain, and, most recently, Prothero, The White Buddhist.

14. Copleston, bishop of Colombo, letter to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 1879, quoted in Malalgoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society, 230.

15. This was a famous debate held at Panadure in August 1873, described in detail in Peebles, The Great Debate. See also Malalgoda, Buddhism ill Sinhalese Society, 222-31.

16. ODL, 2:165.

17. ODL, 2:179.

18. ODL, 2:325.

19. Christianity had been installed as the state religion under Dutch administration, and its ceremonies remained the only legal registration of births, deaths, and marriages until civil registration was installed in 1868. Specifically Buddhist registration was a symbolic victory because it placed Buddhism as an equal and valid alternative to Christianity.

20. ODL, P24.

21. Correspondence with the Colonial Office is reproduced in ODL, vol. 3.

22. Wickremeratne, "Religion, Nationalism, and Social Change in Ceylon, " 127. There is, however, a slippage here between what "Buddhism" denoted for Olcott and for the sangha.

23. ODL, 2:189.

24. ODL, 4:49.

25. ODL, 4:150.

26. Ibid.

27. Sangharakshita, Flame in Darkness, 56-57.

28. Olcott, "On the President's Japan Tour," 246.

29. Ibid.

30. Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake, 98.

31. ODL, 2:168.

32. Cf. Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake, 97: "As early as 1875, HPB (Madame Blavatsky) had told W. Q. judge in New York that she considered herself a Buddhist, and that the beliefs of the Masters 'might be designated pre-Vedic Buddhists.' Since, however, as HPB told judge, 'no one would now admit there was any Buddhism before the Vedas,' it was best to think of the Masters as 'Esoteric Buddhists.'''

33. ODL, 2:168-69.

34. Olcott, The Golden Rules of Buddhism, 16-17.

35. ODL, 2:298.

36. Olcott, "Buddhism and Science," in The Buddhist Catechism, 114-21.

37. ODL, 2:301-2.

38. ODL, 2:300.

39. ODL, 2:406-7.

40. Olcott, "On the President's Japan Tour," 243.

41. See, for example, Japan Weekly Mail, September 19, 1891: "They disclaimed for Buddhism that esoteric side which is so much talked of in Europe." Japan Weekly Mail, September 3, 1892, reports on a conversation between Sir Edwin Arnold -- also a Theosophist -- and a group of Zen priests, the thrust of which was the amusement of the Buddhists at Arnold's obsession with supernatural powers and the futility of trying to explain to him that although Buddhists did not deny the existence of extraordinary powers, acquisition of these powers was incidental to Buddhist achievement (27).

42. Colonel Olcott's Diary, February 15, 1889.

43. Ibid., March 21, 1889.

44. ODL, 4:412.

45. Ibid.

46. Olcott, "On the President's Japan Tour," 244.

47. ODL, 4:413.

48. ODL, 4:156.

49. ODL, 4:148.

50. ODL, 4:81.

51. ODL, vol. 4, chs. 6, 7, and 8 respectively.

52. Olcott, "On the President's Japan Tour, " 247.

53. Japan Weekly Mail, March 16, 1889, 249-50.

54. Ibid.

55. Ibid., 249.

56. Japan Weekly Mail, April 6, 1889, 333C-334b.

57. Ibid.

58. Ibid.

59. Japan Weekly Mail, May 6, 1889, 430.

60. "Editorial Paragraphs," Missionary Herald, May 1889, quoted in Prothero, The White Buddhist, 126.

61. ODL, 4:142.

62. Colonel Olcott's Diary, March 16, 1889.

63. ODL, 4:127.

64. Quoted in ODL, 4:134.

65. Japan Weekly Mail, March 16, 1889, 250.

66. Colonel Olcott's Diary, March 4, 1889.

67. ODL, 4:31.

68. Colonel Olcott's Diary, March 18, 1889.

69. ODL, 4:164-66. Olcott quotes from a speech made by a Mr. Tokusawa, one of the Buddhists who accompanied Olcott back to Ceylon to study under Sumangala, which was given at the 1890 Theosophical Society Convention in Adyar. Tokusawa's excesses may perhaps be excused in this context: the good guest, speaking far from home.

70. Mikkyo daijiten, 5:2036.

CHAPTER 8

1. Manifesto, 297. Barrows himself refers to this incident. WPR, 61.

2. Manifesto, 297.

3. Ibid. See also Yatsubuchi's Shukyo taikai hodo, 57: "[W]e proceeded on their own actual territory."

4. Japan Weekly Mail, May 6, 1893, 542, and June 3, 1893, 650.

5. Manifesto, 295. As mentioned in Chapter 6, Ouchi, Shimaji, Ashitsu, and Inoue were all founding members of the Seikyosha and of the Sonno hobutsu daidodan.

6. Cf. Kuroda Shinto, Outlines of the Mahayana, iii. See the following chapter on the status of the book.

7. Ibid. (emphasis added).

8. Early moves in this direction have been discussed previously.

9. Choya shimbun, quoted in Japan Weekly Mail, February 2, 1889, 97.

10. Japan Weekly Mail, December 30, 1893, 790. The mission to India refers to Japanese participation in the Mahabodhi Society. Other than this, the Buddhist missions largely correspond with Japanese territorial expansion at this time, confirming the link between missions and imperialism. One-quarter of the population of Hawaii was Japanese. The "surprising strategy of expansion" does not seem to have extended to sending unsolicited missions to the West. Buddhist priests were sent to minister to expatriates in California but not to actively proselyuze among Americans. Shaku Soen accepted an invitation to teach in America.

11. Yatsubuchi, Shukyo taikai hodo, 3.

12. Yatsubuchi, reported in Japan Weekly Mail, April 7, 1894, 413.

13. The Christian delegates, all Kumiai Christians from Doshisha College, contributed regularly to the Min'yusha journal Kokumin no tomo. The sentiments they expressed in their own more specifically Christian journals, Rihigo zasshi and Kirisutokyo shimbun, are consistent with Min'yusha views and are frequently quoted by Pyle to establish his arguments, although he avoids the religious label. The Seikyosha connections of the Buddhist delegation are discussed in the previous chapter.

14. Mikkyo daijiten, 5:2036.

15. WPR, 57.

16. See the discussion of shin bukkyo in Chapter 5, and Tamamuro, Nihon bukkyoshi (History of Japanese Buddhism), 3:354.

17. Yatsubuchi, Shukyo taikai hodo, 21. On Yatsubuchi's rank, see Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs, 159.

18. Furuta, "Shaku Soen," 75, records that Engakuji, like other Zen temples that had lost patronage since the Meiji Restoration, was in severe financial distress at this time. The total income the main temple collected from its branch temples in 1890 was seventy yen.

19. Quoted in Japan Weekly Mail, November 4, 1893.

20. Japan Weekly Mail, February 1894, 146.

21. Prasnottara, vol. 2 (Adyar, 1894).

22. Haneda, December Fan.

23. Manifesto, 297. The prediction turned out to be accurate, but did they expect Barrows's contribution as editor?

24. Referred to throughout Barrows's record of the Parliament as Kinza Riuge M. Hirai. Ryuge is a Buddhist initiatic name. Hirai had taken lay ordination through the Rinzai Zen temple Myoshinji in Kyoto. The triple name compares with the practice of Japanese Christians of including a baptismal name, as, for example, the Doshisha delegate Kaburagi Peter Goro.

25. The development of lay Buddhism was a most significant feature of Meiji Buddhist revival, taking Buddhism out of the confines of institutions and arcane texts and bringing it into the community and the vernacular language. See Tamamuro, Nihon bukkyoshi, 340-41, "Koji bukkyo no tenkai" (The development of lay Buddhism).

26. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," in WPR, 449. An alternative version is in Houghton, Neely's History, 157-61. References in this chapter are from Barrows except where otherwise specified. Hirai wrote Shinyaku zensho danpaku (Refutation of the New Testament) in 1883. See Japan Biographical Encyclopedia and Who's Who, 285.

27. Olcott's personal diaries for 1887 and 1888 list Hirai's name and Kyoto address.

28. Noguchi, "The Religion of the World," 440. Note his inclusion of pre-Meiji Japan in this category of the already civilized.

29. Ibid. The Tokugawa bakufu which had held political and military power in Japan since the early seventeenth century was nevertheless nominally subservient to the emperor. Because Perry arrived at a time of waning bakufu power, the signing of the treaty against the court's advice became a point of political contention. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 446, elaborates on this point: "It is perfectly right and just that we reject this whole treaty because its term has already passed, and because it is the treaty negotiated and signed by the feudal Shogun and his officers without the ratification of the Emperor."

30. Japanese soryo, priest.

31. Noguchi, "The Religion of the World," 442.

32. Note also the claim here to validate the Mahayana sutras as the actual teachings of Sakyomuni: "Buddha Shaka's sutras."

33. Noguchi, "The Religion of the World," 443.

34. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity."

35. Ibid., 449.

36. Ibid., 446.

37. Ibid., 448.

38. "Religious Thought in Japan," 257-67. Cf. Tateno, "Foreign Nations at the World's Fair: Japan," quoted in Chapter 1, on the exposition as chance to come into contact with intelligent, thinking people and win their support for treaty revision. The publication of the article is also consistent with Mutsu Munemitsu's deliberate manipulation of public opinion through the press. In 1895 Arena also carried an article justifying ("explaining") Japanese aggression in Korea.

39. Japan Weekly Mail described Hirai's article as "the best thing yet written on Japanese Buddhism" (August 5, 1893). Fukudo is Noguchi's family name; Zenshiro the name he took after lay initiation (cf. Hirai's second name, "Ryuge"). I am indebted to Professor Higuchi Shoshin of Otani University, Kyoto, for this piece of information. The article refers to the author as "Kinza Hirai of Los Angeles, California" (October 14, 1893). He alone of the delegates spoke English fluently.

40. The Parliament opened on September 11. The journal must have appeared earlier since it is reviewed in "Letter from Chicago," Japan Weekly Mail, August 26, 1893, 417. Cheney also published an article, "Mahayana Buddhism in Japan, " which expressed the ideas of Hirai and Meiji Buddhist revival right down to its conclusion: "And now, as the glow of the dawn of the twentieth century heralds a coming morning, the keen specialists of the West recognize that between the covers of the Tripitaka may be found the duplicate of the key with which modern science unlocks the doors of truth." Was Cheney herself a Buddhist? What was her relationship to Hirai?

41. Shaku Seen jokingly implied this in the opening of his second paper, in which he expressed satisfaction in having no one but "we heathen" (ikyosha) on the platform. Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 65. Note, however, that the term Shaku Seen used to translate "heathen" in his report on Hirai's paper is yaban, which more specifically denotes "barbaric" or "uncivilized."

42. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 449; in Houghton, Neely's History, 160.

43. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 258. This was mentioned in Chapter 1.

44. Barrows himself commented on this in WPR, 115.

45. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 450.

46. Ibid. A Japanese account of the speech in Shaku Soen's outline of the Parliament intended for circulation among the Japanese public and therefore unconcerned with eliciting American passion, reduced this concluding message to its essence: "Gentlemen, we are inspired to action by the way you escaped the shackles of England and gained independence .... lend us a little of your strength in the treaty revision." Shaku Soen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 13.

47. Chang, "The Question of the Unilateral Denunciation and the Meiji Government, 1888-1892."

48. Yatsubuchi, Shukyo taikai hodo, 39.

49. Chicago Herald, September 14, 1893, quoted in WPR, 116.

50. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 446.

51. Cheney, "Japan and Her Relation to Foreign Powers."

52. Flower, "Justice for Japan," 235.

53. Ibid., 225.

54. Cheney, "Japan and Her Relation to Foreign Powers," 462; Flower, "Justice for Japan," 227.

55. Townsend Harris, quoted in Flower, "Justice for Japan," 227.

56. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan."

57. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 444.

58. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 267. Cf. the dominant Christian metaphor at the Parliament of degrees of light and darkness. Translated to Hirai's scheme there would be many roads, but only one would reach the place where the moon could be seen clearly. The conditional expression "if the top is reached" carries the same warning that some paths will be misdirected and will fail to reach the top.

