Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presidency w

Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

Postby admin » Tue Jun 14, 2016 9:07 pm

Part 3 of 4

So Terry was standing there on March 26th, 1992, listening into the pay phone in California as Richard Behar, safely separated by 3,000 miles, was calling Reed a con-man as he surreptitiously recorded the conversation. Terry had to come clean and turn over all his evidence, Behar was demanding, or Terry would be destroyed.

"Are you prepared to do that?" Behar challenged.

"I'm prepared to tell you, you better talk to John Hall. I'm prepared to tell you that you are probing into areas that I have purposely avoided so it'll come out in my civil litigation, if I ever get there [to court]. I have a September trial date," Reed responded.

"Terry, I am going to come out with some very, very, harsh conclusions about you."

"What, in TIME magazine?" Reed asked. Still in shock, he added, "Thanks a lot, Rich."

"Don't you think it's worthwhile to spend this time with me?"

"No, I don't. I don't feel I have to prove anything to you. If this is turning out to be a negative slam on me, you're going to set back my kind of litigation [civil-rights law suits] and what happened to me and Janis by a hundred years," Reed retorted, then dwelling for a second as the severity of Behar's threats impacted upon him.

Suddenly, realizing that Behar and TIME magazine had the ability to snuff out Janis and his hundreds of hours of effort to get their case to court, he added pensively, "I guess the power of the pen is mightier than the sword."

"There is evidence out there that you're a con man," Behar baited, probably referring to a "trash Reed file" provide him by private detective Tommy Baker, one of the defendants in Reed's civil-rights suit.

"That is not true!" Reed shot back.

"... Well. Fine. Why don't you --," Behar began to speak, but was then interrupted.

"Because this certainly wasn't how this started out," Reed reminded.

"Well, it wasn't how it started out, but it's certainly how it's going," Behar chided.

"So," Reed recapped. "You're going to write an article that will now be used against me in court."

"Well, I don't care," Behar answered. "I'm not interested in writing anything to be used for or against you."

This was certainly a reversal of the position Behar had originally taken when he came into Reed's life in Reno, Nevada. At that time he agreed to use TIME magazine's vast investigative resources to Reed's advantage, which was the only reason Reed had been willing to cooperate with Behar in the first place. Reed decided to remind Behar of the original intent of their collaboration.

"I thought you wanted to write an article about Jack Blum's coverup, about Lawrence Walsh's coverup," Reed said referring to an earlier conversation with Behar, in which Behar stated he felt there was strong evidence to prove Senator John Kerry's investigator, Jack Blum, had actually helped to stymie the Mena investigation.

Blum's job as Special Counsel to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations was to not only provide investigative services to Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, he was to also funnel off pertinent leads he developed during the course of his investigation to Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh's office, which was seeking indictments involving the Iran-Contra Affair. It was Blum who the Reeds had interviewed extensively with in Washington in 1988.

Behar had confided to Reed he felt Walsh, probably in concert with Blum, was indeed part of the Iran-Contra cover-up since Walsh's office had taken no action on Mena. Behar earlier cited the foundation for his suspicions stemmed from Walsh's lack of action on the preponderance of credible evidence provided directly to his office by federal, state and county law enforcement agencies, as well as the materials provided him by Arkansas Attorney General Winston Bryant and U.S. Congressman William Alexander concerning the activities at Mena.

Behar responded, completely reversing his earlier position on the Mena affair, "I'm not convinced there is a coverup."

Several months before the election took place, the telephone rang one day while I was lying in bed recovering from my battle with pneumonia. Blake Hendrix was still serving as my attorney/agent, and he had just received an interesting offer. Playboy magazine wanted to do a photo layout and article about me. My initial reaction was negative -- I really wasn't interested at all. But Blake persisted, "You need to know, this deal could be worth about a million dollars." That caught my attention.

This was something I had never even given a passing thought to. Magazines like Playboy and Penthouse didn't offend me, and I firmly believe women have the right to do whatever they wish with regard to nude photography. But it was never an option for me or something I aspired to even in my wildest dreams. The prospect of a million dollars, however, made me look at it from a different perspective. I had been offered nearly that much by the Republicans when they wanted to buy my tapes, but I refused to let those tapes be used in ways I couldn't control.

This was different, though. I was reasonably certain I could manage a Playboy photo layout with a minimum of difficulty. Blake and I had barely started talking about it when Penthouse entered the picture and started a bidding war with Playboy. Penthouse was offering an even more substantial package: a large sum up front, and part of the proceeds from the actual sales of the magazine. I was told the earning potential could be as high as ten million dollars. That kind of money was beyond my most optimistic expectations and was too seductive to turn down. My financial security would be guaranteed for life, and there would be a bonus: my story would be told in a way that wasn't sensational or muck-raking.

Bob Guccione, the publisher of Penthouse, absolutely wooed me. He assured me, "This will be about you. Bill Clinton will be in it, of course, but it will be a love story." He went on to say many actresses and other entertainers had posed for Penthouse or Playboy to further their careers: Kim Basinger and Sharon Stone, for example. He went on and on about how a nude pictorial of me would be a thing of beauty; I would be proud of it. Guccione's favorite line was, "Be a part of our Penthouse family." That didn't paint a particularly pretty picture in my mind, but ten million dollars was a powerful incentive to keep my opinions to myself. I would be set free financially.

Playboy wouldn't match Penthouse's offer, so I was eager and ready to sign a deal with Bob Guccione. Blake had met with Victor Kovner, Penthouse's lawyer, and Blake realized he was way out of his league. Blake's expertise was in criminal law, not entertainment law, so he suggested I find a representative more experienced in matters of that nature, as he didn't feel able to adequately represent me in dealings with Penthouse. He had been an exceptionally good friend and adviser to me throughout the ordeal, and I appreciated his honesty.

After considering a couple of people who turned out to be inept, a friend suggested I talk with Roy True, who had been Mickey Mantle's business manager for twenty-five years. When I met with him, I liked him and decided to hire him. Roy was in his late fifties at the time and very distinguished looking, with white hair and pretty blue eyes. He was part of a well-respected Dallas firm, and I could tell immediately that he was an intelligent man. Plus, the chemistry between us felt good. He had a lot of experience with contract negotiations and I felt he was the right person to handle the Penthouse deal for me.

We negotiated the deal, and even though I was apprehensive about posing nude, the prospect of having an article written that would tell my side of the story for a change was very exciting. I was also breathing a huge sigh of relief over the promise of never having to worry about money again.

My contract didn't specify exactly how much money I would receive, aside from the amount paid to me up front. But Guccione gave me lots of examples of other women who had a lot of notoriety, like me, and how they had ultimately profited. He threw a lot of numbers at me: so many magazines sold would translate into so many dollars. And I was truly overwhelmed. If only half his predictions came true, five million dollars was certainly more than enough to give me security for life.

The magazine assigned Art Harris to write the article. I had never heard of him, nor had I read anything he had written, but I was assured he was the perfect person to write my love story. Art cut an imposing figure with his shaved head and steely, penetrating eyes, but he had a gentle manner. His voice was soft, and he was generously flattering. It was important that he gain my confidence, and he was skilled in doing so. He made me feel secure that he was going to write the story in the way it had been promised. He asked for a list of people whom I had known for years or who had been involved in my life, so he could develop my background and gain insight into my personality. After he interviewed me extensively, he called or met with many old friends and family members, gathering information and opinion.

Warning flags went up, however, when all those people, one by one, called to tell me Art Harris was no friend of mine. They complained he was trying to put words into their mouths, trying to get them to say things that weren't true. No one liked him, and no one trusted him.

These reports were making me extremely nervous, and I became downright agitated when I learned he was working with Jack Palladino, the private investigator hired by the Clinton campaign to unearth damaging information on me. I called Jane Hamish, Bob Guccione's personal assistant, and told her, "I don't like this guy. I have a real bad feeling about him."

Jane tried to calm my fears by explaining that Art Harris was simply caught up in his assignment. She went on to say he always got very involved in whatever his subject was and he was probably just being a little too aggressive. My worry level increased, though, when she said, "We probably should have gotten somebody else who would have been better to do this than he, because he's an investigative reporter." But she tried to reassure me. "Don't worry," she said, "we'll edit the story."

Before I'd agreed to do the Penthouse piece, I had made an agreement with Guccione that specified I had a right to review and approve the article and pictorial before they were published. So even though I was concerned Art Harris might be doing a hatchet job on me, I knew I could demand it be rewritten before it went to print. So I tried to put my fears at rest, blaming my anxiety on my wholesale trashing by the media. After all, I reasoned, Penthouse had sought me out. They were the ones who came to me wanting to do an objective and sensitive article. I really had no reason to mistrust them.

I shifted my focus to the photo shoot that was looming ahead. I had to get it over with, so I flew to Los Angeles, alone. Penthouse sent a car to pick me up at the airport, and I went directly to the hotel, where I was to meet Earl Miller, the photographer assigned to my pictorial.


I returned to New York again, to review the pictorial. I was pleased with it -- the photos were extremely flattering. Now all that was left was to review and approve the article. Time kept dragging, though, and the article didn't come. Roy True called Penthouse a number of times asking when the article would be available for my review, and he was given lots of excuses and put off for one reason or another. I didn't like the warning signs I was getting about this article, but I tried to remain optimistic. I held fast to the belief that the final draft would appear in my mailbox any day, and I'd have the chance to repair any damage.

I couldn't have been more wrong.

Finis called me from Little Rock in mid-October. He had gotten yet another press release in his office, and told me I needed to see it. He faxed a copy to Roy True's office, and when I read it, I was stunned. It was from Guccione's office and said, in effect, he was releasing the magazine before the election to do damage control for Bill Clinton. The press release strongly suggested everything I alleged was probably untrue, and Guccione wanted to give Bill the opportunity to respond to my "sensational but unsubstantiated" charges before the election!

I knew I was in trouble. Was this Guccione's plan all along? Had his intent been only to discredit me instead of giving me the fair and unbiased treatment he had promised? It certainly seemed that way. I still hadn't seen the article, but the issue had already been printed. I had been set up and I went along willingly. Roy called Victor Kovner, Guccione's attorney, who was smooth as silk, apologetic but noncommittal.

Naturally, my first reaction was to sue Guccione's ass off. Although legal advisers assured me I had the basis for a lawsuit, they confirmed what I already suspected. Guccione has very deep pockets and is very patient. He could keep me tied up for years, financially and emotionally. I had already been used and abused so much, I just wasn't up to a protracted battle with someone who wouldn't hesitate to go for the jugular. I'm sure Guccione was betting that would be my reaction.

Besides, I still had the promise of back-end profits from the magazine -- that was written into my contract. Guccione had reneged on my right to review the article to serve his own purpose, but I really didn't think he would cheat me financially. He might be able to sidestep the small points, but if he blatantly violated the financial terms of the contract, his credibility as a businessman would be destroyed.

Even though the magazine was available in some places by the middle of October, it officially went on sale the first week in November, right before the election, and copies were snatched up in record time. Penthouse had promised to give me a specified number of copies, but they never appeared. Finis bought an issue in Little Rock, flew to Dallas with it that weekend, and that was the first time I saw it. I looked at the pictorial first and was thrilled. I was forty-two years old when those photos were taken, and I was proud of the way I looked. But then I read the article.

It would be easy to condemn Art Harris on the basis of what my friends and family told me about their interviews, but the truth is, I don't know how much of what he wrote was left out. He may have written my story from two different angles -- pro-Gennifer and anti-Gennifer -- but I'll never know. Jane Hamish, Guccione's assistant, told me Art turned in one hundred fifty pages of copy, but he had nothing to do with the final version, which was heavily edited. Guccione had the final say.

The article was definitely anti-Gennifer. Once again, I was portrayed as a gold-digging, no-talent, bleached-blonde bimbo. It was so hateful and mean that had it been about someone else, I would have had nothing but contempt for the shallow, greedy person Art Harris described. Bamboozled again. Why did I have to learn everything the hard way?