59. Hirai, "Synthetic Religion."

60. Hirai, "Synthetic Religion," in Houghton, Neely's History, 800. This paper has been edited to an inconsequential fraction of its length in Barrows's record of the Parliament.

61. Ibid., 802. Dharmapala used the term "synthetic religion" to refer to Buddhism. It is the nature of Buddhism to be encompassing.

62. Cf. BKJ, 395: "I have always insisted that Christianity with a scientific explanation would turn into something like Buddhism."

63. Hirai, "Synthetic Religion," in Houghton, Neely's History, 800.

64. Cf. Inoue Enryo's claims that Buddhism is the highest form of religion because it offers philosophy for the intellectually advanced and the reassurance of the trappings of religion for "women and common folk." BKJ, 392.

65. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 261-63.

66. Ibid., 260.

67. Ibid., 259. Japan Biographical Encyclopedia and Who's Who, 258, records that Hirai was a linguist and that his life's mission was the pursuit of Aryan roots of Japanese language. 68. For details on the arbitrary decisions made defining the material representations of Shinto at this time, see Ketelaar, of Heretics and Martyrs, ch. 2.

69. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 260. This key concept was the subject of another paper by the Buddhist priest Ashitsu and one touched on by all speakers.

70. Ibid., 261-62. Toki Horyu also makes this point: "[T]o pray to and worship a symbol is not the idea .... the symbol is an example presenting the grand, uniform and absolute truth." "The prayer and worship of the symbol in Buddhism is very different from the so-called idol worship." Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 547-48.

71. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 265.

72. Ibid., 267.

73. Ibid., 263-64.

74. Quoted in Said, Culture and Imperialism, 17.

75. Sumangala, "Buddhism: Southern Orthodox," 894.

76. Houghton, Neely's History, 803-6.

77. Ibid., 804.

78. Ibid., 806.

79. Asoka, the great Buddhist king of the third century B.C., was known for his edicts on religious toleration and patronage of all religions.

80. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 449; in Houghton, Neely's History, 160. (This gives "entailed" for "curtailed.")

81. WPR, 1513-16.

82. Houghton, Neely's History, 157.

83. Highlights from this congress are found in WPR, 1093-1100.

84. Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, 9-17, and "Results from the Parliament of Religions," 60.

85. Yatsubuchi, Shukyo taikai hodo, 39.

86. Hirai, "Synthetic Religion," in Houghton, Neely's History, 802. This part of the paper does not appear in Barrows's heavily edited version.

87. Hirai, "The Real Position of Japan toward Christianity," 449.

88. Kishimoto Nobuta, "Future of Religion in Japan," in WPR, 1279. Kishimoto had interrupted his studies in comparative religion at Harvard to speak at the Parliament. He later joined Anesaki Masaharu in founding the study of comparative religion in Japan. Suzuki Norihisa, "Nobuta Kishimoto and the Beginnings of the Scientific Study of Religion in Modern Japan." He wrote a series of articles on Buddhism for Paul Carus's journal Open Court, 1894, which illustrate the idea that Japanese Buddhism is the highest development of the teaching: "The Influence of Buddhism on the People," "The Zen and the Shin Sects," "Present Condition," "Sacred Literature," "Northern and Southern Buddhism," and "Buddhism in Japan."

89. Kishimoto Nobuta, "Future of Religion in Japan," in WPR, 1280. In the year preceding the Parliament Japanese Christians had suffered attack in the controversy over the Imperial Rescript on Education, which brought up the very relevant issue of whether it was possible to be both Christian and Japanese, because strict monotheism was an obstacle to accepting the divine ancestry of the emperor. The end point was reached by Ebina Danjo, also a Kumiai thinker who equated the Christian God with the supreme deity of the Japanese Imperial House: "Though the encouragement of ancestor worship cannot be regarded as part of the essential teaching of Christianity (!), it is not opposed to the notion that, when the Japanese empire was founded, its early rulers were in communication with the Great Spirit that rules the universe. Christians, according to this theory, without doing violence to their creed, may acknowledge that the Japanese nation has a divine origin. It is only when we realise that the Imperial Ancestors were in close communion with God (or the Gods), that we understand how sacred is the country in which we live." Quoted in Chamberlain, The Invention of a New Religion, 16. The exclamation mark is presumably Chamberlain's. The seeds of this idea are apparent in Matsugama's and Kaburagi's papers. This not only nationalized Christianity but extended Japan's special position as the divine land from the home of the gods, to the home of God.

90. Matsugama, "Origin of Shinto," 1370-73; Kaburagi, "The Shinto Religion," 1373-74. These papers were presented in the Scientific Section.

91. Matsugama, "Origin of Shinto," 1372. He dates it between 1776 and 1843. Matsugama wrote this some eighty years before Kuroda Toshio's influential article, "Shinto in the History of Japanese Religion," brought this to more general attention.

92. Matsugama, "Origin of Shinto," 1372.

93. Ibid., 1373.

94. Shinto in Japanese is usually translated as the "way of the gods" because there are innumerable kami.

95. Kozaki, "Christianity in Japan: Its Present Condition and Future Prospects," in Houghton, Neely's History, 489; in WPR, 1012.

96. Kozaki, "Christianity in Japan: Its Present Condition and Future Prospects," in WPR, 1013.

97. Kozaki, Reminiscences, 36.

98. Kishimoto Nobuta, "Future of Religion in Japan," in WPR, 1283.

99. Kozaki, Reminiscences, 94.

100. Kozaki, recorded in Houghton, Neely's History, 494. This proposition was clearly too radical for Barrows, who modified it to read "take their place side by side with native workers." WPR, 1014.

101. Kozaki, quoted by Barrows in the caption to his photograph. WPR, 1015.

102. Japan Weekly Mail, July 2, 1892, 13. The American Board missionaries ensconced in Kyoto were nominally teachers of Western learning at the Doshisha College. They had paid for the establishment of the college, but it was held in the names of Japanese.

103. Thelle confirms that the introduction of mixed residence after 1899 passed largely without incident. Thelle, Buddhism arid Christianity in Japan, 10.

104. Japan Weekly Mail, July 2, 1892, 13, quoting the progressive Shingon journal Gokoku.

105. Thelle, Buddhism and Christianity in Japan, 109.
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Part 4 of 4

CHAPTER 9

1. "Mahayana does not exclude Hjnayana and together they are called Ekayiina." Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 544. Ekayana (Japanese ichijo) is a Sanskrit term meaning the One Vehicle to awakening. Although JEBD, 124, describes it as comprising both the Hinayana (Japanese: shojo, Small Vehicle) and the Mahayana (Japanese: daijo, Great Vehicle), Toki clearly equated it with (Japanese) Mahayana. A synonymous term is ichiu, the one rain that falls from the sky that nurtures many diverse plants, just as the one teaching of the Buddha can guide men of different natures. JEBD, 124-25. The idea is most particularly stressed in the Saddharmapundarika- sutra (Japanese Hokke-kyo), repeatedly referred to by the delegates as the culmination of the Buddha's teachings. The Japanese delegates consistently use the term "Hinayana" to designate the Buddhism of the South. Theravada (The Way of the Elders) is the term preferred by its adherents.

2. Bigelow's Buddhism and Immortality was published in 1908, but Fenollosa's sophisticated notes on Tendai and Shingon appear only in his personal notebooks. Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism, 70.

3. BKJ, 365.

4. Kuroda Shinto, Outlines of the Mahayana, ii (emphasis added). For other examples, see Ashitsu, "The Fundamental Teachings of Buddhism," 160; Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism, " in WPR, 719; Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 544; Ashitsu, "Buddha," in Houghton, Neely's History, 541; BKJ, 427.

5. Yatsubuchi, Shukyo taikai hodo, and Shaku Soen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran. Barrows's official history was also translated into Japanese.

6. Manifesto, 296.

7. Manifesto, 299.

8. See Malalgoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society, on the creation of Protestant Buddhism in Ceylon; Nidhi, "A Preliminary Study of Central Thai Writings on Buddha's Life," and Jory, "Thai and Western Buddhist Scholarship in the Age of Colonialism," on rational interpretations of Buddhism in Siam.

9. Subscription list, Journal of the Pali Text Society (1882).

10. Journal of the Pali Text Society (1922): 28-31.

11. Sumangala, "Buddhism: Southern Orthodox, " 894.

12. Cf. Shaku Soen's request that the audience "not be so narrow-minded" as to reject his ideas because they came from "one who belonged to a different nation, different creed and different civilization."

13. Dharmapala, "The World's Debt to Buddha," in Houghton, Neely's History, 408. Barrows has edited the comment on anthropomorphic deism, and reference to Europe's respect for Sakyomuni's "divine memory."

14. Dharmapala, "The World's Debt to Buddha," in WPR, 866. The discrepancy and overlap suggest that the paper shown in Barrows is an amalgamation of the speech and a later paper.

15. Houghton, Neely's History, 408; Guruge, Return to Righteousness, 4.

16. Although some Japanese delegates repeat the Western dates for the birth of the Buddha, Kuroda gives 1027 B.C., Toki 127 B.C. This may be a typographical problem. Ashitsu: 1026 years before Christ.

17. Noguchi first made this statement. It was repeated by Ashitsu, "Buddha," in Houghton, Neely's History, 542; Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 716.

18. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan." This is discussed in Chapter 8. The nature of the term "Buddha" was also the subject of the papers by Ashitsu and Yatsubuchi.

19. Toki, "History of Buddhism and Its Sects in Japan," in Houghton, Neely's History, 222. The paper in Barrows is different but nevertheless begins with the unequivocal statement that "Bhagavat Setyammie [sic) taught three yanas or vehicles for the conveyance of the truth"; Toki, "History of Buddhism and Its Sects in Japan," in WPR, 543.

20. Cf. JEBD, 81.

21. Ashitsu, "Buddha," in Houghton, Neely's History, 541.

22. BKJ, 399. This is discussed in Chapter 6.

23. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 543.

24. Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 719.

25. Toki, "History of Buddhism and Its Sects in Japan," in Houghton, Neely's History, 222; in WPR, 543.

26. Toki, "History of Buddhism and Its Sects in Japan," in WPR, 544.

27. Ashitsu, "Buddha," in Houghton, Neely's History, 543. This material, printed in Neely's History as part of Ashitsu's paper, appears in Barrows as a letter from a Mr. Horiuchi, secretary of the Japanese Mahabodhi Society, who had also traveled to Chicago. WPR, 130-31. It had been read to the Parliament by the chairman on the eleventh day (September 21). Horiuchi was a signatory to the Manifesto.

28. Manifesto, 298.

29. Dharmapala, reported in WPR, 95.

30. Houghton, Neely's History, 222.

31. Toki, "History of Buddhism and Its Sects in Japan."

32. Toki; see also the caption to his portrait, WPR, 544. The sentiment, however, does not appear in Barrows's version of the paper but in Houghton, Neely's History, 226.

33. Shaku Soen, "Shukyoka kondankai ni tsuite," 174.

34. Ashitsu, quoted in Carus, "The World's Religious Parliament Extension," 348.

35. Toki, "What Buddhism Has Done for Japan," 779.

36. Dharmapala, "The World's Debt to Buddha," in Guruge, Return to Righteousness, 20; Sumangala, "Buddhism: Southern Orthodox," 894.

37. Kuroda Shinto, Outlines of the Mahayana, ch. 1.

38. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 546.

39. Arnold, quoted in Clausen, "Victorian Buddhism and the Origins of Comparative Religion," 5.

40. Prince Chudhadharn, "Buddhism as It Exists in Siam," 645.

41. Pali: Paticca-samuppada; Sanskrit: pratitya-samutpada. Current translations (conditioned genesis, dependent origination, codependent origination) remove the stress from the concept of strict causality. It was also discused by Dharmapala, "Points of Resemblance and Difference between Buddhism and Christianity," 1288-90; Prince Chudhadharn, "Buddhism as It Exists in Siam," 645-49; Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 546-47.

42. Hewitt, "Rational Demonstration of the Being of God," 260. The same arguments were advanced by other speakers, such as T. Harris, "Proofs of the Existence of God."

43. Shaku Soen, "The Law of Cause and Effect as Taught by the Buddha," in WPR, 830. Cf. similar metaphors used by Hirai and Dharmapala. Toki conceded that Buddhism did have a kind of a creator God in Brahma, a deity taken over from the Indians, but explained that he did not "make something out of nothing."

44. T. Harris, "Proofs of the Existence of God," 306.

45. Japanese jicho jido, in Bukyo daijiten, 1930; Japanese jigo jitoku, in Bukkyo daijiten, 1772, respectively.

46. Cf. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 547. "There is no Buddha or Divinity" who administers pleasure or pain; like the thread of a silkworm, both come from within; "No pleasure or pain will come from without, but they are only the effect felt like the sound or shadow of good or bad action produced by the mind of ourselves."

47. Ibid., 546.

48. Shaku Soen, "The Law of Cause and Effect as Taught by the Buddha," in WPR, 831.

49. Manifesto, 299.

50. Dharmapala, "The World's Debt to Buddha," in WPR, 863.

51. Ibid.

52. BKJ, 398.

53. Note again the scientific language used. BKJ, 398. See Staggs, "In Defence of Japanese Buddhism," 248-60, for an analysis of Inoue's explanation of the evolution of Western philosophy and its parallels in the various sects of Buddhism. It depends on a "simplified dialectics" (her term) in which two extreme and opposing theories are reconciled in a third. There is always, except in the Buddha's teaching, an "excess," an unresolved portion.

54. Shaku Soen's second paper at the Parliament, "Arbitration Instead of War," called for recognition of differences, as did his lecture in Shaku Soen, "Report on a Meeting of Religious Leaders."

55. Kuroda, Outlines of the Mahayana, 16-19.

56. Japanese: Shinnyo; Sanskrit: tathata. JEBD, 284. Cf. Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 717.

57. Kuroda, Outlines of the Mahayana, 16.

58. Toki, "History of Buddhism and Its Sects in Japan," in WPR, 546-47.

59. Prince Chudhadharn, "Buddhism as It Exists in Siam, " 645. Kuroda, Outlines of the Mahayana: "But though the Jaw of causation extends to all things and is limitless in its dominion, all these things are yet but waves raised on the sea of man's mysterious mind" (iv). Cf. "So the essence of mind is compared to water, and its phenomena to waves" (20). There is nothing that has any reality in the sense of unchanging and permanent existence: "when conditions come, things begin to appear; when conditions cease, things likewise cease to exist."

60. Ashitsu, "Buddha," in WPR, 1039, and in Houghton, Neely's History, 539. "The innumerable phenomena before our eyes ... are the shadow or appearance of the absolute unity." The version in Barrows is reduced to about half the length of the paper in Houghton.

61. Japanese: sanshin; Sanskrit: trayah kayah. JEBD, 258. Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 718.

62. Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 718-19.

63. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 544. All beings have the Buddha nature, "the essential spirit in full completeness," and their apparent differences are due to the "various forms of development on the physical plane." Kuroda, Outlines of the Mahayana, iv.

64. Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 717.

65. Ashitsu, "Buddha," in Houghton, Neely's History, 538-39.

66. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 260-61.

67. This particular reference is to Yatsubuchi, "Buddhism," in WPR, 723. The views of Ashitsu and Toki are clear from their papers, and the definition of the term was the basis of Shaku Soen's contentious correspondence with Barrows.

68. Kuroda, Outlines of the Mahayana, 6.

69. Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism."

70. See JEBD, 289. Shishu-nehan, the four kinds of nehan (nirvana). The spelling here follows the dictionary rather than Barrows, which has some minor differences.

71. Ibid.

72. Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism," 43-44.

73. Hirai, "Religious Thought in Japan," 264.

74. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 549.

75. Ibid., 546.

76. BKJ, 394.

77. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 544.

78. Hirai, "Synthetic Religion," in Houghton, Neely's History, 801-2.

79. Kuroda, Outlines of the Mahayana, 1.

80. Toki, "Buddhism in Japan," 548.

81. Shaku Soen, Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot, reprinted as Zen for Americans, 46-47.

82. Ibid., 48.

83. Shaku Soen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 5.

84. Ibid. Shaku Soen gives the name in katakana as sutoro, hence my spelling. However, Rick Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake, 129, records that a Mr. Strauss took vows after Dharmapala lectured at the Atheneum Building and was accepted as a member of the Mahabodhi Samaj. Ahir, Pioneers of Buddhist Revival in India, 17, also speaks of a "C. T. Strauss of New York, a lifelong student of philosophy and comparative religion." The actual name was of less importance to Shaku Soen than the fact that he was an American businessman. Note also that the differences between Mahayana and Theravada dissolve before the opportunity to record Western approval of Buddhism.

CHAPTER 10

1. On Carus's contribution to the propagation of Buddhism in America, see Verhoeven, "Americanizing the Buddha," and Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism. On Carus's impact on philosophy in America, see Meyer, "Paul Carus and the Religion of Science"; Hay, "Paul Carus: A Case Study of Philosophy on the Frontier"; Jackson, "The Meeting of East and West."

2. Carus, Gospel, viii.

3. Monist 6:1 (October 1895): 142.

4. Fader, "Zen in the West," 141.

5. Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism," 43-58.

6. Ibid., 43.

7. Barrows, in ibid., quoted by Shaku Soen from a report of Barrows's second Haskell lecture in the Chicago Tribune, Monday, January 13, 1896. Shaku Soen's letter is dated March 1.

8. Shaku Soen, in ibid.

9. Barrows, Christianity: The World Religion, 9-10.

10. The Christian Conquest of Asia was the title of a volume of Barrows's lectures in 1898, recounting the observations of his Asian lecture tour. It is subtitled Studies and Personal Observations of Oriental Religions, Morse Lectures of 1898. The earlier work, Christianity: The World Religion, contains the lectures delivered in Japan and India.

11. Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism," 46.

12. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism: Its History and Literature, 208, and also quoted by Ellinwood, in Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism," 50.

13. Barrows, The Christian Conquest of Asia, 179.

14. Shaku Soen, Barrows, and Ellinwood, "A Controversy on Buddhism," 46.

15. Max Muller did contribute a paper but not one that dealt with Asian religion, the field for which he was best known. See "Greek Philosophy and the Christian Religion," 935-36.

16. Muller, "The Real Significance of the Parliament of Religions."

17. Ibid., 10.

18. Ibid., 13.

19. Carus, "Christian Missions: A Triangular Debate," 276.

20. His paper was entitled "Science a Religious Revelation," in WPR, 978-81.

21. Carus, "The Work of the Open Court," iii.

22. Monist 2:4 (1891-92): 640.

23. Carus, "Monism and Meliorism," 7. First published in New York in 1885.

24. These early publications include Monism and Meliorism (1885); The Soul of Man (1891); and "The Religion of Science" (1891-92).

25. Carus, Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 5.

26. Editorial note in the Open Court 3 (January 1890).

27. Monist 4:3 (April 1894).

28. Carus, "Karma and Nirvana," 417.

29. Carus, "Buddhism and Christianity," 98. Cf. "Karma and Nirvana," 428: Whereas the Hinayana "is marked by a certain negativism ... the Mahayana makes the positive aspect of the Dharma and nirvana more prominent."

30. Carus, "The Philosophy of Buddhism."

31. Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism, analyzes the "limits of dissent" of those like Carus who turned to Buddhism in the Victorian religious culture.

32. Carus, "Science a Religious Revelation."

33. Carus, The Soul of Man, 435.

34. Carus, Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 25. Toki had of course mentioned this in his paper.

35. Carus, Gospel, vii, in the 1898 edition, p. ix in the 1973 edition.

36. Ralph Waldo Emerson, Journals, 10:248, quoted in Christy, The Orient in American Transcendentalism, 269.

37. Emerson, "Quotation and Originality," in ibid.

38. Carus "Karma and Nirvana," 438.

39. Carus, The Soul of Man.

40. Ibid., 419.

41. Carus, Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 310.

42. Carus, "The Religion of Science," Monist 3:3 (April 1893): 353.

43. This idea was developed at the Parliament in Hirai's second paper, "Synthetic Religion." Hirai used terms of contemporary Western thought and so his exposition is closer to Carus's, but all the Japanese delegates proposed the idea that if Christianity purified itself of its miracles and illogicalities, it would not be different from Buddhism. Again, Carus's idea appears to coincide with Eastern Buddhism but was rather an extension of the Christian belief that God, their God, had not left himself without witness. This was not the Buddhist position.

44. Eitel, Handbook of Chinese Buddhism, 92. This is a reprint of the 1888 edition referred to by Carus. Carus used this spelling, as given by Eitel, in the early editions, but by the 1915 edition he had switched to the Pali "Metteyya," the language of orthodox Buddhology.

45. Carus, "Buddhism and Christianity," 79, and Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 195. The article was reprinted in 1897, slightly modified by placing "may" in italics, but the author maintained his point. The epithet, Buddha of kindness, strengthens the association with the image of Jesus. In Gospel, ch. LVI:13, Carus repeated Sakyamuni's prediction that another Buddha would arise and teach the "selfsame eternal truth" after five hundred years.

46. Carus, "Karma and Nirvana," 427.

47. The Trikiiya doctrine was presented at the Parliament by Ashitsu and Yatsubuchi in particular. See Gospel, ch. XCVIII, especially verses 18-21, for Carus's version.

48. Carus "Karma and Nirvana," 417, and Gospel, 252.

49. Carus, "Buddhism and Christianity," 80. See also Gospel, ch. XCVIII.

50. Carus, The Soul of Man, 389.

51. Meyer, "Paul Carus and the Religion of Science," 603.

52. Carus, Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 138, and "Karma and Nirvana," 424.

53. Carus, "Karma and Nirvana," 421.

54. Ibid., 422.

55. Ibid., 427.

56. Ibid., 428.

57. In 1903 Open Court had fewer than 3,700 subscribers; the Monist, 1,000. Meyer, "Paul Carus and the Religion of Science," 598.

58. Carus's reference is to "The Fo-Sho-Hing-Tsan-King. A Life of the Buddha by Asvaghosha, translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by Dharmarakhsha, A.D. 420, and from the Chinese into English by Samuel Beal. Vol. XIX of The Sacred Books of the East. Oxford, 1883."

59. This was based on the life of the Buddha described in the Lalitavistara.

60. Monist 6:1 (October 1895): 142.

61. The references for the chapter are "MPN. V. 1-14, concerning Maitreya see E. H. s.v. Rh. DB. pp. 180, 200; Old; G. p. 153 etc." This decodes to fourteen verses from T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist-Sutras; two pages of T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism; and one page of Oldenberg, Buddha, sein Leben, seine Lehre und seine Germeinde (1890). Is "etc." intended to suggest that such ideas may be widely found? The Christian "parallelism" for this concept is John XIV:26.

62. Carus, Gospel, v.

63. Ibid., vi.

64. Eitel, Halldbook of Chillese Buddhism, 92. Eitel gives five thousand years. Later editions read "In due time, " but the Japanese translation, the concern of this study, confirms Carus's original statement of five hundred years, making the prediction roughly coincident with the birth of Christ.

65. Olga Kopetzky, "Remarks on the Illustrations of the Gospel of Buddha," in Carus Gospel (1973 edition), 307-11. This is a reprint of the 1917 edition. She details visits to libraries, art museums, interviews with experts in Europe and Asia, study of "dogma, symbols and religious observances," study of photographs and books on the subject.

66. The second edition appeared in 1907. In late 1899 Carus had written of the need for an image of the Buddha "according to more modern American notions" (Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism, 111). It was to be "Greek in taste and most noble and elevating," and, as Verhoeven sums it up, "an active socially engaged Buddha like the figure of Christ." Verhoeven, "Americanizing the Buddha," 207.

67. Carus, Gospel, v.

68. See, for example, the prefatory introductions to the publications of both the Pali Text Society and the Sacred Books of the East series, where Rhys Davids and Max Muller have used this privilege.

69. Carus, Gospel, vi-vii.

70. Ibid., xiv-xv.

71. This was a conscious decision. Carus explained that he did this in the spirit that the article is commonly dropped from "The Christ" when referring to Jesus. The note underlined the parallels so important to his project. However, using "Buddha" as a personal name instead of designation of achievement was a device used by Western scholars to humanize and historicize the Buddha.