I tried to buy more copies of the magazine. As bad as the article was, since it was going to become a collector's item, I wanted to have a few on hand. (I understand that autographed copies have sold for as much as $2,000.) I certainly wasn't going to hold my breath and wait for Penthouse to come through with the copies they had promised me. I went from newsstand to newsstand looking for it and was told the same thing everywhere I went: Merchants had received only a limited number of copies, and they sold out quickly.

I found this curious. Why were so few copies being distributed when the issue was such a hot seller? I called various distributors around the country, posing as someone interested in getting a shipment of the magazine, and was told by most of them that they would love to have gotten more copies, but they had been told they probably wouldn't. It seemed that Penthouse had distributed far fewer than they normally did. It wasn't a matter of the magazines jumping off the shelves so fast they couldn't keep them stocked, there just weren't many available.

I thought back to a conversation I had had with Guccione during which he said he was concerned about the possibility of a conservative justice being appointed to the Supreme Court. Magazines such as Penthouse were constantly being sued under obscenity laws, and all Guccione needed was a conservative majority on the Supreme Court to start losing some of those lawsuits.

He wanted Bill Clinton, a liberal, to win the presidential election. Then when there was a vacancy on the Supreme Court, Bill would appoint a liberal justice to fill it. I began to wonder if I was nothing more than a pawn in his efforts to help get Bill elected. It seemed he made me look as bad as he possibly could have in order to discredit me and win support for Bill. That must be why Guccione was so eager to secure my story. It wasn't about money, it was about damage control for Bill. His negative portrayal of me helped to secure his own future by helping to elect a Democrat. He avoided the risk of Playboy presenting my story honestly, which might have hurt Bill's chances.

I never received a dime beyond the initial advance. The advance was generous, yes, but it certainly didn't give me long-term financial security. Furthermore, Guccione owns the rights to all the photos taken of me, and if he ever felt he could make money by using them, he wouldn't be obligated to pay me even a nickel. He knew what he was doing all along and knew he could get away with it, too.

-- Passion and Betrayal, by Gennifer Flowers with Jacquelyn Dapper

* * *

Behar had made a complete turnabout, saying initially he believed there was a cover-up, and saying there wasn't. Why? In order to have come to the conclusion that he was still not convinced there had been a CIA operation at Mena and a subsequent coverup, one must put into perspective Behar's own evidence that he was willing to ignore and dismiss.

After his week in Arkansas (March 8th through 14th, 1992) and the subsequent telephone investigation he conducted after returning to New York, Behar was literally drowning in leads, conflicting accounts of critical events, and experts willing to assist him in exposing the coverup. From court discovery obtained from Reed's federal libel suit against Behar and TIME, the following are excerpts from Behar's secretly-recorded interviews and telephone conversations during that time period.

As a result of Reed's off-the-record discussions concerning money laundering in Arkansas, Behar sought out the services of Roy Drew, a financial expert and former employee of Stephens, Inc., the largest investment banking firm in Little Rock. Behar was soliciting a professional opinion on the feasibility of the Clinton Administration's and other prominent Arkansans' involvement in these sordid money affairs.

DREW: Well I've been hired by the state. I've done due diligence on some bond issues. I've got a deal, an $85 million bond issue appealed back in 1989.

BEHAR: Who handled it, ADFA?

DREW: ADFA. But the Rose Law Firm (firm in which Hillary Clinton and Webb Hubbell practiced) and Stephens Incorporated and Beverly Enterprises and a whole bunch of folks were involved in. I worked for Stephens for a long time and I do know a lot about --

BEHAR: How big was that?

DREW: $85 million, $82 million.


DREW: And they had done a deal exactly like it up in Iowa that last summer I appeared as an expert witness in. The exact similar case that got appealed here in Arkansas was done up in Iowa. That a judge ruled up there that it lacked any legitimate purpose and denied some tax exemptions for them and then called it a sham deal.

BEHAR: Who did it?

DREW: Well, it was, Stephens operated Beverly Enterprises nursing Homes, and were sold to a sham tax exempt operation controlled by a handpicked person of [the] Rose Law Firm and Stephens Incorporated ...

BEHAR: ... When was it stopped in Arkansas?

DREW: It finally got killed in December of 1989 when the then-Attorney General of the state of Arkansas, Steve Clark [Reed's original attorney in the civil-rights lawsuit], accused the Stephens people of offering him a $100,000 bribe to remain neutral. All of this was going on while the Governor, Bill Clinton, [inaudible]- ... (At this point in Behar's recording of the conversation, the tape conveniently becomes inaudible).

BEHAR: ... Are these [the Stephens group] bad guys?

DREW: Yes, they're real bad guys ....Yeah, they're bad people. They're financial terrorists. They run the state. And Bill Clinton is the politician that makes it all go. That's the only reason he has been able to do that since 1980. He came in, he was a very ideological person in 1978, he lasted two years. And he got voted out of office because Stephens financed a guy named Frank White [former Governor] and he [Clinton] got religion.

BEHAR: You really think Stephens has that much power?

DREW: I don't think, I know.

The conversation then shifted to a discussion of a $50 million bond issue involving Stephens and Clinton. Behar appeared to be getting confused from the details Drew was providing.

BEHAR: ... Well, let's try to keep it in --

DREW: There's no way to -- hey, Bill Clinton is a very sophisticated person whose got very sophisticated advisors. This is a very sophisticated way that he has been able to gain money to run a campaign. He's been doing this since he was a teenager. It was very sophisticated because nobody like Boyd or Julie [state auditors] was supposed to be around to see through it. He [Clinton] has been milking, along with his conservators, for years, the retirement systems and the bonding systems and has gained a lot of friends from it. There is no simple way to approach it.

BEHAR: ... Okay, but what I need from you is just to spend about 20 minutes getting an overview.

DREW: I can't do it in 20 minutes. I can tell you, Bill Clinton has been mis-managing the retirement systems and been putting money in people's pockets.

BEHAR: How is ADFA used?

DREW: Well, there's a number of ways that they can do it. I can show you one that is in the process right now .... I would suggest that you call me tomorrow. I've been talking to reporters from the Boston Globe, from The New York Times, and the Wall Street Journal, and the Arkansas Gazette today.

BEHAR: All today?

DREW: Yeah.

BEHAR: On this subject?

DREW: Yeah.


DREW: Do you want to know Bill Clinton, and you want to know what's going on? I mean it's sure not Gennifer Flowers.

BEHAR: I don't give a shit about her.

DREW: It's not that. But, I mean, this is the hard core ... You're going to run in -- and I'm not lying. But I tell you what Richard, you're going to run in to some stone walls and some ruts without any kind of back up ...

BEHAR: ... Can I ask a couple of questions?

DREW: Certainly. I don't know that I'll answer them, but you can ask the question.

BEHAR: Okay, are you familiar with Dan Lasater, (man who was handling the deposits from Barry Seal's green flights, close associate of Bill Clinton and a bond dealer who was convicted on cocaine charges as a result of Roger Clinton's arrest).

DREW: Yes.

BEHAR: Do you have information about Dan and his operation?

DREW: Some.

BEHAR: In a nutshell, what is that.

DREW: I'm not going to tell you that.

BEHAR: Ever?

DREW: That's pretty sensitive ...

BEHAR: ... I'm wondering if there has been some money laundering.

DREW: Through what?

BEHAR: Through ADFA.

DREW: Hell, money's been laundered through the retirement system -- it's all out in the open -- to Bill Clinton conservators. It's not sexy enough for a guy [Lasater] that's gone to prison on a dope deal. I know you guys got to sell newspapers and I understand. I mean, he's [Clinton] laundered money through the retirement systems to a guy where he ain't gone to prison for a dope deal. I know it looks better if you got a guy that the money was laundered through from a dope deal ...

BEHAR: ... Okay, and has it been laundered as well through ADFA?

DREW: Yeah.

BEHAR: And you can prove that? I don't know what we're going to be able to get into ...

DREW: Yes I'm not interested in talking about Dan Lasater.

BEHAR: Okay, so we're not going to be able to get into Dan.

DREW: No, we're not going to talk about Dan Lasater.

BEHAR: Okay, let's leave that out. Are we going to talk about Mena?

DREW: You're talking about the same thing ...

BEHAR: ... Now, most of what you have is laundering through the retirement system, or is it ADFA, or is it equal?

DREW: Both.

BEHAR: Both?

DREW: Both ...

BEHAR: ... What about Bob Nash? (Clinton Administration's head of ADFA).

DREW: We can talk about him for awhile.

BEHAR: We can what? ...

DREW: ... Hey look, Richard, this is some dangerous shit. I'm telling you.

BEHAR: I know that. It's dangerous for me being here poking around.

DREW: Who have you interviewed?

BEHAR: I spent half a day with Bobby Nash.

DREW: Did he tell you anything?

BEHAR: Of course not.

DREW: He serves at the wheel of the government. I saw the guy threatened, I've got it on tape. He was threatened in a meeting by a white guy, to take him out in the alley and whip his ass.

By his comments, the governor's political problems and his potential exposure were clearly on his mind. Clinton showed his contempt for the young man from Washington as he lost his composure, jumped to his feet and shouted: "Getting my brother arrested and bringing down the Arkansas bond business in the process isn't my idea of kosher! You gents live a long way from here. Your meddling in our affairs here is gonna carry long-term exposure for me! I mean us. And what are we supposed to do, just pretend nothing happened?" He was angry.

"Exactly, pretend nothing's happened," Johnson snapped back. "It's just like the commercial, you're in good hands with Allstate. Only in this case, it's the CIA." Johnson paused, took a deep breath, and continued. "Mr. Clinton, Bill, if you will, some of those loose ends you refer to here were definitely brought on by your own people, don't you agree? I mean your brother didn't have to start shoving Mr. Seal's drugs up his nose and your friend, Lasater, has been flaunting his new wealth as if he's trying to bring you down. We're having to control the SEC and the IRS just to keep him afloat.

"Our deal with you was to help 'reconstruct the South,''' Johnson sniped, using a term Southerners hate, since it reminds them of the post-Civil War Yankee dominance of the South. "We didn't plan on Arkansas becoming more difficult to deal with than most banana republics. This has turned out to be almost comical."

"Bobby! Don't sit here on your black ass and take this Yankee shit!" Clinton yelled at Nash in an appeal for support. "Tell him about Seal bribing those federal agents!" It was getting to resemble a verbal tennis match as volleys were being lobbed, each one with more intensity. From the comment about Seal, Terry concluded that Clinton did in fact have his own intelligence network, too.

"Why, Mr. Clinton, with racial slurs like that, the federal government could terminate educational busing aid here," Johnson wryly shot back. "I thought Arkansas was an equal opportunity employer!"

Nash touched the governor's arm, coaxing him back into his chair.

Johnson continued, "The deal we made was to launder our money through your bond business. What we didn't plan on was you and your token nigger here to start taking yourselves seriously and purposely shrinking our laundry."

"What do you mean by shrinking the laundry?!" Clinton asked still shouting. By now, Clinton's face was flushed with anger.

-- Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presidency was Co-opted by the CIA, by Terry Reed & John Cummings

Delivered 6 coolers of cocaine to SLN. Met Barry Seal in C-123. Ramon Navarro was with Seal. Asked Seal what was up with the cocaine being made in contra camps. - Said it was a CIA OPN. This shipment was going to Calif to make a drug called crack. Seal said that the CIA planned to get all the niggers in the U.S. hooked on it & then throw 'em in prison. Said the $'s for the crack goes to buy weapons for the contras. Asked him who is involved -- he said it goes all the way to the white house. Said I could talk to the boss -- he'd be here (in Honduras) in a couple days. Took notes on back of AA. Msn request for RMTC. Will include with this flight plan. Msn RQ dtd 6 April.

-- The Chip Tatum Chronicles: Testimony of Government Drug Running, by Chip Tatum

BEHAR: This guy was going to take Nash out and whip his ass?

DREW: Right.

BEHAR: For what reason?