72. Carus, Gospel, xv.

73. Ibid., viii.

74. Open Court 9 (1895): 4435-36.

75. Carus, Gospel, iv.

76. Carus, Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 309.

77. Presbyterian Reformed Review, quoted in an insert between pages 4546 and 4547 in Open Court 9 (1895). This insert contains a collection of reviews and comments of Carus's Gospel.

78. Critic (New York), in ibid.

79. Secular Thought (Toronto), in ibid.

80. An unnamed critic in the same collection of reviews.

81. Carus, Gospel, preface.

82. Carus, Buddhism and Its Christian Critics, 233.

83. Open Court 9 (1895): 4435-36.

84. Since the propagation of monism was the founding mission of the publishing company, Carus naturally used the journals he edited to promote the Gospel.

85. Open Court 9 (1895): 4436 (emphasis in original).

86. Ibid., 4732 and 4733.

87. This and the following quotes are taken from an appendix to the sixth edition of Carus, The Gospel of Buddha (1898), "Commendations and Criticisms," i-ii.

88. D. T. Suzuki, "Introduction: A Glimpse of Paul Carus," xiv. His concerns about the Gospel as an interpretation of Buddhism were reserved for his Japanese audience. See Chapter 11.

89. Verhoeven, "Americanizing the Buddha," and Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism.

90. Meyer, "Paul Carus and the Religion of Science," 606-7.

91. In spite of his doctorate from a reputable German university, Carus was never accepted as a philosopher or taken seriously as an academic. As his biographer, Bates, wrote in Allen Johnson, Dictionary of American Biography, 548: "Philosophy still tended to be the exclusive property of the universities." The quality of his work aside, academics were scandalized by his editorial independence. Using the facilities of the Open Court he published at will, without any of the formal institutional controls. He was his own editor; he had no supervision; his articles were not refereed, did not pass peer review, and did not conform to the rules of the discipline. On top of this, his eclectic editorial policy and the vast scope of his own interests were held against him. He lacked consistency and associated with intellectual fools.

92. La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1973. The Gospel was also recently reprinted in an Indian hardcover version.

93. Open Court 9 (1895): insert between 4546 and 4547.

94. Carus, Gospel, vi.

95. The Gospel was even overlooked by Welbon's extensive survey The Buddhist Nirvana and Its Western Interpreters.

CHAPTER 11

1. Published under the direction of Shaku Soen in January 1895 (2d ed., November 1901), Budda no fukuin is reprinted in Suzuki Daisetsu zenshu (The complete works of Suzuki Daisetsu), vol. 25.

2. Fukuin, 280. Substantial passages from Shaku Soen's preface to Budda no fukuin were translated by D. T. Suzuki and published in Open Court 9 (1895): 4405. References to Fukuin are my own translations; to Open Court, Suzuki's.

3. Open Court 9 (1897): 47, quoting a newspaper report from New York Independent (1895).

4. Open Court 9 (1895): 4405.

5. Ibid.

6. Fukuin. Modified in the English version of Open Court, which reads, "This was partly shown ..."

7. See Schwantes, "Christianity vs. Science." His argument is that science was a greater threat to Christianity in Japan than Buddhism.

8. Fukuin, 280.

9. Shaku Seen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 6.

10. Translator's preface to the second edition of Fukuin, 281.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid., 279.

13. Ibid.

14. Ibid.

15. "Kikkutsu goga," in ibid., 279.

16. Bukkyo kakushu koyo (Essentials of the Buddhist sects), 5 vols.

17. Inoue Tetsujire (1889) wrote "the first historical analysis of the life of the Buddha." Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 2:159. His Shaka shuzoku ron (The history of the Sakyo tribe) was published by Inoue Enrye's Tetsugaku shoin in 1897.

18. Shaku Seen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 5.

19. Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs. For Ketelaar the main function of the trip to Chicago was to provide this opportunity for interpretation.

20. Manifesto, 295.

21. Shaku Seen, Bankoku shukyo taikai ichiran, 5.

22. Kishimoto Hideo, Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era, 150 and 164.

23. Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary, 259; Nelson, The Modern Reader's Japanese-English Character Dictionary, 661. Tobita, Meiji no kotoba jiten, 498, confirms its evangelical Christian origins.

24. Fukuin, 277.

25. Ibid., 2.

26. Haibutsu kishaku or calumny?

27. Open Court 9 (1895): 4404-5.

28. Kishimoto Nobuta, a Christian delegate to the Parliament, contributed a series of articles on "Buddhism in Japan." The six parts were titled "The Religious Compound in Japan," "Northern and Southern Buddhism," "Sacred Literature," "Present Condition," "The Zen and the Shin Sects," and "The Influence of Buddhism on the People." The scope of these articles prefigured his future work on comparative religion with Buddhist Anesaki Masaharu. See Suzuki Norihisa, "Nobuta Kishimoto and the Beginnings of the Scientific Study of Religion in Modern Japan."

29. Open Court 9 (1895): 4542.

30. Ibid., 4404.

31. Ibid., 4405.

32. Quoted in Dornish, "Joshu's Bridge," 23.

33. Nihon shukyo (October 1896): 173-77. This quotation is from 175.

34. Ibid., 175.

35. Shaku Seen, "Shukyoka kondankai ni tsuite, " 176. The term he used for "liberation" ("enlightenment") is gedatsu; and that for "consolation" is anki. The distinction is not unlike Inoue Enryo's recognition that "women and stupid folk [gumin]" need the consolation of religion, whereas his "young men of spirit and education" should pursue philosophy. BKJ, 392.

36. Kitagawa, The 1893 World's Parliament of Religions and Its Legacy, 12. Thelle concurs.

37. Reed, Japan: Its History, Tradition and Religion, 2:214-15.

38. Michel Foucault, quoted in Dreyfus and Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, 187.

39. Fader, "Zen in the West," 141.

40. Peiris, The Western Contribution to Buddhism, 237.

41. Open Court 9 (1895): 4733.

CHAPTER 12

1. The letter is presented in Fader, "Zen in the West," 143. As Sharf points out, this contradicts Suzuki's own retrospective account (D. T. Suzuki, "Introduction: A Glimpse of Paul Carus," xi) of responding to Carus's plea for assistance with the translation of Chinese texts. "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," 17.

2. Dornish, "Joshu's Bridge," provides a comprehensive list.

3. Kirita, "D. T. Suzuki and the State," 52.

4. See Tweed, The American Encounter with Buddhism, on early interest; Fields, How the Swans Came to the Lake, for a narrative account of the transmission of Buddhism to North America; Sharf, "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," for a more sophisticated analysis of East-West interaction in the introduction of Zen to the West. Dornish, "Joshu's Bridge," is an excellent study of D. T. Suzuki's early career. Seager, Buddhism in America; Prebish, Luminous Passage; Tworkov, Zen in America; Hori, "Japanese Zen in America." The appendices of Williams and Queen, American Buddhism, reveal the extent of interest. Appendix A lists dissertations and theses on American Buddhism; appendix B, North American dissertations and theses related to Buddhism. Other works have been referred to previously. The number of books and articles on the topic is itself testimony to the success of the project.

5. See note 8.

6. Masahiro Shimoda, "The Significance of the Publication of the Taisho Tripitaka in Modern Buddhist Studies," paper presented at the Association for Asian Studies conference, Washington, D.C., 2002.

7. Discussed in Chapter 10. Barrows's sermon was published in the Chicago Tribune, January 13, 1896. Shaku Soen's reply is reproduced in Zen for Americans. The incident was covered in Open Court, January 1897. Reflecting on remarks made by Suzuki in 1958, Sharf observes that "[o]ne is led to suspect that Suzuki's lifelong effort to bring Buddhist enlightenment to the Occident had become inextricably bound to a studied contempt for the West, a West whose own cultural arrogance and imperialist inclinations Suzuki had come to know all too well." "Zen of Japanese Nationalism, " 29. Might such an attitude have its origins in 1896?

8. I am interested to know to what extent Carus may have coordinated the program. His support for the promotion of Buddhism continued throughout his life. Wayne Yokoyama, a member of the editing team for the new volumes of the Suzuki Daisetsu zenshu, has brought my attention to a letter by Shaku Soen to Carus offering heartfelt thanks to Carus for writing the letter to Barrows in response to the Chicago Tribune report. "The reply you have written for us, just and thoroughly expresses what we wish to utter, and I hope it will remove these important misconceptions concerning Buddhism which are cherished by American preachers and scholars. I myself examined it repeatedly. Though I was more than once tempted to add my own opinion to that reply, yet I did not dare to do so, thinking that such a beautiful statement as this should not be defiled by touching with any unskilled hands. The only alteration I have made is the adding of the word Vairochana-Buddha next to the word Amitabha-Buddha. I ordered Suzuki to copy the reply and to send it to Dr. Barrows by the same mail with this letter to you. I do not doubt that he will be magnanimous enough to make it public in the Chicago daily papers or in some religious paper." It is dated March 1, 1896. Because this event intervenes between the earlier letters and Suzuki's arrival, is it possible that Carus did respond -- saying words to the effect that something must be done, send Suzuki to me and I will teach him the ropes; he can learn by assisting with Chinese translations.

9. T'ai-Shang Kan-Ying P'ien (Treatise of the exalted one on response and retribution); Yin Chih Wen (The tract of the quiet way).

10. Carus, publisher's preface to D. T. Suzuki, Asvaghosha's Discourse, iv. Wayne Yokoyama has also brought to my attention a German article in Suzuki's name, "Die buddhisteische Psychologic bei Asvaghosha. Expose aus Asvaghosha's Mahayanasraddhotpadacastra," Buddistische Warte 2 (1908-11): 36-46, 161-64. How do Suzuki's ideas read when translated into German, Carus's language?

11. Dornish, "Josho's Bridge"; Sharf, "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," comments that there are passages of Outlines that could have come from the pen of Carus himself.

12. Verhoeven, "Americanizing the Buddha," 218.

13. Ibid., 219. Cf. Sharf, "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," 19.

14. Carus, publisher's preface to D. T. Suzuki, Asvaghosha's Discourse, iv.

15. Tweed, The American Encounter With Buddhism; Verhoeven, "Americanizing the Buddha."

16. Suzuki edited Zendo with Shaku Soen from 1910, soon after his return to Japan. The English-language journal, Eastern Buddhist, began in 1921. Both Dornish and Sharf comment on its similarity to Carus's journals.

17. A letter to Shaku Soen dated 1898 mentions that he goes to the editorial office to work on the translation every morning. Quoted in Fader, "Zen in the West," 143.

18. "Notes on the Madhyamika Philosophy" (189S); "The Madhyamika School in China" (1898); "Confucius" (1899); "Asvaghosha, the First Advocate of Mahayana Buddhism" (1900); "The Breadth of Buddhism" (1900); "What Is Buddhism?" (1902); "Mahayana Buddhism" (1902); "Individual Mortality" (1903); "A Buddhist View of War" (1904); "Philosophy of the Yogacara: The Madhyamika and the Yogacara" (1904); "The First Buddhist Council" (1904); "The Essence of Buddhism" (1905); "A Religious Book of China" (1905); "Moral Tales of the Treatise on Response and Retribution" (1905); "Is Buddhism Nihilistic?" (1906); "Japanese Conception of Death and Immortality" (1906); "The Zen Sect of Buddhism" (1906-7); "The Seven Gods of Bliss" (1907); "A Brief History of Early Chinese Philosophy" (1907, 1908); "The Development of Mahayana Buddhism" (1909, 1914).

19. The tour was financed by a wealthy American couple, Alexander and Ida Russell, who had come to Engakuji to learn meditation. His disciple Senzaki Nyogen accompanied him to America, stayed on, and, though he did not begin teaching until 1922, eventually established a Zen mission in San Francisco. See Shaku Soen, "Reflections on an American journey."

20. D. T. Suzuki, translator's preface to Shaku Soen, Zen for Americans, iv.

21. Kirita, "D. T. Suzuki and the State," 55, comments that Suzuki wrote a number of articles for Rikugo zasshi and Shin bukkyo while he was in America. Other papers from this period published in Suzuki Daisetsu zenshu: "Zen to Rinri" (Zen and ethics), 31 (1897): 53-56; "'Zenshu' kisha ni ataete shukyo to kon'in, " 31 (1898): 53-56; "Zakkan roku" (Random thoughts), 31 (1898): 64-70; "Seiza to susume" (Encouragement of sitting still), 18 (1889): 391- 404; "'Sammai' toiu koto ni tsukite" (Regarding samadhi), 31 (1899): 53-56; "Bukkyo no hirosa" (The breadth of Buddhism, presumably a translation of the paper with the same name in Open Court 14:1 [January 1900]: 51-53), 31 (1900): 75-77; "Zen to Rinri" (Zen and ethics), 31 (1900): 75-77. For a complete list, see Kirita, "Suzuki Daisetsu."

22. D.T. Suzuki, Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism, xiii.

23. In a further continuity of the Chicago mission, he offered this book to Shaku Soen with the wish that it might be of help in Japan, an alternative perhaps to Budda no fukuin as an easy reader for Western-educated Japanese.

24. D. T. Suzuki, "Asvaghosha, the First Advocate of the Mahayana Buddhism." Carus, in his review of Awakening of Faith, cuts through Suzuki's academic caution to make the date explicit. See also Suzuki's paper "The First Buddhist Council," which seeks to establish the presence of a large body of alternate opinion at the time of the Buddha's death.

25. D. T. Suzuki, "Asvaghosha, the First Advocate of the Mahayana Buddhism."

26. D. T. Suzuki, Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism, 6. Note again the simultaneous origin of the two forms.

27. Ibid., 3-4. See also D. T. Suzuki, "The First Buddhist Council" (1904), where he goes back to the earliest texts to establish that there were different interpretations of the Buddha's words at his death and therefore even when he lived; there was a large body of opinion alongside the Theravada.

28. D. T. Suzuki, "The Zen Sect of Buddhism," 8.

29. D. T. Suzuki, "Zen as Chinese Interpretation of the Doctrine of Enlightenment." Although this reference is to the 1949 publication in Essays in Zen Buddhism, the paper had been published in Eastern Buddhist 2:6 (1923) as a translation of the 1911 lecture. The idea appears slightly less elegantly expressed in the opening of Introduction to Zen Buddhism, 32. The essays in this book had first appeared in a short-lived journal, New East (Tokyo, 1917), edited by Robertson Scott.

30. D.T. Suzuki, "The Zen Sect of Buddhism," 33.

31. Ibid., 34.

32. Ibid., 38. This section offered extracts from Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot.

33. Compare this with the 1917 version: the sects other than Zen "bespeak their Indian origin in an unmistakable manner. No Chinese or Japanese mind could have conceived of the complex rituals of the Shingon, or the highly speculative philosophy of the Tendai and Kegon." The racial hierarchy implied in the argument of the Five Periods of the Buddha's teaching has now given way to the concept of different racial genius: each race produces a religion in keeping with its individual genius.

34. D.T. Suzuki, Introduction to Zen Buddhism, 37.

35. Okakura's Awakening of the East, written 1901-2, was more overtly anti-Western and anticolonial.

36. Buddhism, Okakura explains in this India context, is simply Hinduism for export.

37. Contents page of The Awakening of Japan. In ch. 1, "The Night of Asia," there is a subheading that reads, "While Christendom struggled with medievalism the Buddhaland was a garden of culture."

38. While there is a historical connection between the flourishing of Zen in the Kamakura period under the Hojo regency, Martin Collcutt argues convincingly that although among the followers of Zen, never one of the largest sects, members of the samurai classes might have been predominant, it cannot be said that most samurai were followers of Zen. See his "The Zen Monastery in Kamakura Society."

39. Rafael, White Love, 105-6.

40. Laffan, "Mustafa and the Mikado."

41. Gardener, "Japan: Our Little Neighbor in the East," 176.

42. Iriye, "Japan's Drive to Great-Power Status," 320-21.

43. Chamberlain, The Invention of a New Religion, 6.

44. Shaku Soen, "Reflections on an American journey," 144.

45. These are "The Buddhist View of War"; "At the Battle of Nan-Shan Hill"; "An Address Delivered at a Service Held in Memory of Those Who Died in the Russo- Japanese War." The papers also appeared in the Monist and Open Court.

46. Chamberlain, The Invention of a New Religion, 19, 13 (emphasis in original).

47. Nogi had practiced Zen with the Zen master Nantembo Toju (1839-1925), whose teaching and practice exemplified the sort of energy and eccentricity Suzuki wrote of.

48. Nukariya (1867-1934) was a Soto Zen priest and personal friend of Suzuki. This book was published while he was living in America and lecturing at Harvard University. Sharf, working without reference to the 1907 paper, sees Suzuki's writings on Zen beginning much later. Sharf, "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," 10.

49. Zen Buddhism and Its Influence on Japanese Culture, published by the Eastern Buddhist Society, Japan, in 1938, was based on lectures given in England and America in 1936. It was published in Japanese as Zen to Nihon Bunka in 1940, and revised and issued in America in 1949 as Zen and Japanese Culture; it continues as a standard reference to the present. It has been circulating through the time of Japan's invasion of mainland Asia, the war in the Pacific, the postwar flush of American appreciation of Japanese culture, the Zen boom of the 1960s and 1970s -- its influence multiplied by the reliance on it of Western authors. For discussion of Zen and nationalism in these later periods, see Heisig and Maraldo, Rude Awakenings; Victoria, Zen at War.

50. Eastern Buddhist 1:1(May 1921): 84.

51. Eastern Buddhist 1:2 (April 1925): 81.

52. Reference to Noguchi's opening address, and to Shaku Soen's preface to Fukuin, both quoted in previous chapters.

53. Sharf, "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," 1-2, summarizes the "woeful misreadings" that have led to Western attitudes to Zen.

54. Ibid.

55. King, Orientalism and Religion, 156.

56. Watts, in D. T. Suzuki, Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism, x-xi.

57. Watts, The Way of Zen, "made considerable use of the works of Professor D. T. Suzuki" (xv); Munsterberg's preface to his Zen and Oriental Art expresses his debt to "Daisetz Suzuki, the famous Zen abbot, and Alan W. Watts, the Western world's chief interpreter of Zen." As influential as he unquestionably was, Suzuki was not an abbot but a lay Buddhist.

58. See Ziolkowski, "The Literary Bearing of Chicago's 1893 World's Parliament of Religions," 18. Ziolkowski also notes the influence of Suzuki's ideas on such diverse people as composer John Cage, psychoanalysts C. G. Jung and Eric Fromm, religious thinker Thomas Merton, William Butler Yeats, and Reginald Horace Blyth.

59. Sharf, "Zen of Japanese Nationalism," 2.

60. Quoted in Nishizaki, Lafcadio Hearn, 103.

61. Ashitsu Jitsuzen, Die buddhistische Religion in Japan, cited in Bando, A Bibliography on Japanese Buddhism, 19. Ashitsu's "Das Wesen des Buddhismus im Lichte der (Japanischen) Tendai-Schule" was also published in Germany; also cited in Banda, A Bibliography on Japanese Buddhism, 76. The French published a translation by Toki Horyu, of a Shingon manuscript held in the Musee Guimet, Si-Do-In-Dzou. France was at this time the center of interest in Mahayana Buddhism.

62. Seager, "The World's Parliament of Religions, Chicago, Illinois, 1893," 13.

63. Ziolkowski confirms Seager's thesis in his analysis of post-Parliamentary poetry in the United States in his "The Literary Bearing of Chicago's 1893 World's Parliament of Religions," 10-25. He also surveys the enduring influence of the representation of Eastern religions on literature in English. The first Vedanta Society was founded by Vivekananda in New York in 1895. Chapters opened in other European and American cities later. Consequently his impact continued after his death in 1902, persisting through the literature of Romain Rolland, Aldous Huxley, and Christopher Isherwood. Ibid., 19.

64. See, for example, Seager, Buddhism in America, ch. 7, "Zen and Its Flagship Institutions," 90-112; Tworkov, Zen in America; Hori, "Japanese Zen in America"; Prebish, Luminous Passage.

65. Spuler, Developments in Australian Buddhism, for example, looks at the Diamond Sangha in Australia. Rocha, "Being a Zen Buddhist Brazilian," studies Zen Buddhism in Brazil.
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Re: Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West,by Judith Snodg

Postby admin » Sun Feb 16, 2020 10:05 am

Part 1 of 2

BIBLIOGRAPHY

In 1971, the University of Hawaiʻi Press combined operations with the East-West Center Press and renamed itself the University Press of Hawaiʻi, thus adding greater coverage of Asia to its previous strength in Hawaiʻi and the Pacific. In 1981, the East-West Center withdrew its subsidy, and the name reverted to University of Hawaiʻi Press, but the focus on Asia continued to grow, so that at least half its titles now focus on Asia, with the other half devoted to Hawaiʻi (30%) and the Pacific (20%).

The East–West Center (EWC), or the Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West, is an education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen relations and understanding among the peoples and nations of Asia, the Pacific, and the United States. It is headquartered in Honolulu, Hawaii...

[F]ollowing radio reports of an April 16, 1959 speech in Washington, D.C. by then Sen. Lyndon Johnson (D-TX) that proposed the creation of an international university in Hawaii "as a meeting place for the intellectuals of the East and the West," history professor John Stalker and Meller urged President Snyder to respond at once to Johnson's suggestion.[2] With the prospect of federal funding, President Snyder appointed a faculty committee chaired by Turnbull to rapidly prepare a substantive proposal for creating an international college.[3]

On June 9, 1959, Sen. Johnson introduced a bill in the U.S. Senate to establish an educational center in Hawaii to provide for "cultural and technical interchange between East and West," with a companion bill introduced in the U.S. House by Delegate John A. Burns (D-T.H.);[4] the Mutual Security Act of 1959, signed by U.S. President Eisenhower on July 24, 1959, called on the State Department to study the idea and report back to Congress by January 3, 1960.[5]

On May 14, 1960, President Eisenhower signed the Mutual Security Act of 1960 which authorized the creation of a Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West (East–West Center) at the University of Hawaii, and on August 31, 1960, signed the Department of State Appropriation Act, 1961, which appropriated $10 million for the Center (including $8.2 million in capital spending for six new buildings), and on September 30, 1961, President Kennedy signed Supplemental Appropriation Act, 1962, which appropriated an additional $3.3 million for the Center.[6]

On October 25, 1960, the University of Hawaii signed a grant-in-aid agreement with the State Department to establish and operate the East–West Center, and received its first installment of $1.1 million in federal funding on November 8, 1960.[7]

University of Hawaii art professor Murray Turnbull served as interim director and acting chancellor of the East–West Center through 1961,[8] when anthropologist Alexander Spoehr, the former director (1953–1961) of the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum in Honolulu, was appointed as the East–West Center's first chancellor, serving for two years before resigning at the end of 1963.[9] University of Hawaii president Thomas H. Hamilton served as acting chancellor of the East–West Center for a year and a half from January 1964–June 1965.[10] In July 1965, he was succeeded by former newspaper publisher and diplomat Howard P. Jones, the former U.S. ambassador to Indonesia (1958–1965),[11] who served as chancellor for three years before being succeeded in August 1968 by linguist Everett Kleinjans, the former vice president of International Christian University in Tokyo, who had lived in Asia for sixteen years.[12]

On May 9, 1961, then U.S. Vice President Lyndon Johnson was a guest at groundbreaking ceremonies for the East–West Center's first six buildings.[13] Five of the new buildings, designed by architect I. M. Pei, were built along the new East–West Road where a new 21-acre (85,000 m2) East–West Center campus just west of Manoa Stream on the east side of the university campus replaced chicken coops, temporary wooden buildings for faculty housing, and the Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station.[14] A sixth building built under the federal grant for the East–West Center was Edmondson Hall, designed by architect Albin Kubala and built on McCarthy Mall.[15]...

EWC program areas include Education, Research, Seminars, a Washington, D.C. office (which also houses and administers the United States Asia Pacific Council), an Office of External Affairs and the East–West Center Foundation....