DREW: Because he wouldn't go along with a deal that he'd promised. And they invited him back. The Governor [Clinton] never said one word about it. You're talking about race relations, you think some pasty-face white guy comes up from Texas [Bruce Wallyer] and threatens to whip the ass of Bobby Nash on television in front of the reporters and the Governor doesn't say a word about it? Go figure.

And Bobby Nash doesn't come across the table and kill him? I mean, anybody -- I mean, I thought Bobby Nash, you know, it was great restraint on his part ...

BEHAR: ... Okay, can I ask you --

DREW: That's the kind of stuff that goes on and that's why Bobby Nash is not going to say anything.

BEHAR: Can I ask you one thing?

DREW: Yeah, sure.

BEHAR: The companies that received ADFA money, these small companies that get ADFA loans, are they all basically political favors?

DREW: Yeah.


That one conversation not only supported Reed's private allegations that Barry Seal's Mena black ops money was being run through Dan Lasater's firm and probably also the Stephens corporation as well, it also provided Behar with a totally independent and non-biased view from a financial expert, that money was allegedly being laundered through the state retirement system as well as ADFA. Something equally as important was Drew's assessment of Bob Nash as being a compromised individual who had been neutralized as a result of underhanded dealings. This too fit the profile Reed had provided Behar about Nash and ADFA, especially the information about making preferred loans to politically connected companies (POM and the other firms manufacturing the Agency's weapons parts).

Strangely, Behar never took Drew up on his offer to volunteer his expertise in proving fiscal wrongdoing in Arkansas. He chose instead to attack Reed's money allegations in the first paragraph of his slash-and-burn article and present them out of context and as an inconceivable myth.

Behar attempted to personally interview Wally Hall, the Little Rock sportswriter. It was Wally and his wife Cherryl who had dined with Terry and Janis the night Clinton forced the impromptu meeting outside of Juanita's Restaurant, where Clinton discussed Barry Seal's death with Reed.

During Behar's telephone questioning of Hall concerning his recollection of the events the night he dined with the Reeds, the following exchange was recorded:

BEHAR: I'm a writer for TIME. I've been here [Little Rock] for awhile and I'm covering a couple of things. I was hoping there might be a chance I might be able to get together with you, have a beer, and talk about something I'm certainly eager to talk about, even on a very deep off-the-record basis if we can do it.

HALL: What's it about?

BEHAR: Terry Reed.

HALL: ... But other than having dinner with them [the Reeds] 2 or 3 times, that was about the extent of our [relationship] ... And I know very little about him other than he was a very intelligent person, very intelligent.

BEHAR: He's got a mind like a steel trap ... Yeah, he's a pretty intense guy.

HALL: Yeah. I mean, I've kept up with this on-going story about his airplane and all that Oliver North stuff. But I would have no idea if that was true or not true.

BEHAR: You know what the one thing I need to know is ... And again, it can be an off-the-record thing. He [Reed] talks about an incident happening in Juanita's where he was having dinner with you and Cherryl and Nash ...

HALL: I really, Richard, I go to so many things ... that honestly, I mean, that could have happened ... I can't say one way or the other ...

BEHAR: ... Why don't we get together on Sunday ... Let me buy you guys [the Halls] lunch here at the Capitol [Hotel], one o'clock Sunday ...

HALL: ... You understand my concerns?

BEHAR: Absolutely. This is not exactly the lightest subject I'm bringing up.

HALL: We're not talking about basketball persons.


HALL: We're talking about government.

BEHAR: I understand. This is rough stuff and it's very sensitive.

HALL: And I do not want my family involved.

Mysteriously, the Halls cancelled the Little Rock luncheon scheduled with Behar to discuss the events of that night. Behar made no mention of this or the concerns expressed by Hall when he wrote in the TIME article that the Halls had never been to the restaurant with the Reeds. When Behar sought out Larry Nichols, a former employee of ADFA and the man fired from his job for making telephone calls to the Contras, at the expense of the state, Behar tapped into more dirt on Clinton than he had apparently bargained for. This probably explains why, once again, Behar's recordings have strategically placed gaps whenever Bill Clinton's name surfaces in extremely embarrassing and possibly incriminating ways. It is also interesting to note from the dialogue between the two men, it appears that Behar has recruited Nichols to lure and entrap some very prominent people into some very compromising conversations.

NICHOLS: Did you get the stuff I had delivered?

BEHAR: Yeah, just a couple of documents ... Okay. You were supposed to come back here with tapes. (Nichols' tape-recorded conversations between himself, Clinton's Chief of Security Buddy Young, Clinton and others, concerning the on-going negotiations between Clinton and Nichols which were outlining the terms of getting Nichols to drop his lawsuit against Clinton for wrongful dismissal.
Keep in mind, it was Larry Nichols who exposed the Gennifer Flowers scandal.)

NICHOLS: Right, that's what I was going to say. I'm meaning to come out there after she [Nichol's wife] gets back.


After the two men agree to meet later that night for a private meeting, the conversation leads into an area in which Nichols is alerting Behar of the intense media investigation into the Mena scandal, and the resulting articles being written.

BEHAR: ... Well, the one in the Nation I think I'm aware of already .... What was in the [Boston] Globe?

NICHOLS: Some story in the Globe was passing on information that the Arkansas traveler certificates that I had made up by Clinton to give Calero [Adolpho Calero, the head of the Contras] and Singlaub [Retired U.S. Army General and Contra fundraiser] were not on file, but yet everybody saw them get delivered. And he said it was quite, [sic] Buddy [Young] says it connected him to Mena somehow.

BEHAR: Who's him?

NICHOLS: Him, Buddy.

BEHAR: It connected Buddy?

NICHOLS: Buddy said -- if I were Buddy, Buddy said, it connects me to Mena. What is this shit about? ... I said, shit Buddy, I don't know.

BEHAR: What is it about?

NICHOLS: I mean, I don't know what is so sensitive to Buddy about that.

BEHAR: Well, nobody wants to be connected to Mena.

NICHOLS: Well, Buddy asked me if I had talked to anyone about his relationship with Mena. I said, yes, I did today at lunch .... I said to him [Buddy], you be sure and you call the Governor and you make sure he understands, with my little present that starting tomorrow, his world's turning to shit. And four weeks to the day from Sunday, he will be out of the governor's race, I mean the President's race.

BEHAR: Why four weeks? (Tape fades out, conveniently)

BEHAR: You have this conversation on tape?

NICHOLS: Oh, no, no, no.

BEHAR: All right.


BEHAR: No, yours with Buddy.

NICHOLS: Oh, yeah, yeah. I thought you meant this conversation.

BEHAR: No, no, no, no. I'm talking about with Buddy.

NICHOLS: Oh, Yeah.

BEHAR: All right, Now, are you going to come over here with your other stuff?

NICHOLS: Yeah, you want me to come over after Kerry [wife] gets here, or is it too late? You want to do it in the morning?

BEHAR: No, let's do it tonight.

NICHOLS: What are your plans? Give me some clue. I know what my agenda is.

BEHAR: I have no plans until I see what you've got.


BEHAR: Remember I showed you at lunch, the distance on that pen. (A secret transmitter housed within a ball point pen, used for bugging a room.)


BEHAR: You haven't moved it since I last saw you ... I mean, you got your work cut out for you with me and, you know --

NICHOLS: What do you mean I got my work cut out for you in what way?

BEHAR: You've got to prove to me, you've got to show me what you've got that could concern him, first of all. And then you've got to bring me more of your taped conversations with Buddy and these people, if there are any others.

NICHOLS: Okay, number one, as I think I already told you, what I have that concerns them is, they are scared to death of me. I mean, they shouldn't be, but they are. They ought not be dealing with me. Something's got them -- now, I know, as you know, all the shit about it. And I know which things are real because I heard them say it. I know who the women [women with whom Clinton had alleged extra-marital affairs] are that want to get the big money.

BEHAR: This is what I want to hear from you.

NICHOLS: ... You just need to calm down. Damn.

The following is from a follow-up, taped conversation which begins with a discussion of women Nichols alleges were involved with Clinton. By this time Behar was no doubt, feeling somewhat intimidated by the money laundering aspects of his investigation, so apparently decided to focus on something he understood ... infidelity.

BEHAR: Hello. Okay, Elizabeth Ward is a former Miss America. She's white. And the other woman is Lynn Cola Sullivan. She's black, former Miss America. They both live in Arkansas. No. [sic]

NICHOLS: One is in New York and one in California ....

BEHAR: ... Now, you're not the only one with this information on Ward because --

NICHOLS: She's negotiating her own contract.

BEHAR: She's negotiating. Her lawyer in L.A., what's his name?

NICHOLS: Miles Levy.

BEHAR: And they're talking to newspapers. [sic]

NICHOLS: Talking to TV.

BEHAR: TV. What does she want?

NICHOLS: $250,000.

BEHAR: $250,000, that's right. She's been offered a hundred?

NICHOLS: She's been offered one and a quarter.

BEHAR: One and a quarter, by who?


BEHAR: The Star?

NICHOLS: Star Magazine got it up to about 175. And then Gennifer Flowers went.

BEHAR: Flowers, okay.

NICHOLS: So then, Star didn't want to pay her that much money. So, then, when it looked like Clinton was losing in New Hampshire, they got in touch with me and said, could we get it back up to the 175 or 200 range again. I said, I don't know. I called Conafer [person not further identified]. Conafer said that they would be interested in talking to them, working towards a relationship. But then, Clinton lived through New Hampshire. And Miles Levy and all of them think that she's worth a lot more money if you consent to the --

BEHAR: ... Do you have any other information that you got from bugging? When you say you bugged the mansion, what did you actually do? ...

NICHOLS: ... I had unique information sources that allowed me to hear and cover some strategies ....

BEHAR: ... What else is there, drug use?

NICHOLS: There is a viable linkage to me, what I can get Adolpho Calero to say, and Clinton's relationship to them [the Contras]. I mean, I can make it too, I can present a case on the front that it would be inconceivable to believe the Governor didn't know about it .... Because if you don't have the element of Adolpho Calero, who's the absolute leader of the Contras, you see, you don't get the whole story.

BEHAR: Why would Calero come forward?

NICHOLS: Why would he not? I mean he's not being sued, he's not being tried, and he's a friend of mine. And all I need is just the proof. I just need the answers to the questions. I just need some help getting the questions that I need the answers to.

BEHAR: Has Calero already told you about Clinton's involvement with Mena?

NICHOLS: No. He has told me ... that Mena was not a Contra feeder system.

BEHAR: Right.

NICHOLS: But he also said that there's no way that Clinton could not have been aware of the goings-on there since Calero, who didn't even live there, was aware of it. Now, Calero would, in Clinton's situation, going to become a hostile witness. Clinton will not be supported by Calero. The pieces of the puzzle at the Mena Airport fall apart because they sealed the files and got rid of all the players.

BEHAR: Right.


Behar's article in TIME made no mention of Adolpho Calero's comments, which were passed on by Nichols, nor is there any evidence that Behar took Nichols up on his later offer to arrange for Behar to conduct an interview with Calero in order to determine the depths of Arkansas' involvement in the CIA's Contra support operations.

The transcripts of Behar's taped interviews with: United States Congressman from Arkansas, William Alexander; Colonel Tommy Goodwin, Commander of the Arkansas State Police; Joe Hardegree, former Polk County Prosecutor (location of Mena); and Charles Black, former Deputy Prosecutor of Polk County -- all seem to indicate Behar was convinced that there had not been sufficient funding to conduct a thorough investigation into the nefarious activities at Mena. He focused primarily on the elusive $25,000 of state funds that Clinton allegedly promised for state grand jury proceedings.

Probably the most credible evidence of a White House orchestrated cover-up of Mena came from Bill Alexander. And who should know better than a U.S. Congressman from Arkansas who was trying to gain access to intelligence information through the back door accounting channels offered him through the GAO (General Accounting Office).

BEHAR: ... Remember the GAO investigation in 1988?


BEHAR: Mena.

ALEXANDER: Yeah. It wasn't just Mena, though, was it?

BEHAR: No, it wasn't just Mena ...

ALEXANDER: ... But it included Mena as part of it and they stonewalled me.