The East-West Center Foundation is a private non-profit organization, established in 1982 to broaden and diversify private support for the Center. The success of the East-West Center is built on effective public-private partnerships. Funding from the US government covers most of the Center's basic operating expenses, while programming depends on private funding by individuals, private agencies, foundations, corporations and governments throughout the region.

-- East-West Center Foundation, by East-West Center...


The Research Program conducts studies on economic development, trade, energy, governance, politics, security, conflict reduction, population, health, and environment. Under the Research umbrella is the Pacific Islands Development Program (the research and training arm and regional secretariat of the Pacific Islands Conference of Leaders representing 22 Pacific island nations)...

Also under the Education Program are the Asia Pacific Leadership Program (APLP) (a certificate program for graduate-level students and mid-level professionals)[1], AsiaPacificEd and the Asian Studies Development Program (both work with primary, secondary, and college educators to infuse Asian Pacific content in curricula), and Education 2020 (a focus on new approaches to educational challenges in the Asia Pacific Region)...

East–West Seminars bring professionals from government, civil society, business and the media together for short-term dialogue and exchange programs to share knowledge and address issues of regional and global concern. Included in the Seminars Program are the Media Program (provides journalist with first-hand examination of issues in the region and the U.S.), Senior Policy Seminar (brings together top level foreign affairs and security officials, private sector and civil society leaders to discuss key regional issues), and the Asia Pacific Executive Forum (brings to American cities discussions on topics that affect the economics and business of the region)...

Approximately half of Center funding comes from the U.S. government, with additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations, and the governments of the region. In 2005 the EWC received a total of $37 million (including $19.2 million from the U.S. Congress)...

Alumni include heads of government, cabinet members, university and NGO presidents, corporate and media leaders, educators and individuals prominent in the arts.


-- East–West Center, by Wikipedia...


The monograph series published by the Press indicate some principal areas of concentration....

• Dimensions of Asian Spirituality (ed. by Henry Rosemont, Jr.)...
• Kuroda Classics in East Asian Buddhism and Studies in East Asian Buddhism (with the Kuroda Institute for the Study of Buddhism and Human Values)...
• Monographs of the Society for Asian and Comparative Philosophy
• Nanzan Library of Asian Religion and Culture (with the Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture, Nagoya)...
• PALI Language Texts (with the UH Social Science Research Institute)...
• Pure Land Buddhist Studies (with the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley)
• Studies in the Buddhist Traditions (with the University of Michigan Institute for the Study of the Buddhist Traditions)...
• Topics in Contemporary Buddhism (ed. by George Tanabe, Jr.)...


The Press is represented in North America and Hawai‘i by independent commission sales representatives; in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East by London-based Eurospan Publishers Group; and in the Pacific and Asia region by its sales subsidiary, East-West Export Books (EWEB)...

The Journals Department currently handles production, manufacturing, fulfillment, and delivery for the following scholarly journals.

• Archives of Asian Art, sponsored by the Asia Society...
• Buddhist-Christian Studies, journal of the Society for Buddhist-Christian Studies


-- University of Hawaii Press, by Wikipedia


Abe Masao, ed. A Zen Life: D. T Suzuki Remembered. New York: Weatherhill, 1986.

Abe Yoshiya. "Religious Freedom under the Meiji Constitution." Contemporary Religious in Japan 10 (December 1968): 268-338; 10 (March-June 1969): 57-97; 10 (September- December 1969): 181-203; 11 (September-December 1970): 27-79; 11 (March-June 1970): 223-96.

Adolphson, Mikael S. Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Pre-Modern Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2000.

Ahir, D. C. Pioneers of Buddhist Revival in India. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, [1989?].

Aitken, Robert. "Three Lessons from Shaku Soen." In The Path of Compassion: Contemporary Writings on Engaged Buddhism, edited by F. Epstein and D. Maloney, 145-49. Berkeley: Parallax Press, 1985.

Almond, Philip C. "The Buddha in the West: From Myth to History." Religion 16 (1986): 305-22.

--. "The Medieval West and Buddhism." Eastern Buddhist, n.s., 19:2 (Autumn 1986): 85-101.

--. The British Discovery of Buddhism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

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INDEX

Adler, Rev. H., 55
Akamatsu Renjo, 113, 119, 152-53, 155, 257, 297
(n. 22), 300 (n. 13)
Alaya-vijnana, 146
All Japan Convocation of Buddhists. See
Zenkoku bukkyosha daikonwakai
American Board of Missions, 193, 288 (n. 27),
309 (n. 102)
American imperialism. See Imperialism
Amida Buddha, 89, 216, 219
Amitayur-Dhyana-Sutra, 110
Anatman, 6, 220, 234, 237
Anesaki Masaharu, 308 (n. 88), 317 (n. 28)
Ansei Treaties, 130. See also Treaty revision
Araya-shiki, 146
Arnold, Edwin, 7, 100, 211, 234, 235, 244, 248, 293
(n. 62), 303 (n. 41); The Light of Asia, 7, 101,
234, 235
Arya-dharma, 5, 85, 114, 204
Ashitsu jitsuzen, 77, 82, 86, 126, 130, 131, 135, 174,
176, 177, 196, 202, 207, 209, 216-17, 218, 225,
249, 275, 289 (n. 58), 290 (n. 5), 300 (n. 4),
304 (n. 5), 307 (n. 69), 310 (nn. 16, 17, 18),
311 (n. 27), 312 (nn. 60, 67), 314 (n. 47), 321
(n.61)
Asian Buddhist modernities, 8-12. See also
Chudhadharn, Prince Chandradat (of Siam);
Dharmapala, Anagarika
Asoka, 63, 90, 190, 291 (n. 18), 308 (n. 79)
Association of Buddhist Sects, 118, 128
Association of Politics and Education. See
Seikyosha
Asvaghosha, 234, 240, 260, 261, 262, 263
Atheism, 186-87, 219-20, 232
Atman, 229
Auxiliary Congresses, 45-46, 48-49, 65, 284
(nn. 2, 5)
Avalokitesvara, 218, 230
Avatamsaka sect, 266
345
Avatamsaka Sutra, 146, 301 (n. 33)
Azuchi castle, 43, 284 (n. 89)

Baker, Edward P., 24
Ball, Henry, 119
Barrows, John Henry, 48-49, 54-56, 58-64, 66-
82 passim, 83, 85, 173, 178, 182, 184, 190, 191,
201, 202, 206, 210, 217-18, 224, 225, 226, 240,
260, 273, 284 (n. 9), 286 (n. 58), 287 (nn. 13,
17), 289 (nn. 45, 46, 58, 65), 304 (n. 1), 305
(nn. 23, 24), 308 (n. 86), 309 (n. 100), 310
(nn. 5, 13, 14, 19), 311 (nn. 27, 32), 312 (nn. 60,
67), 313 (n. 10), 318 (n. 7), 318 (n. 8)
Beal, Samuel, 103, 293 (n. 62)
Berkeley, Bishop George, 206
Bhutathata, 214-16
Bigandet, Rev. P., 103
Bigelow, William Sturgis, 113, 163, 199
Blavatsky, Madam H. G., 159, 161, 203, 303
(n.32)
Blyth, Reginald Horace, 321 (n. 58)
Bodhi, 106-7, 294 (n. 85)
Bodhisattva ideal and social action, 218, 225
Bonney, Charles c., 48, 49, 50, 52-54, 55, 60, 65,
66, 68, 72, 76, 284 (n. 14), 286 (n. 42), 287
(n. 68), 288 (n. 17)
Brahmo Samaj, 289 (n. 42)
Budda no fukuin, 245, 246, 248, 249, 250, 252-53,
254, 257, 261
Buddha, 94, 217; as cakravartin, 105-6; in Eastern
Buddhism, 188, 206-7, 216-17; in Southern
Buddhism, 204-6. See also Amida
Buddha; Gautama; Sakyamuni; Three Bodies
of the Buddha; Vairocana Buddha
Buddhaghosha, 293 (n. 62)
Buddhism, Eastern, 10, 11, 115, 222, 223, 232, 250,
259-77, 314 (n. 43); and treaty revision, 179-
81; not atheistic, 186-87; social action in, 188-
89, 219, 221; and Asian modernity, 203-4; and
Sakyamuni's highest teaching, 207-9; as universal
religion, 209-11, 221; western responses
to, 212, 224-31; Buddha nature in, 213-15,
216-17, 218; and philosophical idealism, 213-
15, 227-28, 275; interdependence and karma
in, 215-16; meaning of Buddha in, 216-18;
and compassion, 217-19; nirvana in, 218-19;
as philosophical religion, 219; nature of self
in, 219-20; as scientific, 221
-Japanese, 72, 86-87, 143, 145, 151, 153, 180, 186,
192, 210, 222, 263, 276, 288 (n. 39), 289 (n. 65),
296 (n. 9), 297 (n. 20)
-Mahayana, 7, 86, 87, 88, 92-94, 103, 109-13,
119, 121, 136, 145, 146-47, 150-52, 153, 161-63,
174, 180, 186, 191, 199-201, 206-9, 214; nirvana
in, 217-20) 225; in Paul Carus's monism, 222)
223, 231-32, 240-42, 248; D. T. Suzuki on,
260, 262, 263, 264, 265, 271, 273, 276
- Theravada, 9, 86-87, 95, 108, 121, 136, 157, 159,
161, 162, 198-200, 204, 207, 221, 246, 263, 271,
272, 276, 291 (n. 23), 292 (n. 43), 309 (n. 1), 314
(n.29)
-and science, 54, 211-13, 227-28, 229, 231, 233,
243
-in Ceylon, 4-5, 89-90, 91, 94-102, 107, 203-4
-in Meiji Japan, 13-15; early Meiji crisis, 116-
18;learning from the West, 118-21; Meiji
reforms, 118-21, 143;lay movement in, 126-
27, 149-50, 218, 250; in modern society, 126-
32; and the state, 127-29; revival and
nationalism, 129-32; and treaty revision, 130,
172-98; and patriotism, 143-44; See also Buddhism,
Eastern; Shin bukkyo
-in Western scholarship, 1, 2, 4-7, 8, 198, 286
(n. 46), 288 (n. 39); early scholarship on, 85-
87; in travellers' tales, 87; and British treaty
with Ceylon, 94-97; as atheistic Religion, 97-
99; as philosophical humanism, 99-101; as
materialist error, 102-4; as religion of self-reliance,
104-7; Darwinism, karma, rebirth
and, 109; and Northern decadence, 109; as
Theosophy, 160-64; and monism, 227-33
Buddhist All Sects Council, 135, 174, 179
Bukkyo kakushu kyokai. See Buddhist All Sects
Council
Bukkyo, 298 (n. 60)
Bunmei; kaika, 121-22
Bunri rei, 117.See also Separation edicts
Burke, Edmund, 145
Burnouf, Eugene, 291 (n. 23), 293 (n. 63)
Bushido, 267, 268, 269, 270
Bussho, 215
Byodoin, 29, }4, 283 (n. 63)

Candlin, Rev. George T., 62-63
Carlyle, Thomas, 268
Carpenter, I. Estlin, 241-42
Carus, Paul, 11, 12, 15, 83, 107, 212, 222-44, 245-
58, 259, 260, 261, 262, 264, 265, 267, 274, 275,
276, 288 (n. 21), 308 (n. 38), 313(n. 1), 314
(nn. 31, 43, 44), 315(nn. 64, 71), 316 (nn. 77,
91), 318 (nn. 1, 8), 319 (n. 10), 320 (n. 24)
Chamberlain, Basil Hall, 269-70
Chambers, Robert, 102
Cheney, Annie Elizabeth, 182, 184, 290 (n. 72),
306 (n. 40)
Christ as Buddha, 130-31, 236, 239, 256; as Maitreya,
231, 236
Christianity in Meiji Japan, 3, 298 (n. 60); and
modernization, 121-24; and treaty revision,
133;and the Japanese spirit, 192;distinctive
features of, 192-94. See also American Board
of Missions; Doshisha; Kumamoto Band;
Min'yusha
Chudhadharn, Prince Chandradat (of Siam),
10, 211, 215, 243, 312 (n. 59)
Clark, James Freeman, 121
Colenso, Bishop, 103
Columbian Exposition, 2, 16, 17-21, 25, 45-46,
50, 56, 175, 182, 196, 282 (n. 36), 284 (n. 6)
Comparative religion, 5, 56, 70
Comte, Auguste, 102, 121, 133, 140
Confucianism, 71-72, 128, 256, 290 (n. 65), 299
(n. 71), 300 (n. 2)
Confucius, 256, 266
Congress of Missions, 191
Conze, Edward, 290 (n. 7), 293 (n. 73)
Copleston, Bishop R. S., 158, 159
Court of Honor, 28
Crystal Palace Exposition, 45
Csoma, Alexander, 91
Cutler, H. G., 25

D'Alwis, James, 290 (n. 6)
D'Vivedi, Manilal N., 13, 57, 90, 286 (n. 44)
Daikyo, 133
Dainihon bukkyo seinenkai (Young Men's Buddhist
Association), 127, 137-38, 298 (n. 48)
Daizokyo, 206
Darwin, Charles, 102, 103
Darwinism, 211
Dhammapada, 234, 235
Dharma, 21l, 216, 255
Dharmakaya, 214, 216, 218, 220, 231-32, 263
Dharmapala, Anagarika (David Hevaviratne),
10, 12, 57, 62, 70, 75, 82, 157, 190, 202, 204, 205,
206, 209, 210, 240, 276, 307 (n. 61), 31l (n. 43),
313 (n. 84)
Dome of Columbus, 21-23, 25, 28, 284 (n. 14)
Doshisha, 3, 70, 122-25, 135, 179, 193, 194, 288
(n. 27), 300 (n. 76)

Eastern Buddhist, 262, 271
Eastern Buddhist Society, 271-73
Ebina Danjo, 297 (n. 33), 308 (n. 89)
Eitel, Ernest J., 231, 235, 237, 315 (n. 64)
Ekayana, 198, 309 (n. 1)
Eliade, Mircea, 276
Elison, George, 295 (n. 112)
Ellinwood, Rev. E E., 86, 217, 224, 225, 226, 260
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 229, 275
Enlightenment (Buddhist), 106, 109

Faber, Ernst, 72, 288 (n. 33)
Fausboll, Viggo, 293 (n. 73)
Fenelossa, Ernest, 29, 43, 1l3, 139, 140, 142, 153,
156, 163, 199, 309 (n. 2)
Ferris wheel, 26-28
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 145, 146, 264
Five Aggregates, 146
Five periods (of the Buddha's teaching), 146,
207, 263, 301 (n. 33), 320 (n. 33)
Flower, B. 0., 182, 184
Fo-Sho-Hing- Tsan-King, 234, 315 (n. 58)
Four Noble Truths, 294 (n. 94)
Friends of the Nation. See Min'yusha
Fukoku kyohei, 1l7, 121
Fukuda Gyokai, 126
Fukuzawa Yukichi, 122, 139, 142
Furuta Shokin, 250

Gandhi, Virchand, 75, 287 (n. 17), 288 (n. 38)
Gates, Merril Edwardes, 46, 284 (nn. 2, 3)
Gautama (Gotama), 77, 97-99, 105, 107, 110, 161,
188. See also Sakyamuni
Ginsberg, Alan, 272
Gogerly, D. J., 91
Gokoku airi, 125, 143-44, 174
Gordon, Rev. M. L., 70, 71, 74
Gospel of Buddha, 11, 12, 222-24, 232, 233-44,
261; in Japan, 245-58, 274, 276
Griffis, William Elliot, 112
Grossier, Abbe, 108

Haibutsu kishaku, 142, 296 (n. 8), 298 (n. 47)
Hara Tanzan, 126, 139, 140
Hardy, Rev. Robert Spence, 72, 94-99, 101-2,
103, 104, 226, 280 (n. 7), 292 (n. 40), 293
(nn. 63, 72)
Harris, Townsend, 185
Hartmann, Edward von, 133
Haskell, Caroline, 191, 224, 225
Hawaii: annexation of, 23-24; Japanese suffrage
in, 181
Headland, Isaac T., 70
Hearn, Lafcadio, 275
Hegel, Georg W. E, 88, 139, 140, 142, 145, 146,
147, 214, 264
Higashi Honganji, 128-29, 139, 152, 178, 302
(n.2)
Hikkaduve Sumangala, 85, 158, 159, 161, 189-90,
204, 205, 206, 295 (n. 114)
Hinduism, 88-91, 100, 105, 288 (n. 41), 291
(n.12)
Hirai Kinzo, 13, 68, 76, 77, 126, 129, 155, 157, 176,
179, 194, 196, 202, 254, 288 (n. 17), 289 (n. 45),
290 (n. 72), 302 (n. 2), 305 (n. 24), 307 (n. 58),
311 (n. 43), 314 (n. 43); on treaty revision, 79,
173, 181-91; on Japanese religion, 193, 210, 217,
218, 219-20
Hirata Atsutane, 117, 295 (n. 4)
Hoben, 301 (n. 26)
Hodgson, Brian Houghton, 91-92
Honji suojaku 295 (n. 4)
Hooden, 2, 17, 20, 180, 196, 275, 300 (n. 9); and
Japanese civilization, 29-38; American
responses to, 39-44; and Okakura's later
writings, 267-68
Hoodo, 283 (n. 63)
Horiuchi Jo, 176, 310 (n. 27)
Hoshin (sambhogakaya), 216, 231-32
Hosshin (dharmakaya), 214, 216, 218, 220
Hosso sect, 146
Hosui. See Inoue Enryo
Hotoke, 186
Houghton, Walter, E., 201, 202, 240, 287 (n. 13),
312 (n. 60)
Hume, David, 145
Hume, Rev. Robert A., 286 (n. 43)
Huxley, Aldous, 322 (n. 63)
Huxley, Thomas, 104, 124, 206

Idolatry, 187-88, 288 (n. 41)
Ii Naosuke, 180
Ilbert Bill, 281 (n. 5)
Imperialism, 40, 45-64, 91-92, 147, 180
Imperial Rescript on Education, 133, 299
(nn. 71, 72), 308 (n. 89)
Indo busseki kofuku. See Mahabodhi Society
Inga no riho, 202, 212
Inoue Enry6, 8, 9, 14, 125-26, 127, 130, 131, 132,
135, 155, 157, 166, 172, 174, 175, 201, 208, 214,
219, 245, 248, 249, 251, 268-69, 270, 271, 297
(n. 22), 298 (nn. 43, 61), 299 (n. 61), 300
(n. 4), 304 (n. 5), 305 (nn. 27, 29, 39), 306
(n. 40), 307 (nn. 64, 67), 311(n. 53), 318
(n. 35); and Buddhist revival and nationalism,
137-54, 300 (n. 15), 301 (nn. 18, 20)
Inoue Tetsujiro, 140, 299 (n. 71), 300 (n. 10), 317
(n.17)
Iwakura Tomomi, 296 (n. 17)

Jacobi, Friedrich Heinrich, 264
James, William, 272
Janes, Captain L. L., 123
Jayatilaka, D. B., 243
Jodoshinshu, 112, 164, 177, 178, 202
Johnson, Rossiter, 49, 67, 75, 286 (n. 43)
Judge, W. Q., 303 (n. 32)
Jung, Carl G., 321 (n. 58)

Kaburagi Peter Goro, 192, 305 (n. 24), 309
(n.89)
Kaempfer, Engelbert, 88, 111
Kamil, Mustafa, 269
Kanamori Tslirin, 124
Kano Eitoku, 43
Kant, Immanuel, 140, 145, 146, 214, 227, 264
Karma, 109, 211, 213, 215-16, 232, 234
Kasawara Kenju, 119, 120, 297, (n. 21),
302 (n. 2)
Kato Hiroyuki, 139, 140
Kawai Yoshigiro, 279 (n. 3)
Kegonkyo (Kegon Sutra), 208, 301 (n. 33). See
also Avatamsaka Sutra
Kegon sect, 320 (n. 33)
Kern, H., 293 (n. 73)
Kerouac, jack, 272
Kishimoto Nobuta, 133, 191, 193, 308 (n. 88), 317
(n.28)
Kitabatake Doryu, 140, 300 (n. 10)
Kitagawa, Joseph M., 257
Kiyozawa Manshi, 140, 178, 300 (n. 10)
Kopetzky, Olga, 237, 315 (n. 65)
Kozaki Hiromichi, 3, 122, 123, 124, 193, 194
Kozen Gunaratna, 164
Kumamoto Band, 122-25, 193, 288 (n. 27), 297
(n.36)
Kumamoto Yogakko, 123
Kumiai, 193, 194, 300 (n. 76)
Kuroda Shinto, 202, 214-15, 216, 217, 220
Kuroda Toshio, 309 (n. 91), 310 (n. 16)
Kuru Masamichi, 29

Lanman, Charles, 293 (n. 73)
Legge, James, 70
Leibnitz, Gottfried Wilhelm, 145
Leonowens, Anna, 290 (n. 67)
The Light of Asia, 7, 101, 234, 235
Lillie, Arthur, 107, 205
Lloyd-Jones, Rev. Jenkin, 184
Locke, John, 145
Lotus Sutra, 298 (n. 49)
Luther, Martin, 89, 90
Lyell, Charles, 102

MacFarlane, Charles, 111-12, 294 (n. 94)
Madhyamika sect, 266
Mahabodhi Society, 157, 176, 209, 305 (n. 10), 311
(n.27)
Mahaparinibbana Suttanta, 236
Mahase'tu, 235-36
Mahavagga, 235
Mahavamsa, 90, 91
Maitreya, 231, 236, 237, 291 (n. 23), 306 (n. 32),
309 (n. 1), 314 (nn. 29, 44), 322 (n. 61)
Manas, 229
Manifest destiny, 23-28, 45-64, 282 (n. 26). See
also Ferris wheel
Manifesto, 173, 174-76, 178-79, 194, 196, 202,
209, 210, 212, 213, 219, 250-51, 254, 262-63,
276, 295 (n. 1)
Manufactures Hall, 25-26
Matsugama Takayoshi, 192, 308 (n. 89), 309
(n.91)
McFarland, S. G., 70
McMullin, Neil, 13, 128, 290 (n. 7), 291 (n. 32)
Meirokusha, 139, 142
Messianic mission, American, 50-52
Middle Way, 145, 146, 214
Midway Plaisance, 20-21, 26, 35, 48, 57, 58, 59, 67
Mill, James, 89
Mill, John Stewart, 124
Min'yusha, 149, 176, 297 (n. 35), 305 (n. 13)
Miyake Setsurei, 140, 300 (n. 10)
Mohottivate Gunananda, 158, 159, 163, 291
(n.27)
Moksha, 217
Monier-Williams, Sir Monier, 121
Monism, 11, 222-44, 261, 316 (n. 84)
Monist, 227, 233, 254, 259, 262, 288 (n. 2), 315
(n.57)
Morris, William, 268
Motoori Nobunaga, 117
Mozoomdar, P. c., 289 (n. 40)
Muller, F. Max, 7, 83-84, 90, 107, 110, 113, 119,
121, 202-3, 205, 226, 248, 290 (n. 6), 292
(n. 62), 293 (nn. 67, 70), 296 (n. 18), 313
(n. 15), 315 (n. 68)
Munsterberg, Hugo, 272, 321 (n. 57)
Murakami Sensho, 14, 251-52, 300 (n. 13)
Mutsu Munemitsu, 19, 20, 44, 306 (n. 38)

Nagarkar, 289 (n. 42)
Nakanishi Goro, 249, 298 (n. 43)
Nanjo Bun'yu, 110, 119, 120, 261, 296 (nn. 17, 18),
300 (n. 13)
Nantembo Toju, 321 (n. 47)
Neely's History, 76-79
Nehan, 202, 217-18
Nehankya (Nirvana Sutra), 211
Nichiren sect, 112, 298 (n. 49)
Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm, 88
Niijima Jo, 123, 288 (n. 27), 297 (n. 36)
Nirmanakaya, 216, 231-32
Nirvana, 86, 93, 94, 106, 107, 108, 109, 162, 188-
89, 202, 217-19, 224, 225-26, 234; four kinds
of, 217-18, 225, 312 (n. 70)
Nishi Amane, 137
Nishi Honganji, 118, 119, 120, 129, 152, 164, 302
(n.2)
Nitobe Kokuzo, 267
Nivedita, Sister, 267, 268
Nogi Maresuke, General, 270, 321 (n. 47)
Noguchi Zenshiro (Noguchi Fukudo), 76, 126,
155, 156, 157, 158, 168, 176, 178, 179-80, 182, 186,
196, 289 (n. 45), 310 (n. 17), 321 (n. 52)
Nukariya Kaiten, 270, 321 (n. 48)