BEHAR: That's right. Now, when that thing was stopped cold, is it accurate to say that the CIA and the State Department refused, on orders from the White House, to turn over Data? Is that accurate?

ALEXANDER: Let me think a minute about it. I've got a letter from GAO which I could share with you that says precisely what happened ... [the letter says that the] National Security Counsel [N.S.C.] refused to participate, and ordered everybody else not to for security reasons. So, to the extent N.S.C. is part of the White House, that's correct.

BEHAR: Did they order -- they are part of the White House.[ sic]

ALEXANDER: Yeah, they are part of the White House. And you need to say N.S.C. because that says specifically what part of the White House ordered everyone to stop -- they stonewalled me. They just said, none of your business.

BEHAR: Did they order it to the State Department, the CIA, how many different --

ALEXANDER: Everybody across the board: Justice Department, CIA, Defense Department, everybody. And I'll give you a copy of the letter if you want ... I mean that's the kind of thing that really galls you when you're trying to find out what's going on.

BEHAR: And you get stonewalled.

ALEXANDER: And what they've done is thumb their nose at the Congress and the American people.

BEHAR: Right. Okay, second and last thing. Clinton, it's so cloudy, you know, his lack of interest. You know, he claims Arkansas did everything it can but it just doesn't seem that way. I remember you mentioned that you had asked for some support.

ALEXANDER: Well ... I asked him [Clinton] to see the deputy prosecutor named Charles Black. And I said, Charlie Black is trying to see you about this Mena case, this Mena investigation that I have followed and I'm involved in. And I would encourage you [Clinton] to see him ....

BEHAR: ... And you were trying to get federal money?

ALEXANDER: No. Charlie Black was trying to get state money for a grand jury investigation. And I asked him to help .... you [Behar] ought to call him [Black].

BEHAR: Yeah, I spoke to him .... He said that he hand delivered a letter to Clinton that didn't get an answer.

ALEXANDER: I see. Well, that was what I spoke to Clinton about.

BEHAR: But that's funny. In the newspapers in Arkansas in September, do you remember, Bill [Clinton] said that he'd made some attempt to get some money and then nothing ever happened with it. It was very odd ...

ALEXANDER: ... Have you talked to Duncan? (Bill, former IRS investigator, then working for Arkansas Attorney General Winston Bryant).

BEHAR: Yeah ...

ALEXANDER: What did he tell you?

BEHAR: You mean about his not being able to make phone calls? (A reference to orders from Arkansas State Attorney General Winston Bryant that Duncan neither accepts nor places any phone calls related to Mena.)


BEHAR: Yeah. Something is going on over there [at the AG's office].

ALEXANDER: I just learned about this [about Duncan's gag order] this week .... But did you talk to Duncan personally?

BEHAR: Yes, of course .... Yeah, I spent a lot of time with him. *

ALEXANDER: Because he [Duncan] couldn't talk to me over the phone ....

BEHAR: ... Okay. Well, what Bill [Clinton] said to the press in September was, that he had authorized the state police to tell local officials that the state would help pay $25,000 for a grand jury but that nothing ever came of it.


BEHAR: But that's not true is it?

ALEXANDER: I don't know whether it is or is not. I know that there's been no grand jury investigation.


The reason Behar knew of Clinton's statement about the $25,000 still in question, was he had earlier interviewed the man who had approached Clinton for financial assistance to investigate Mena. His name is Charles Black.

BEHAR: ... I was interested in the Mena situation ... And I just wanted to check something with you ... the year that you hand delivered that letter [request for state assistance in investigating Mena] to Clinton asking for help was 1988?

BLACK: Yes, latter part of 1988 ... several of us had a meeting at the state police headquarters at Little Rock. Bill Alexander was there and Colonel Goodwin, the head of the state police and several others that had been involved in looking at this ... And it was discussed whether I should go or would be willing to go ask him [Clinton] for any available state assistance ... I did go and ask him [Clinton]. And he said that he'd check into it and get word back to me. I never heard from him again or never heard from anybody about it. But he's [Clinton] been quoted ... as saying that he authorized Colonel Goodwin to communicate to us [county prosecutors office] the $25,000 was available. And I never got that word ...

BEHAR: ... Right. Okay. But do you think in the end, he [Clinton] did as much as he could on the Mena situation or probably not? He's probably busy with other stuff.

BLACK: He [Clinton] probably could have. The only thing I could say is that he might have been a little more public about criticizing the way that that case [Mena investigation] was handled by the federal authorities.

BEHAR: Or trying to get a lot of state money together to do something.

BLACK: .. .that's why I was going through him [Clinton]. ... I don't know if there was something else he could have done in that regard.

BEHAR: Well, if you were Governor you'd find a way.

BLACK: ... It [Mena] was a situation tailor-made for handling by the federal-level authorities.

BEHAR: And tailor-made for covering up by them.

BLACK: Correct. Absolutely correct ... I saw some well documented supported findings and requests that he [Bill Duncan] made in his investigation that certain people be indicted for CTR (money laundering) violations and perjury. And that information that he compiled, at substantial taxpayers' expense, never was presented to the grand jury, federal grand jury, that were looking into it. Absolutely no reason or excuse. I don't think Duncan was ever subpoenaed to testify before the grand juries ... I can't understand why Fitzhugh, that Assistant U.S. Attorney, didn't present that information to the grand jury ... and it would have been very, very expensive.

BEHAR: ... Well, I'll tell you, this $25,000 that Alexander's gotten, that's about enough money to buy a big tarp that can cover up the coverup.

BLACK: ... that amount would have been tantamount to trying to extinguish a raging forest fire by spitting on it.

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Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

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Part 4 of 4

Behar then called Colonel Tommy Goodwin and questioned him about the elusive $25,000 that Black claimed to never have received.

BEHAR: ... Do you remember ... Bill Clinton asked you to relay to local officials that there would be some money for a state grand jury probe?

GOODWIN: Of $25,000.

BEHAR: ... What ever happened? Did you ever relay that to the officials like Black?

GOODWIN: No, not Black ... Hardegree, was the prosecuting attorney at that time. That is who I would have relayed it to ... but [Hardegree] had denied anything about it ... I know that Clinton told me that I could tell them [Polk County prosecutor's office] that he [Clinton] would furnish that amount of money for, to kind of defray the county cost of the grand jury.

BEHAR: But it never happened.


Behar at this point knew there had been a meeting in Little Rock in which Black had been dispatched to solicit aid from Clinton, but Black had received none. Yet, Colonel Goodwin, who was claiming to have been Clinton's messenger, was saying he personally communicated to Joe Hardegree, not Charles Black, that money was available.

It is difficult to believe that Hardegree and Black, two men who shared the same office and the same frustration that Polk County was undercapitalized and therefore unable to properly investigate Mena, did not communicate to each other that $25,000 of state money was available.

So Behar then telephoned Hardegree to get to the bottom of things. Colonel Tommy Goodwin, the Commander of the Arkansas State Police, had just told him that it was Hardegree to whom he had relayed the good news that funding was available forthwith.

BEHAR: ... Now, Clinton says that he made an offer to make some state money available for a grand jury probe to look into what the hell happened, and that he [Clinton] relayed that message to Goodwin. And Goodwin says that he called you and told you that the money is there if you want to do a state probe of this thing ....

HARDEGREE: ... Oh, come on, Goodwin said that?

BEHAR: Yeah.

HARDEGREE: I'll tell you what ... I cannot imagine him [Goodwin] saying something that is just false. But I have no recollection whatever of ever having had a telephone call from him regarding the subject in any way, and specifically no call about the $25,000 of funds for a grand jury investigation.


The taped conversation then later shifted to Hardegree's speculation as to what had actually gone on at Mena.

HARDEGREE: ... It was simply that there was an indirect usage of the local facilities [Mena airport], maybe, in the political deal between the Reagan Administration and the Contras, and people working all over Central and South America and whatever else, I don't know .... I never regarded it as remotely realistic to try to free up the federal grand jury. And, of course, I suspected all along that Reagan people were suppressing the local federal grand jury ... and they certainly wouldn't help, wouldn't cooperate, and wouldn't do anything with the state grand jury investigation except block it, subvert, suppress, obstruct, stonewall, and everything else.


One can conclude, based upon Hardegree's firm response that he had never spoken to Goodwin about the funding, that Goodwin was lying to Behar. Yet, in his article, Behar made no mention of Goodwin giving the appearance of being willing to lie and white-wash the Mena scandal for his boss, Bill Clinton. And even more powerful were Hardegree's comments about grand jury tampering by the Reagan Administration, something else Behar deemed unworthy of mention.

And the person who most suffered the effects of this grand jury tampering was IRS investigator William C. Duncan, who had spent 10 years trying to unravel the Mena mystery.

Behar's investigation, on the other hand, involved spending one week in Little Rock, much of it in the Capitol Hotel, more than 130 miles from Mena. And yet Behar dismissed the results of Duncan's reams of reports and interviews documenting his years of probing behind the closely-guarded and protected money-laundering operation in Arkansas. At great personal and professional risk, because he had taken Behar into his complete confidence, Duncan went so far as to give Behar a portion of the key evidence provided by the Arkansas Attorney-General's office to Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh in Washington.

Duncan, in a 1993 interview with the authors, said he had numerous discussions with Behar while he was in Little Rock, all of which Duncan thought was part of a serious journalistic investigation.

He now admits he learned the hard way that the media is not interested in anything "not served up on a silver platter."

"I feel personally betrayed by him [Behar]," Duncan said to the authors. Duncan likened to what happened in Mena as "complete breakdown of the judicial system." Yet, the only reference to Duncan, or the issue of the Justice Department's stonewalling its own investigation, in the entire TIME article was an allusion to "law enforcement officers [who] grumble that the case had been scuttled by higher-ups in Washington."

"I am disgusted and sickened by the entire media attitude," Duncan said, referring to the frenzy of media activity around the time of Behar's trip to Little Rock and which only resulted in discrediting Duncan's 10 years of investigative work.

Duncan remains confused as to Behar's motives for nuking the Mena scandal and using TIME magazine's massive influence to sabotage the investigation. Especially so after Behar's telephone call to Duncan shortly after the article appeared. During the call, Duncan said, he "perceived Behar as sounding embarrassed ... he sounded apologetic and used language to the effect he [Behar] had been under pressure to do a 'hatchet job' and had lost control of the article ... and did not intend for the article to portray the issue the way it turned out."

In the 1950s and early 1960s, Time magazine's foreign correspondents attended CIA "briefing" dinners similar to those the CIA held for CBS. And Luce, according to CIA officials, made it a regular practice to brief Dulles or other high Agency officials when he returned from his frequent trips abroad. Luce and the men who ran his magazines in the 1950s and 1960s encouraged their foreign correspondents to provide help to the CIA, particularly information that might be useful to the Agency for intelligence purposes or recruiting foreigners....

Bader began reviewing the 400‑some summaries again. His object was to select twenty‑five that, on the basis of the sketchy information they contained, seemed to represent a cross section. Dates of CIA activity, general descriptions of news organizations, types of journalists and undercover operations all figured in his calculations.

From the twenty‑five files he got back, according to Senate sources and CIA officials, an unavoidable conclusion emerged: that to a degree never widely suspected, the CIA in the 1950s, ‘60s and even early ‘70s had concentrated its relationships with journalists in the most prominent sectors of the American press corps, including four or five of the largest newspapers in the country, the broadcast networks and the two major newsweekly magazines. Despite the omission of names and affiliations from the twenty‑five detailed files each was between three and eleven inches thick), the information was usually sufficient to tentatively identify either the newsman, his affiliation or both—particularly because so many of them were prominent in the profession.

“There is quite an incredible spread of relationships,” Bader reported to the senators. “You don’t need to manipulate Time magazine, for example, because there are Agency people at the management level.”

-- The CIA and the Media: How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up, by Carl Bernstein

Evidence of the quality with which Duncan had provided Behar required of a lot neutralizing. Back in New York, Behar set upon the search for tangible evidence to bolster his view that he was only dealing with a pack of liars. That pack included a U.S. representative, a 17-year veteran IRS criminal investigator, an Arkansas State criminal investigator, a county prosecutor and his deputy, a financial expert, and a man who claimed to have "bugs" planted in the Arkansas governor's mansion. None of this mattered, obviously, as Behar zeroed in on his new found target, a man with 8 years of military intelligence experience and a veteran of three CIA black operations -- Terry Reed.

Behar clearly set upon a course of rearranging the facts to fit his bias and then apparently wrote the article as he, or his bosses, saw fit. He then must have felt it necessary to perform some due diligence on the eve of his deadline for the article (March 27th, 1992) since he then contacted Oliver North for his comments on the developing Mena scandal. The powder-puff questioning of North by Behar signified that Behar was probably not wanting to disturb the "slant" his article had already taken.

The recorded telephone interview, which was placed through a conference call link-up with Nicole Seligman, one of North's attorneys from the firm of Williams and Connolly, listening on the line, sounds rehearsed. Behar had apparently provided questions to North prior to the interview and Behar's own words certainly set the stage for a get-to-the-bottom-of-things grilling.

BEHAR: I think this story is shaping into a story about a con man. That's what all the evidence indicates. But, basically, I thought it was useful to see if maybe there was a shred of truth, maybe he [North] had met him [Reed] or something or other, their paths crossed.

SELIGMAN: ... Let me see if I can even find him [North] and if he's inclined to say anything about anything ...

BEHAR: At the very least, if I could use even a nonattributing quote, you know, an attorney close to him [North] or something.

SELIGMAN: No, we attorneys don't talk to the press. We haven't -- no, I mean, even no, we just don't. We haven't from day one and we're not.

BEHAR: Sure, but if there was a way somehow to use that, then this would be a way to dismiss him ...

SELIGMAN: ... Okay. Somebody will try to get back to you.


Later the same evening, with Oliver North on the line, this conversation took place.

SELIGMAN: Ollie, are you there?

NORTH: Richard?

BEHAR: Hello, Ollie.

NORTH: Hilarious hog wash. You can quote me.

SELIGMAN: No, but wait. Before you [North] say that, you're supposed to ask what it is that he's [Behar] asking about.

NORTH: All right, ask me. After the question I'll give you my comment.

BEHAR: I'm sure you probably get a lot of this.

NORTH: I do. I can't believe TIME magazine is going to waste good column mention on it. Go ahead ...

BEHAR: ... Okay. Yeah, well, there are reasons for us doing the story beyond how it may seem to you. You'll see when you see the story.

NORTH: I'm sure I will. I'll just bend over.

BEHAR: But have you ever met Terry Reed?

NORTH: No. Go ahead, ask me the next question.

BEHAR: Never spoke to him?

NORTH: No, go on.

BEHAR: Well, then, I guess everything else kind of, everything else I shouldn't even bother asking then, because you obviously didn't introduce him --

NORTH: I thought it was funny, I thought it was great.


Later on in the "grueling" interrogation of the man convicted of lying to Congress, Behar did get in a question about Mena, between barbs directed toward the press.

BEHAR: Well, it's difficult sometimes for the press to sort things out, especially when they don't give it a lot of time .... But that's what they need to do. Was anything going on at Mena?

NORTH: At Who?

BEHAR: Mena Arkansas, having to do with the Contras?

NORTH: I haven't been there. I can't imagine that anything is going on at Mena with Contras since they're all out of business.


From the conversation it was clear Behar did not want any real answers, even if they had been offered. Behar never asked the key questions: Did North know Barry Seal? Did he know about Project Donation? Did he know FBI agent Wayne Barlow? Had he been to Oklahoma City? Why was he going to take the Fifth Amendment, as North's lawyers had said, when subpoenaed to Reed's criminal trial in Wichita?

Behar behaved as if he didn't know that he was interrogating the man who had expertly lied under oath about knowing Rob Owen, his very own Contra cut-out. Owen, North's bagman and battle field intelligence gatherer, later testified during the Iran-Contra hearings that he met with North on more than 100 occasions. Why then, did Behar allow North to disavow knowledge of Reed after only one question about him.

Instead, the conversation is allowed to drift into one based upon who could possibly have been using Mena to resupply the Contras. North suggests to Behar that conceivably a man named Tom Posey, a person who helped the "resistance, and organized an outfit called CMA," may have had something to do with Mena.

CMA: Cover My Ass. Used when you choose the safe tactic. May also be said when you have done something wrong and don't want to take the fall for it. I am working according to the CMA tactic!
-- CMA, by urban dictionary

NORTH: ... But there were lots of organizations that were doing that. You know, conservative-focussed organizations and folks who felt very strongly that the policy of Congress was wrong and they wanted to help. And many of them were doing it totally independently, not everybody was Joe Coors ... Don't bother putting Joe Coors in the article.

BEHAR: No, no, no I won't.

NORTH: This is just a little background ... But this fellow Posey may have been from Arkansas. But Mena doesn't mean a thing to me.

BEHAR: You've never heard of it or been there?

NORTH: I may have, but there's obviously nothing in it that Larry Walsh [Independent Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh] ever asked me about ...


Not only did North just contradict his earlier statement about having never been to Mena, the comments about Walsh never asking him about this whole affair are very disturbing. One would think that the materials provided Walsh by the Arkansas State Attorney General's office and those of Congressman Bill Alexander would have at least warranted Walsh's questioning of North in these areas. Behar was either ignorant of the importance of North's statement expressing lack of concern by Walsh's office, or Behar simply chose to overlook it since he questioned North no further about Mena.

The mystery surrounding Behar's lack of aggressiveness in questioning North about Mena is compounded by the fact that Behar had in his possession a report saying North had indeed been seen in Mena. Bill Duncan had earlier provided Behar with the results of an interview taken on December 21st, 1989, indicating that Ernal Cunningham, a Mena resident, had given strangers a ride from the Mena, Airport and dropped them off in town to dine. The event, which Cunningham said took place either in 1985 or 1986, involved transporting three white males unknown to him, but one of whom he would later identify from the televised Iran-Contra hearings as being Oliver North.

Ignoring or overlooking leads while investigating a coverup as complex as the one enshrouding Mena is one thing. But to be deliberately undermining other investigative efforts, and to jeopardize the life of your confidential source, is quite another.

Instead of quietly investigating and developing his own supporting evidence and sources to corroborate Reed's allegations about some very powerful people in Arkansas, Behar employed a technique that is sure to solicit a hostile and prevaricated response. He repeatedly went straight to the accused armed only with the off-the-record information supplied him by Reed. The accused person is customarily and logically the last person on a good investigative reporter's list of interviews.

Behar's reckless disregard for the safety of the Reed family and his total lack of journalistic professionalism is best captured in the transcripts of Behar's own taped interviews. The following is from a taped conversation with Seth Ward, the owner of POM and the man who leveraged his way into the CIA's gun parts business.

BEHAR: I'm going to try to get to the bottom of it [Reed's allegations].

WARD: We'll, you're at the bottom of it as far as I'm concerned, right now. You know everything that I know about Terry Reed. You know everything that my son [Skeeter] knows about Terry Reed. And after you talk to my son-in-law, Webb Hubbell, you'll know everything that Webb told you about Terry Reed ...

BEHAR: Well, what can I say. He's [Reed] got your family linked to bringing illegal weapons down to the Contras in Nicaragua, manufacturing them for transport, working for Barry Seal.

WARD: ... That's the most farfetched, asinine thing I ever heard in my life .... oh hell, I can give you a hundred brokers that's here in Little Rock, businessmen who have known me for years .... They'll say I've never been involved in anything disreputable.

BEHAR: All right. Well, I've taken enough of your time I think.

WARD: ...Yeah, but once you mentioned what Terry Reed was up to, I felt like I better tell you everything that I knew about it ...

BEHAR: ... I'm sure it's very upsetting too. Does it upset you much? You don't seem particularly upset by it.

WARD: I'm a little bit numb .... it would be difficult for it to upset me.

BEHAR: I see what you mean. But you'd certainly be upset if national publications --

WARD: Yeah, I would. And I don't know what I could do about it. If there was any substance to Terry Reed, I'd sue the shit out of him ...

BEHAR: All right. Well I really appreciate all the time you've spent with me.

WARD: Let me ask you. What's the name of this newspaper you say you saw? (Behar was confidentially shown an advance copy of The Nation by Bill Duncan. As a result of Nation's investigative efforts, a detailed article was coming out in the Nation on POM's involvement in the Contra support activities. By offering this information to the subject of the expose and alerting him of all their revelations, Behar was violating the oath of secrecy he promised Duncan, and was alerting the Ward family about the up-coming article.)

BEHAR: Nation.

WARD: That's a New York paper?

BEHAR: It's a liberal newspaper but it's sort of like, it looks like a little magazine but it's a newspaper. And it's based out of New York and it goes around the world, around the country.

WARD: I'll tell you one thing, if these allegations are in there .... we'll sue the living hell out of them.

Subsequent conversation with Seth Ward.

BEHAR: Terry Reed has offered to take a polygraph examination.

WARD: I don't give a shit what he's offered to do.

BEHAR: Is that the kind of thing you'd be willing to take as well?

WARD: I ain't going to take a polygraph test. I'll show you records, I'll show you bottom line. I have nothing to conceal .... you talk to Webb [Hubbell] on Monday.


Behar did talk to Webb Hubbell the following week, after he returned to New York. From portions of the transcript of the conversations with Hubbell it sounds as if Behar is doing his best to contain the Mena scandal; especially as it pertains to POM, the company for which Hubbell was corporate attorney prior to him moving to Washington to become Bill Clinton's Assistant United States Attorney General.

BEHAR: .... Do you remember Terry Reed?

HUBBELL: Yeah, not well. I mean I wasn't a close personal friend or anything, but I remember him.

BEHAR: .... Right. Are you aware of the nature of his allegations right now?

HUBBELL: I've read about them in the newspapers, you know ...

BEHAR: Well, he [Reed] has drawn me a diagram showing all of the participants in the resupplying of the Contras.

HUBBELL: Am I one?

BEHAR: He's got you right up here.

HUBBELL: .... Yeah. Well what did I do?

BEHAR: Well, you had knowledge .... that you may not have been directly involved in the operation, but certainly Seth Ward, Jr., [Skeeter] Finis [Shellnut], and Seth Ward, Sr. were involved in the operation to .... Well, Finis was the one who Terry had to call when he was dropping parcels of cash from his airplane ....

HUBBELL: Have you talked to Finis? ... Okay. You better tell Finis why you're calling because he might think you're calling about something else. But --

BEHAR: Okay. And then POM, which you helped set up.


BEHAR: .... Okay, well POM was apparently making, according to Terry, illegal autosears. It's an autosear, it's part of an M-16 rifle. Making these illegally in order to then transport these weapons down to the Contras.

HUBBELL: I think, I've been to the plant several times and I've only seen them making parking meters.

BEHAR: Do you think, has the company ever made anything for a weapon?

HUBBELL: It has made, I think a nose cone or something like that for LTV.

BEHAR: A rocket launcher? (The Nation article Behar had been shown by Duncan had made a connection between POM and other federal weapons contracts.)

HUBBELL: A rocket launcher or something like that. I do know they did that, yeah, made a part.

BEHAR: ... You think Terry was down there in Mena working for Seal?

HUBBELL: I have no idea ... I didn't keep track of Terry's whereabouts ...

BEHAR: Terry says that Bill Clinton was involved in overseeing this thing as well as Bobby Nash.

HUBBELL: That's ridiculous.


Subsequent conversation with Webster Hubbell.

BEHAR: Well, listen, can I make a recommendation to you off the record?


BEHAR: And this is, I don't particularly want these guys to know that I'm on this story, but it seems to me that they're acting irresponsibly, The Nation Newspaper.

HUBBELL: Uh-huh.

BEHAR: Apparently, I heard it through the grapevine they [Nation] had an interview with Skeeter [Hubbell's brother-in-law who runs POM].

HUBBELL: He shouldn't be talking to them.