Obei, 273, 281 (n. 21)
Obei bukkyo tsushinkai (Society for Communication
with Western Buddhists), 152
Obo-buppa, 128, 144, 298 (n. 54). See also Raja
dharma
Occidental ism, 11-12, 273-77
Oda Nobunaga, 43, 128
Okakura Kakuzo, 131, 140, 269, 300 (n. 9); and
the Chicago Exposition, 29-30, 31, 34, 38, 43;
anti-imperialist writings, 267; Zen and
Bushido, 267-68, 320 (nn. 35, 36)
Olcott, Henry Steel, 3, 15, 155-58, 179, 209, 223,
243, 245, 248, 274, 275, 302 (nn. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8,
10), 303 (n. 13), 304 (n. 69); in Ceylon, 158-
60; in Japan, 160-71
Oldenberg, Hermann, 88, 293 (n. 73)
Open Court, 224, 227, 233, 242, 254, 255-58, 259,
262, 288 (n. 21), 308 (n. 38)
Open Court Publishing Company, 227
Orientalism, 4-10, 75, 204, 222, 234, 272-77
Oshin (nirmanakaya), 216
O'Sullivan, John 1., 23, 282 (n. 26)
Otani Kosan, 165, 178
Otani University, 251, 300 (n. 10)
Otto, Rudolph, 272
Ouchi Seiran, 126, 127, 130, 131, 132, 135, 140, 157,
174, 196, 300 (n. 10), 304 (n. 5)

Pali Text Society, 7, 104, 113, 203, 204, 271, 293
(n. 73), 294 (n. 85), 315 (n. 68)
Palmer, Potter, 42
Palmer, T. W., 39
Parinirviina, 225, 236, 237
Paticca-Samuppada (pratitya-samutpada), 311
(n. 41), 312 (n. 59)
Patriotism: and Japanese Buddhism, 147-48
Pentecost, Rev. George E, 287 (n. 17), 288 (n. 38)
Perahera, 100-101
Perry, Commodore Mathew, 24, 32, 180, 294
(n.105)
Philadelphia Centennial Exposition, 18-19
Phoenix Pavilion. See H66den
Prinsep, James, 90, 91, 94
Pung Kwang: on Confucianism, 71
Pure Land Buddhism, 219, 272
Pure Land sects, 277

Raja dharma, 128
Rebirth, 109
Reed, Edward j., 112-13, 257, 295 (n. 114)
Reid, Thomas, 145
Renan, Ernest, 102, 119
Rhys Davids, C. A. E, 294 (n. 90)
Rhys Davids, T. W., 7, 86, 88, 90, 93, 94, 102,
104-9, 113, 114, 121, 203, 204, 205, 225, 226, 234,
236, 237, 291 (n. 18), 293 (nn. 67, 73, 74), 315
(nn. 62, 68)
Ricci, Mateo, 71, 88
Richard, Rev. Timothy, 71
Rinne, 202
Roberts, Rev. William C, 51-52
Roosevelt, Theodore, 23
Roy, Rammohan, 204
Ruskin, John, 268
Russell, Alexander, 319 (n. 19)
Russell, Ida, 319 (n. 19)

Sacred Books of the East (series), 226, 296
(n. 18), 315 (n. 68)
Saddharma-pundarika-sutra, 309 (n. 1)
Said, Edward, 4, 7, 11, 12, 293 (n. 73)
Saint-Hilaire, J. Barthelemy, 102, 103, 108-9,
226, 293 (nn. 63, 67)
Sakurai Keitoku, 113
Sakyamuni, 5, 8, 10, 73, 75, 86, 94, 97, 105, 145,
146, 147, 162, 164, 169, 199, 200, 205, 206, 207-
9, 210, 216, 217, 220, 225, 231, 236, 237, 239,
246, 249, 252, 255, 263, 264, 292 (n. 42), 301
(n. 33), 306 (n. 32), 310 (n. 13), 314 (n. 45); as
anti-Hindu hero, 88-91; as historical philosopher,
98-99. See also Gautama
Sambhogakaya, 216, 231-32
Samskaras, 232
Sangha, 149-50, 298 (n. 54)
Sano, Rev., 157
Saraswati, Dayananda, 204
Satori, 186
Schelling, Friedrich W., 145
Schleiermacher, Friedrich, 272
Schopenhauer, Arthur, 88, 133, 205, 234, 264
Seikyosha, 8-9, 130-31, 132, 135, 138, 140, 147, 155,
166, 167, 174, 176, 177, 180, 297 (n. 35), 298
(nn. 60, 61), 300 (n. 4), 304 (n. 5), 305 (n. 13)
Senart, M., 293 (n. 73)
Sen no Rikyu, 270, 283 (n. 88)
Senzaki Nyogen, 319 (n. 19)
Separation edicts, 117, 296 (n. 7)
Sesshu, 31
Seville Universal Exposition: Japanese art at, 43
Shaku Soen, 12, 13, 62, 70, 76, 78-79, 82, 86, 109,
121, 136, 174, 176, 177, 178, 201, 212-13, 217, 218,
220, 224, 225, 226, 232, 245-62 passim, 269,
274, 276, 280 (n. 9), 289 (n. 45), 297 (n. 24),
298 (n. 48), 305 (n. 10), 306 (n. 4), 307 (n. 46),
310 (n. 12), 312 (nn. 54, 67), 313(n. 84), 316
(nn. 1, 2), 317 (n. 35), 318 (nn. 7, 8), 319
(nn. 16, 17), 321 (n. 52)
Shaku Unsho, 126, 128
Shibata Reiichi, 279 (n. 4)
Shichinichi goshuho, 170
Shiga Shigetaka, 140, 150, 300 (n. 10), 301 (n. 47)
Shimaji Mokurai, 119, 126, 127, 130, 140, 155, 174,
177, 196, 249, 257, 297 (n. 22), 299 (n. 70), 300
(nn. 10, 13), 304 (n. 5)
Shimbutsu bunri, 117, 127
Shin bukkyo, 8, 115-16, lI8, 125, 130, 136, 137, 141,
198, 262, 266, 267, 270, 273, 274, 295 (n. 2), 298
(n.43)
Shingon sect, 127, 177, 275, 277, 309 (n. 2), 320
(n.33)
Shinnyo, 214-15, 216
Shinri no ri, 143-44
Shinto 116, 128, 137, 187, 189, 295 (n. 4), 298
(n. 50), 309 (n. 94); State Shinto, 133;Hirai
on, 187, 188, 197; Christian delegates on, 191-
93
Shitsu tan, 208
Shojo nimon, 202, 219
Shomu, Emperor, 127
Shoshu kaimei, 118
Shotoku Taishi, 127
Shukyo, 298 (n. 60)
Sino-Japanese War, 269
Slater, T E., 288 (n. 41)
Smith, V. A., 81
Smithsonian Institute, 35
Snider, Denton J., 26-27, 28, 38, 39-40, 44
Snyder, Gary, 272
Social Darwinism, 2, 16, 20-21, 47, 61, 80
Sonno goho, 129
Sonno hobutsu daidodan, 8-9, 132, 138, 144, 177,
299 (n. 68), 300 (n. 4), 304 (n. 5)
Sonno joi, 129
Soseki Natsume, 126
Spencer, Herbert, 104, 124, 133, 139, 145, 193
"Storehouse consciousness;' 146
Strauss, C T, 221, 313(n. 84)
Suchness concept, 263
Sunderland, Eliza, 69
Sunyata, 220
Suzuki, D. T, 12, 126, 243, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249,
250, 259-77, 316 (n. 88), 318 (n. 7), 319 (nn. 8,
10, 16, 18, 21), 320 (nn. 24, 27), 321 (nn. 47, 48,
49, 57, 58)
Swedenborg, Emanuel, 248
"Synthetic Religion;' 186, 191

Takakusu Junjiro, 110, 119, 120, 261, 296 (n. 18),
297 (n. 22)
Tanabashi Ichiro, 140, 300 (n. 10)
Tanaka Koho, 298 (n. 49)
Taoism, 71
Tateno Gozo, 18, 19
Tathatii, 215
Tejima, Commissioner, 38
Tendai sect, 127, 142, 146-47, 277, 309 (n. 2), 320
(n.33)
Tennent, Sir James Emerson, 94, 96-97, 99-102,
292 (n. 40)
Tenshin. See Okakura Kakuzo
Terry, M. S., 69
Tetsugakkan, 141
Tetsugaku shoin, 141, 300 (n. 15)
Theosophical Society, 155, 156, 160-61, 164, 178,
179, 203, 272; Buddhist Division, 160
Theosophy, 160-64, 170, 213, 302 (n. 5)
Three Bodies of the Buddha, 78, 216, 217, 231-33,
263
Tison, Alexander, 289 (n. 46)
Toki Horyu, 80, 82, 170, 174, 176, 177, 208, 209,
210, 211, 215, 216, 218, 219-20, 249, 274, 289
(n. 45), 299 (n. 62), 307 (n. 70), 310 (n. 16), 311
(nn. 45, 46), 312 (n. 67), 314 (n. 34), 321 (n. 61)
Tokugawa Ieyasu, 128
Tokunaga, Professor. See Kiyozawa Manshi
Tokusawa, Mr., 304 (n. 69)
Tokutomi Soho (Tokutomi Ichiro), 124, 297
(n.36)
Tokuzawa Chiezo, 164
Tokyo Fine Arts Academy, 29
Torrington, Governor, 99
Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 283 (n. 88)
Toyo University, 141
Treaty revision, 2, 16-21, 43-44, 130, 172-97, 281
(n. 2), 282 (n. 2). See also Ansei treaties; Cheney,
Annie Elizabeth; Flower, B. O.; Fukuzawa
Yukichi; Ii Naosuke; Mutsu Munemitsu;
Seikyosha; Sonno hobutsu daidodan; Tateno
Gozo
Trikaya, 314 (n. 47); and Christian trinity, 231-
33. See also Three Bodies of the Buddha
Tripitaka, 296 (n. 17)
Turnour, George, 90, 91, 94

Universalism: Christian, 54-56; Buddhist,
209-11
University of Chicago, 224
Upaya, 301 (n. 26)

Vaipulya sutras, 146
Vairocana Buddha, 219
Valentine, Milton, 69, 70, 82, 284 (n. 16)
Valignano, 88, 295 (n. 112)
Vivekananda, 12, 13, 57, 63, 75, 267, 273, 276, 322
(n.63)

Wach, Joachim, 272
Warren, W. E, 57
Washburn, Rev. George, 287 (n. 68)
Watts, Alan W., 272, 321 (n. 57)
Webb, Mohammad, 290 (n. 1)
White City, 21, 28
Wilson, H. H., 94, 97
Wooded Island, 34-38
World's Parliament of Religions, 1, 4, 12-13, 14,
15, 17, 45-47, 50-52, 56, 58-59, 61, 65-84, 85,
113, 114, 136, 145, 157, 172, 173, 189, 198, 205,
220, 223, 242, 246, 247, 275, 276, 280 (n. 19),
297 (n. 40)

Yatsubuchi Bunryu, 82, 175, 176, 177-78, 179, 191,
201, 206, 208, 216, 217, 246, 288 (n. 17), 289
(n. 45), 305 (n. 17), 310 (n. 18), 314 (n. 47)
Yokoi Tokio, 125
Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA),
127, 137-38, 298 (11.48)

Zaike bukkyo, 126, 178
Zen, 12, 13; decentering original Buddhism,
263-64; decentering Buddhist canon, 264-
65; as positive, energetic, practical Buddhism,
265; as essence of Eastern Buddhism, 266-67;
and Japanese Culture, 267-71
Zenkoku bukkyosha daikonwakai, 196
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