BEHAR: And supposedly Skeeter told them that you guys have done exit cones on nuclear weapons at POM.

HUBBELL: He wouldn't have said that, he knows better.

BEHAR: Well, that's just the thing. I don't know why it would come back to me through the different channels about nuclear weapons unless the story is taking a life of its own. What you might want to do is give a ring to The Nation and speak to whoever is doing the story, and clear it up before they put it in their damned newspaper.


BEHAR: But you didn't hear it from me.

HUBBELL: I appreciate it, I really do. Thank you.


Behar apparently wasn't content to get only the Ward family agitated and after Terry. As soon as he finished undermining The Nation's article, he called Toshiba Machine Tool in Chicago and got Takashi Osato, the Japanese former vice president of Toshiba on the line. Behar asked Osato, among other things, if he had known that Reed had been working for the FBI in an undercover capacity and spying on Toshiba. By doing so Behar compromised Reed's cover and ostracized him from the Asian machine tool industry, forever!

BEHAR: Well, let me tell you. Terry Reed has made a lot of different allegations.

OSATO: Oh really? I didn't know that.

BEHAR: Not about Toshiba, no. But it has to do with --

OSATO: Another company?


OSATO: Oh, really?

BEHAR: ... Can I ask you something? ... Terry says that he did some intelligence work ... For the FBI.

OSATO: For the FBI?

BEHAR: The FBI, while he was working with Toshiba.

OSATO: What?

BEHAR: Yeah.

OSATO: (inaudible)

BEHAR: He was working for the FBI. Do you know the FBI?

OSATO: Yeah, uh-huh.

BEHAR: Trying to find out how machinery is going from Japan to America, that he was working as an agent.

OSATO: Oh really?

BEHAR: For the FBI.

OSATO: I didn't know that. I haven't been told about it.

BEHAR: Does that sound crazy?

OSATO: Yes, sounds crazy but I really don't know. He [Reed] never told me such a thing.

BEHAR: .... Do you remember the scandal with Toshiba? ... In 1986? ... remember the president of the company committed suicide and that Toshiba apologized to America. Do you remember all this? ...

OSATO: Uh-huh.

BEHAR: Terry says the work he did was part of this thing ... that his work led to this thing. Is this crazy?

OSATO: Sounds crazy. Sounds crazy.

BEHAR: He was just a salesman, he was not working for the FBI.


For no logical reason Behar had just informed the very man Reed had "monitored" for John Cathey (Oliver North) and the CIA that it had been Reed who was the undercover agent spying on Toshiba's Houston warehouse. The same facilities Osato had managed when Reed was a Toshiba dealer in Oklahoma and when Toshiba committed their illegal and treasonist acts. Without a doubt, Reed was now a dead man -- at least within the Japanese business community.

* * *

So even in light of over-powering evidence that there was a major, on-going cover-up -- orchestrated initially by the Reagan White House, continued by the Bush Administration and now spilling over on Democratic Presidential hopeful Bill Clinton, Behar was choosing to put the burden of proof squarely in the lap of Terry Reed. Reed was overwhelmed by Behar's attack as he listened into the pay phone's receiver.

REED: I thought you wanted to write an article about Jack Blum's cover-up, about Lawrence Walsh's cover-up.

BEHAR: I'm not convinced there is a coverup ... Prove it to me.

REED: Prove what to you?

BEHAR: Prove to me that you were involved in this resupply operation.

REED: Okay, let's fly down to Mexico at your expense.


REED: Do you want to see Carlos [sic Raul] Fiero? [Mexico's DFS Chief in Guadalajara and liaison to CIA's Operation Screw Worm] Do you want to see where the weapons were stored?

BEHAR: You have not provided me with documentation.


Not only had the Reeds provided Behar with over 300 pages of evidence to prove their story, Behar had been covertly supplied with a portion of the materials sent to Lawrence Walsh by the Arkansas Attorney General's office (a 3 inch thick file). The source of these documents, combined with the inside knowledge available to him through Reed gave Behar the equivalent of two "'Deep Throats" in order to expose what is probably the best contained U.S. government scandal of the twentieth century.

What did Behar elect to do? He sabotaged his Deep Throat (Terry Reed and family) so effectively that Thomas G. Whittle of Freedom magazine would write, "The magazine [TIME] must answer why, instead of helping to raise the lid off the Mena coverup, it evidently sought to drive more nails into it." [15]

* * *

Fearing for their children's safety, the Reed family literally fled Moorpark, California, in the middle of the day on April 1st, 1992. The fully loaded U-Haul truck pulled up in front of the Peach Hill Elementary School, precisely at noon, while Janis frantically collected her sons and they headed east, to a destination unknown.

Their old friend, fear, was once again trailing, just off their bumper. This time their pursuers might include the CIA, the FBI, the Democratic and/or the Republican Party, Felix Rodriguez, Ramon Medina and, now, Time magazine.

In a state of shock, and with no income, they pulled into Phoenix, Arizona, towing their belongings and keeping an eye on the rear view mirror. Terry took time while there to call on his prospective client, Clark Ronnow, and divulged to him that he was no longer with his Japanese employer, and would therefore be unable to continue working on Ronnow's bicycle project.

Ronnow asked no questions about Reed's departure from Los Angeles, and suggested he contract directly with his firm, so that Terry could complete the automation plan for the new product his company was scheduling to manufacture.

Terry and Janis were reluctant to take Ronnow into their confidence and share the details of their plight, for fear that he too would treat them as if they were carrying a contagious disease. More in error, they could not have been.

After deciding to take Ronnow up on his offer, and to return once again to a one day-at-a-time lifestyle, they sought temporary, anonymous lodging, formulating plans to move on immediately if the situation warranted.

A few days after settling into a cautious work routine, the TIME article was published, just as Behar had promised and threatened. It was appropriately titled "ANATOMY OF A SMEAR" and appeared in TIME's April 20, 1992 issue.

It was worse than imagined. With the ink of his ballpoint pen, Richard Behar had most surely dealt the death blow to their uncountable hours of sacrifice and labor in preparation for their court case. NO ONE would believe them now. Not with a publication as credible as TIME calling Terry a charlatan, a thief and a liar ... and claiming the operations in Mena never happened. Behar even vindictively printed the name of the small California town in which they had taken up residence. Why?

The Reeds only comfort was their children were safely with them, once again securely snuggled in sleeping bags on a motel floor, and that they had left Los Angeles on the eve of the riots resulting from the Rodney King trial.

After spending a sleepless and emotional night reading the piece over and over and over ... wishing it to miraculously disappear, Terry left a still-weeping Janis and drove to the office to confront Ronnow with the article. He was fully expecting immediate abandonment by Clark and his firm.

Clark, a Mormon, sat quietly in his office savoring every grizzly, ugly, slanted, scandalous, untruthful and slander-riddled detail of the full-page, tabloid-style, slash and burn article. After appearing to read it at least twice, he lowered the magazine from his face and said, "Damn, I've been trying my whole life to get in this magazine, and you just made a full page!"

Reed just sat there in silent disbelief, so Clark added, "This article is your credibility, don't you see it? You must be a big threat to Bill Clinton or they wouldn't go to this much trouble to discredit you. "

Terry could finally speak and then rapidly attempted to explain away every flesh-ripping word of the scathing article, causing Ronnow to interrupt with, "Slow down, I'm a believer. We can sit here and talk about this all day long if you like. Then I've got some stories for you, Terry."

As they talked that day of governments, hypocrisies, Intelligence Agencies, politics, life and the media, the conversation finally evolved to one of religion.

It was amazing and enlightening to Terry, how Ronnow compared the "persecution of the Reeds" to that of that of Joseph Smith, the founder of the Mormon Church. The Mormon Church, he was hearing for the first time, was built upon the premise of sheltering those being singled out and being punished for daring to be different.

How refreshing and uplifting the Summer of 1992 turned out to be for the Reed family as they were "harbored" by their newfound friends, Clark Ronnow and The Mormon Church. The comfort and support provided them, not only help take the sting out of Richard Behar's words, it actually restored their faith in their fellow man. "Nice people actually still exist," Janis would say, in near disbelief.

Here they were, feeling protected by relative strangers, that seemed to respond to and be guided by an unspoken bond, a greater force. Their kindness will never be forgotten and will be carried as a debt until it can be repaid tenfold.

It was such a stark contrast to that of alleged friends, with the more typical words of consolation being, "Hey Reed, since the TIME piece, you're dead. You're history. Your stock just crashed!"

They learned a lot about people and friends that summer. And the Mormon religion as well.

* * *

Due to TIME's reckless attack on the Reeds, the fervor surrounding the Mena scandal would simply die off and go away. Scott Shugar would inform Terry that Prime Time Live was killing his special due to Reed's perceived lack of credibility.

Again quoting from Freedom Magazine's May 1993 article covering the TIME/ Behar libel suit:

"In TIMEspeak, when one throws enough allegations, insinuations, and double-edged questions, the task has been accomplished: the victim, if not dead, has been bloodied and his reputation rendered a shadow of its former self."

A well-orchestrated and executed disinformation program had robbed Terry of the one thing he valued the most, his word. He was now considered a liar. It was as if he suddenly had a plague. He felt black-balled by the media. He was being treated as a leper.

Terry was discovering that the cynical writer in New York named John Cummings was right once again. "The major media all march in lockstep," he had said earlier. "What one does the other does. They're afraid to go take a piss without holding each other's hand."

And the Reeds' attorney John Hall? He was quick to abandon them. He would lie by saying that he was dropping the Reed case due to an argument Terry had with his secretary, Ruth. He would then tell reporters that he could not corroborate Reed's story, knowing all along he had not bothered to depose even one single witness.

But this was not the reason Hall publicly divorced himself from the Reeds. The transcripts of taped phone conversations between Behar and Hall effectively prove that Hall violated his fiduciary responsibility and attorney-client privilege, and had inexplicably sided with Behar, becoming a willing participant in the effort to strip Reed of his credibility.

Once back in Little Rock from the Reed/Hall/Behar meeting in California, Hall apparently enlisted Behar as an investigator to investigate his own client, instead of keeping Behar focused on the money laundering aspects of his supposed probing. Unknown to, and without the permission of Reed, Hall was sharing with Behar confidential client/attorney correspondence, information, and strategy. Behar and Hall were talking privately about details of Reed's debriefing in Reno, Nevada and Lake Tahoe, California and the taped conversation was centering on the Clinton/Reed meeting at Juanita's restaurant in Little Rock.

HALL: The whole thing sounds a little squirrely to me, anyway.

BEHAR: Which whole thing?

HALL: Being in the van smoking a joint.

BEHAR: Yeah, I know.

HALL: In front of somebody you don't know. I could see him [Clinton] maybe doing it with somebody who had given him a blow job, but not in front of somebody he doesn't know.

BEHAR: Well --

HALL: I mean, cocaine possession is one thing. (This unexplained reference to cocaine must be from a private conversation Behar and Hall had concerning cocaine use by Clinton.)

BEHAR: It's the kind of thing that's almost so preposterous that it has to be true. Do you know what I mean?

HALL: It could possibly be true.

BEHAR: Well, have you found Terry to be, you know, credible in everything else? Or have you found discrepancies?

HALL: I haven't been able to corroborate him, that's the problem.

BEHAR: Yeah.

HALL: That's why I hope at least some of the stuff [federal court discovery] from the A.G.'s office will corroborate him.

BEHAR: Oh, you're hoping that I can. Yeah, I've been having some trouble.

HALL: That's part of the problem, that's the nature of the beasties. Out there on his [Reed's] own, expected to do all this stuff ... That's the whole point.

BEHAR: Well listen, I just turned up something that I think I probably should not have gotten from you.

HALL: What?

BEHAR: Some letter from Janis [Reed] to you.

HALL: Okay. You got the original then?

BEHAR: Yeah. I got the original ... But if she [Janis] asks you and you don't know, she might get upset.

HALL: Yeah, she would. She's kind of like that.

BEHAR: Have you asked Terry if he'd be willing to settle [the court case]? ... Did you ask him if he had a bottom line financially?

HALL: Not this week. I might have made some comment about settling the case back when it was filed. It could be settled ...


In a subsequent conversation, Behar and Hall seem very concerned in sheltering Reed from other media personnel, and again Behar begins probing into areas of confidential client/attorney privilege, and Hall allows him to do so.

HALL: ... And the Washington Times has seven reporters here now.

BEHAR: Are they interested in Terry?

HALL: Not yet. They have talked to me briefly about Terry but they haven't come back.

BEHAR: Anyone in the press really trying to get stuff on Terry or not yet?

HALL: Not yet.

BEHAR: ... You haven't talked to Terry about the Governor's increasing his fund? (The Governor's emergency fund that Hall had speculated to Reed was being increased in order to settle their case.)

HALL: No. That's common. The Governor's fund can be used for all kinds of things ... it could, in fact, be used because there was talk of trying to get money out of that fund for the Mena case and they never did ... I'm going to have to go on a sojourn to Iowa and Chicago pretty soon. I might take a side trip to New York so we can just sit down and put our heads together. Are you going to be in New York next week?

BEHAR: ... I'll let you know what my plans are.

HALL: Because I was, since the last time we've talked I've really been concerned about him [Reed] ... But I've been having my own doubts. I shouldn't be telling you this because it probably violates attorney-client privilege so don't spread it around.

So here was John Hall, Terry and Janis Reeds' attorney, claiming to a TIME magazine reporter that he could not corroborate his client's story. Hall was conveniently not sharing with Behar the Reeds' concerns that no depositions were being taken and that their case appeared to be hanging from only the one fragile discovery demand Hall had made, that of the material requested from the AG' s office.

During this period, Hall was sharing none of his concerns with his clients, the Reeds, nor was he informing them of the vast amounts of time he was spending collaborating with Behar against their interests. One can only speculate the agenda of Hall's planned trip to New York to confer with Behar, since Hall certainly didn't make the Reeds aware of the "sojourn."

Strangely, Hall himself, candidly admits his clandestine conversations with Behar were in violation of client-attorney privilege, the very fiber upon which all confidentiality is based. The Reeds knew nothing of Hall's doubts that he expressed to TIME magazine, and contrarily, in his conversations with the Reeds, reflected only optimism about the outcome of their pending civil rights trial -- right up until May 1992 when he petitioned the court to be relieved as their counsel, leaving them without legal representation, only four months from their trial date.

And Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh would do little but help contain the Mena scandal by inexplicably sitting on the evidence supplied him by Arkansas state Attorney General Winston Bryant and Democratic Congressman Bill Alexander. Walsh's office took no action on the reams of evidence supplied by the state, and instead waited until 1993 to cite that: Whatever statutes may have applied to criminal activities at Mena, have now expired. And even after this ambiguous position, Walsh's office ruled to not allow Reed access to the entirety of the materials supplied them on Mena, claiming national security grounds.

The Reeds were told their testimony, which they had volunteered to the Walsh committee, and which surely would have exposed the true depths of the Reagan/ Bush Administration's complicity in the Iran-Contra conspiracy, was mysteriously "outside the scope of its investigation."

And Bill Clinton. Well, he limped along dodging one major disaster after another. He claimed to be incapable of inhaling a marijuana cigarette. How can this be possible, the Reeds said. Not only from what Terry had witnessed in the van outside the restaurant, but how could anyone even near their own age say anything so foolish, concocted and unbelievable. If this were any indication of how quickly Clinton could think on his feet when confronted with a difficult question, well, he'll make one hell-of-a Commander in Chief, Terry concluded.

And, of course, then came Clinton's draft issue. That was a real problem. To counter that dilemma would once again require the aid of TIME magazine. His old friend and college mate Strobe Talbott, who is now number three man in the State Department and Ambassador at Large, would conveniently use his editorial powers at TIME to defend candidate Bill Clinton. [16] Talbott would be forced to switch from his covering of important world political events, i.e. the break-up of the Soviet Union, and write an article in defense of Clinton's draft record entitled "Clinton and the Draft: A Personal Testimony."

In the April 6th, 1992 article, Talbott would defend Clinton, by claiming that as a college student, his old friend may have enrolled in an ROTC program in order to avoid the draft, but that Clinton began to wrestle with his conscience and feel the guilt of compromising his values by taking on the obligation to later serve as an Army officer. Therefore, Talbott explained, Clinton withdrew from the ROTC program in order to become eligible for the draft, and cast his fate to the lottery system.

However the article failed to mention that Clinton experienced this newfound moral consciousness, only after finding his birth date afforded him a high lottery number, thereby making his chances of being drafted highly improbable.

Clinton would in fact selectively quote profusely from TIME magazine throughout the campaign, whenever it was to his advantage. After delivering a speech to the NAACP in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania on April 21st, 1992, reporters approached Clinton about the Reeds' civil suit involving his state. They specifically inquired about the allegations that Mena had been used for Contra training operations and asked if Clinton's chief of security, Raymond Young, played any role in the cover-up of the Agency's activities there.

One reporter said that Clinton: "flew off the handle and shouted, 'That's bull. That fantasy was discredited by [TIME] magazine.'"


As the Reeds hit their new emotional bottom after being abandoned by their legal counsel and saw the chances of having their day in court evaporate before them, the bull dog "scribbler" from New York came and sarcastically said in his usual condescending New Yorker tone, "You see, I told you they'd never let you get this subject into court. The offer still stands if you want to do a book."


While motoring through the "Land of Enchantment", two months after the publication of the TIME article, Terry would make a miraculous find. At long last, he would espy the BIG PICTURE of his Agency involvement by discovering that Robert Johnson was none other than ... WILLIAM P. BARR, the Attorney General of the United States.

It was William P. Barr, who became President George Bush's Attorney General in 1991, an apparatchik who always has a way of emerging from the shadows when Bush needs his trail covered.

The 43-year-old lawyer and ex-CIA analyst, little known outside Beltway legal circles, had nonetheless an uncanny way of crisscrossing Bush's path at critical times. This confluence of careers within the world of intelligence became the precursor that empowered him to become the dark overseer of the cabal that subverted the U.S. Constitution he took an oath as Attorney General to uphold.

Barr was the man that William Safire, The New York Times' conservative columnist, called the Justice Department's "Cover-up General" in a 1992 column criticizing Barr's refusal to seek the appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate the Bush Administration's actions in continuing aid to Saddam Hussein after it was eminently clear that Iraq was about to invade Kuwait. [17]

Barr had joined the CIA in 1973 where his work brought him into contact with the future Vice-President while Bush was serving as the Agency's Director from 1976-77. By 1978 Barr had joined the Washington law firm of Shaw, Pittman, Potts and Trowbridge, a firm very much aligned with the CIA and with a history of providing criminal defense for intelligence agents.

From there Barr moved into a well-placed political position and became a member of the transition team of President-elect Ronald Reagan in 1980. Two years later he was deputy assistant director of Domestic Policy Council serving on the Reagan White House staff, where he again began orbiting in the same circles as George Bush and Bill Casey, then Director of the CIA.

In 1983, around the time Oliver North was forming "Project Donation" and was briefing Terry Reed on the CIA's efforts to bypass the Congressionally imposed Boland Amendment, Barr strangely left the White House and drifted into obscurity, allegedly back to the firm of Shaw, Pittman. This lower profile position -- out of the media's eye and off the government's payroll -- gave him freedom of movement and less chance of being discovered as he assisted the Agency and Southern Air Transport as they ramped-up for operation "Screw Worm" in Mexico and had need of "specialized" legal services.

Having survived the near catastrophe known as Iran-Contra, George Bush needed Barr's overt services in 1988 and returned Barr to the White House to aid in the selection of a running mate. He was forced to stay on however, through the campaign, and became a Dan Quayle handler when the vice-presidential nominee experienced trouble from his draft avoidance record during the Vietnam War.

By being a problem solver and helping his old CIA boss get elected President, he was given a position on Bush's transition team and, in April 1989, was appointed assistant attorney general for the office of Legal Counsel. By July, 1990, he was Bush's deputy attorney general, the number two man in the Justice Department shadowed only by Attorney General Richard Thornburgh, who he replaced in October 1991. He was 41 years old at the time, making him the third youngest attorney general.

Adding additional intrigue, it was Barr who drafted the legal opinion justifying the invasion of Panama, and the arrest of Panamanian General Manuel Noriega, a paid CIA asset. [18]

And it was Noriega who claimed it was the CIA, not he, that was trafficking in cocaine through his country. Could it be, Reed wondered, that the whole damn U.S. invasion had been designed to cover the Agency's trafficking trail and to silence Noriega about CIA involvement in Bill Clinton's state? After all, it was Noriega's people who Max Gomez had said were going to start "investing" in Arkansas, Terry recalled from the conversations in the bunker near Little Rock.

The Reagan Administration and the Agency most assuredly were the ones who engineered the assassination of Barry Seal, for the same reasons. Seal's name had rolled off the lips of Akihide Sawahata, Bob Nash, Felix Rodriguez, Oliver North, William Barr and Bill Clinton -- in the same context that the CIA had grown to view Noriega -- an asset becoming a liability.

Noriega must have been just another disposable asset, like Barry Seal and countless others like Terry Reed.

But Noriega will undoubtedly be replaced by someone less compromising now that the Agency has another of their men in the oval office.

* * *

P.S. Barry, I've gone as far as I dare in my attempt to correct the wrongs levied you ... at least for now. I miss you, you calculated risk taker ... and I can still hear you laughing.


36-1. Document developed by the Harkin campaign committee during the 1992 Presidential Primaries. Reed contributed no information to the committee, but their chart is remarkably similar to the one Reed drew in 1991. (See end of chapter 34 for comparison.)

36-2. TIME magazine's article written about Reed and Mena.
Exhibit "A", United States District Court, Southern District of New York case # 93 CIV 2249.

36-3. Letter Janis Reed wrote to TIME magazine, protesting Richard Behar's story.

36-4. Portions of the libel suit filed by Terry Reed against TIME and reporter Richard Behar.

36-5. Four government motions seeking to keep FBI agents from testifying in the Reeds' civil case. "National Security" is cited as a reason .... all for a $33,000 mail-fraud case.

36-6. Letter written to United States Attorney General Janet Reno by Robert S. Meloni, Reed's attorney, listing the obstructions of justice by the government in Terry Reed's civil trial. Reno never responded.

Article published by Freedom magazine, highlighting Reed's lawsuit against TIME.



* In a guest column in the Arkansas Democrat dated June 7, 1988, Drew outlined what he referred to as "The Mushroom Theory" that exposed behind-the-scenes profiteering between Arkansas investment banking firms, lawyers and state agencies. He deftly noted that the fees added on for "services" rendered by subcontractors for the bond issue swelled the ultimate price by millions of dollars. This was his theory, "mushrooms are raised by being kept in the dark by the farmer and fed plenty of manure. From what I can see ... this is the same system that certain legislators, the governor, a Little Rock investment banker and their lobbyists, and some bond lawyers have been using ... and it has been quite successful. I'm a little confused about the governor [Clinton]. I have not been able to figure out whether he is administering the manure in order to find 'deep pockets' to finance his campaign or is he is just another mushroom who is being prepared for harvest."

* Transcripts of portions of Richard Behar's tape recorded interviews were obtained through court discovery in Terry Reed's libel suit filed against Behar and TIME magazine. [14]

* Transcripts of conversations between Behar and Dill Duncan are being withheld from Reed in his Federal libel suit against Time and Behar on the grounds that Duncan is a "confidential source" of Behar's whose identity needs to be protected.

1. Transcript of sworn deposition of Terry Kent Reed, May 24, 1991, Southern Air Transport, Inc. vs. Post-Newsweek Stations, Florida, Inc., et al., in the Circuit Court for the Eleventh Judicial Circuit in and for Dade County, Florida, Case No. 87-23989

2. Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, February 25, 1992.

3. STAR magazine, January 28, 1992.

4. People magazine, April 1992.

5. Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, March 27, 1992.

6. Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, February 27, 1992.

7. Arkansas Gazette, September 11, 1991.

8. Transcript of sworn deposition of Lawrence S. Graves, March 9, 1993, Terry K. Reed and Janis Reed vs. Raymond Young and Tommy Baker, In The United States District Court, Eastern District of Arkansas, Western Division, Case No. LR-C-91- 414 , Page 44.

9. Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, April 19, 1992.

10. The Mexico City News, May 2, 1987.
Kansas City Times, July 20, 1987.
Kansas City Star, November, 19, 1987.

11. Arkansas Gazette, October 3, 1991.

12. Transcript of National Broadcasting Company, Inc. (NBC), Sunday Today, 9:00- 10:30 AM, 2-23-1992.

13. Transcript of Proceedings, United States of America, vs. Terry Kent Reed, In The United States District Court For The District of Kansas, 6-1-90, Case No. 88-10049- 01.

14. Transcripts of tape recorded conversations provided through Discovery, Terry K. Reed vs. Time Warner, Inc., Time Inc. Magazine company, and Richard Behar, in the U.S. District Court, Southern District of New York, April 16, 1993, Case No. 93CIV.2249.

15. Freedom, May, 1993, Pgs. 22, 23.

16. The Nation, July 12, 1993, Pgs. 54-55

17. New York Times, August 31, 1992.

18. Current Biography, June, 1992, Pgs. 11-15
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Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

Postby admin » Tue Jun 14, 2016 9:08 pm


What you have read is only the prelude to the Terry Reed story. The official cover-up of these dirty secrets he has revealed goes on unabated.

To admit what really happened in Bill Clinton's Arkansas, to pull back the veil of U.S. government duplicity in drug trafficking would be disastrous for the political perpetrators, who as you read this, are hiding -- and probably shredding -- documents, protecting accomplices and suppressing evidence -- all under the guise of "national security."

In five federal judicial districts, the Justice Department and the FBI are fighting Federal Court subpoenas to keep Terry Reed and his wife from obtaining the necessary documents that would reveal the truth about what was done to them. Imagine, "national security" is being invoked to mask the investigation of what the government said was nothing more than a $33, 000 insurance fraud! For those who try to use the Freedom of Information Act to strip away the veil of secrecy, and after very great expense, this is an example of what the Government reluctantly turns over:


As the judge who acquitted Terry Reed said, this entire affair "had a high odor to it."

In addition, a massive disinformation machine has been put in play to destroy those who know the truth. And many of these people are now either dead, in prison and even in mental wards.

No government agency has investigated this, and none can be expected to -- certainly not the U.S. Justice Department that was prostituted by George Bush and Ronald Reagan. This same perversion of justice continues under Bill Clinton. In fact, one man who helped Clinton hide his Faustian political deal with the CIA now sits atop the Department of Justice.

Isn't it interesting that Bill Clinton never raised his voice at Bush's Christmas Eve pardons for the Iran-Contra criminals and, to this day, has fought against preserving key White House computer tapes from the Bush-Reagan years. Why?

This book provides at least part of the answer. It has shown how an intelligence agency co-opted and compromised both Bush and Clinton -- and the presidency; how the black and covert operations, like a cancer, have metastasized the organs of government.

And Congress? This cover-up would not have been possible in the first place had it not been for Congress' political cowardice when it failed to expose this during the Iran-Contra hearings.

Terry Reed, as he said, is trying to bring this out through legal means, in a federal court with witnesses and documents. But he has been, and is being, stonewalled by the minions who served George Bush and those who now serve Bill Clinton. They know how expensive civil litigation is for the average citizen.

This has not been a pleasant story to tell, because of what it shows about you and me -- we don't participate in the process of government and hold our politicians accountable. It shows that these dirty operations took place in secret and in an environment that existed in part because the American public, like a cancer patient in denial, would rather not know the depths of evil to which its government has descended while, at the same time, claiming to fight evil.

Like Terry, the nation surrendered its values and morality a little at a time in the years since the Bay of Pigs and now has awakened to wonder: How did we get here?

But Terry finally drew a line. And he, along with his New York attorney Robert S. Meloni, are fighting this monster virtually alone. So far not one person, not even the breast-beaters who claim to seek the truth and cry "coverup, " have been willing to help the Reeds.

Terry wrote a personal letter to Ross Perot, outlining what he knew, how he and his family had been victimized, and simply requested his help in locating an attorney for his civil lawsuit against the men who falsely testified against him. He told Perot, that champion of the "little man, " that if the government can pervert justice to silence Terry Reed, the Constitution was meaningless. Then, no one is safe.

Perot did not even respond. And he was the one who called Bill Clinton "Chicken Man!"

Jerry Spence, one of the country's most noted criminal defense attorneys, put it best when he said "before the Government tries to convict someone, they first try to demonize him." I've been an eye-witness to this many times in my journalistic career. That's how Terry Reed suddenly became "armed and dangerous" and a drug trafficking suspect in 1987.

If that can be done to Terry Reed, do you think you are I are safe? What happens when it's your turn?

For me, Terry and Janis Reed have become both a Cold War Rosetta Stone and metaphor that translate into a bizarre and personal story about the more than 30 years of dirty and clandestine warfare this country had waged with its proxies, the Cuban exile mercenaries and assassins.

When I first met Terry Reed more than three years ago, I did not truly realize what I had found. Behind his deceptively insouciant demeanor hid a sensitive and dedicated man possessed with righting the wrongs done him.

At first, he was just another story. And my professional cynicism and disbelief about him were not easily overcome. He seemed at first like other intelligence assets I had met, some tarnished, some not; many of them men with a sense of both adventure and a need to somehow vindicate their Vietnam experience of coming home as perceived "losers" and "murderers."

But my experience with the Reeds and their children, all of whom I have come to think of as family, has made me realize what shallow people writers can be when they become prisoners of their own doubt.

"Scribblers" like me usually want only one thing, a story to tell. And we really don't care how we get it. And as we commit it to a narrative, it all becomes somehow mechanical and pro forma, like sidestroking through flotsam as though we are not affected by the things we write about.

In becoming the exorcist for this amazing tale of deception and hypocrisy by those who pretend to serve us, I have learned many things. Chief among them is the fact that there are things better left unsaid.

I began this quest to learn why Barry Seal was really murdered. Now, I know why, but I cannot reveal the true motive behind Barry Seal's murder. Suffice to say that his assassination took place because Seal's "ace in the hole" was also "neutralized." To go beyond that would expose some innocent people to extreme jeopardy. There are some things that even an investigative journalist must keep to himself.

Maybe, someday.

John Cummings
East Northport, N.Y.
November 25th, 1993

CIA's Secret Organizational Chart as it relates to operations in Arkansas and Mexico.
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Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

Postby admin » Tue Jun 14, 2016 9:08 pm


Armstrong, Scott, Malcolm Byrne and Tom Blanton, Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Contras: A Chronology of Events and Individuals (National Security Archive, 1987).

Bradlee, Ben, Jr., Guts and Glory, the Rise and Fall of Oliver North, (Donald I. Fine, 1988).

Draper, Theodore, A Very Thin Line, (Hill and Wang, 1991).

Raviv, Dan and Yossi Melman, Every Spy a Prince, The Complete History of Israel's Intelligence Community, (Houghton Mifflin, 1990).

Rodriguez, Felix and John Wiseman, Shadow Warrior, (Simon & Schuster, 1989).

Shultz, George P., Turmoil and Triumph, My Years as Secretary of State, (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993).

Wise, David and Thomas B. Ross, The Invisible Government (Random House, 1964).

Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, 100th Congress, First Session, 1987. Report No. 100-433.

Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy: Report of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate.

Woodward, Bob, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981-1987 (Simon and Schuster, 1987.)
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Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

Postby admin » Tue Jun 14, 2016 9:09 pm


Although this book bears the names of two authors, this work was not the result of their labor alone.

However, some of those, who supplied help and encouragement prefer to remain anonymous.

The authors would like to acknowledge publicly several people, chief among them Sue and Roger Lange, along with Louisa Potenza Muniz for editing, ad· vice and help in making this book possible. Our thanks also go to John Bell, Julian Serer and Kent Carter of S.P.I. Books.

In their quest to continue turning over rocks until this entire sordid story is exposed, the authors have established a "spook hotline". For those wishing to keep abreast of the authors' efforts to bring forth another work dealing with the covert culture, call: 1-505-884-8822 and "reach out and touch someone."

If you wish to become a "participant" in leading the authors down the shadowy trails, just leave a message and your call will be returned by one of us.

We are especially interested in hearing from those assets or intelligence officers whose devotion to duty has been besmirched by renegade agents, or those who feel manipulated and exploited by failed policies.

Terry Kent Reed
John Cummings
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Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

Postby admin » Tue Jun 14, 2016 9:12 pm


Terry Reed's battle to redress the violations of his constitutional and other rights continues against Raymond "Buddy" Young and Tommy Baker, in Reed's civil rights lawsuit in little Rock, and against media giant Time Warner, Inc., in Reed's libel lawsuit in New York City.

As Terry Reed and his attorney, Robert S. Meloni, are waging these battles, the staggering litigation costs continue to mount. Anyone who is willing to make a donation to help defray these costs may call the following number for information on making a donation. Your help would be greatly appreciated.

(212) 580-7477

Robert S. Meloni,

Attorney for Terry Reed
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Re: Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA: How the Presiden

Postby admin » Tue Jun 14, 2016 9:18 pm



Arc Light 17, 134
Boomerang 64, 86, 104, 177
Centaur Rose 64, 106, 111, 114, 115, 123,
130, 151, 155, 172, 180, 184, 195, 198,
216, 228, 229, 236, 246, 311, 348, 386,
391, 442, 483, 488, 507, 510
Cut-out 58, 64, 106, 112, 118, 120, 121, 122,
161, 175, 186, 187, 193, 194, 304, 351,
387, 531
Dodger 64, 111, 137, 138, 164, 177, 205,
254, 510
Disco, 17
Enterprise 16, 94, 101, 102, 158, 175, 184,
200, 218, 223, 246, 269, 273, 284, 285,
287, 288, 289, 341, 351, 353
Front company 146, 168, 187, 196, 208, 237,
242, 458
Green Flight 144
Igloo White 15
Jade Bridge 63, 64, 104, 106, 114, 115, 126,
130, 151, 155, 172, 180, 183, 198, 205,
216, 228, 229, 236, 348, 386, 391, 442,
483, 488
Linebacker II 27
People's Republic of Arkansas 438, 446
Project Donation 41
Loss brokering 43
Screw Worm 121, 227, 236, 250, 251, 252,
254, 255, 256, 278, 291, 292, 293, 294,
301, 304, 311, 312, 329, 330, 331, 337,
338, 339, 347, 348, 362, 378, 386, 387,
390, 391, 412, 456, 510, 536, 542
Sea Spray 205, 210, 215, 255, 510
Sierra Whiskey 255, 329, 353
Striker 12, 335
Teaball 17
"Z" 358


Air America 19, 20, 26, 40, 59, 71, 96, 106,
107, 118, 120, 121, 148, 149, 158, 171,
174, 175, 207, 243, 246, 422, 468, 269,
273, 278, 279, 280, 284, 285, 287, 289,
295, 355, 363, 372, 375, 378
Machinery International 219, 253, 256, 282,
287, 305, 309
Maquinaria Internacional 219, 253, 284,
285, 288, 312, 319, 329, 330, 331, 334,
342, 343, 350, 371, 391
OSI 68, 80, 82, 92, 99, 110, 115, 139, 151,
152, 154, 156, 160, 163, 193, 222, 243, 475
Proprietary 54, 105, 161, 162, 182, 190, 198,
228, 242, 247, 248, 290, 294, 367, 412
Southern Air Transport 120, 121, 122, 158,
159, 161, 175, 180, 190, 193, 208, 210,
214, 236, 239, 243, 254, 255, 282, 294,
318, 325, 329, 342, 343, 354, 449, 471,
491, 542, 543
Summit Aviation 205


Bruce (OSI office manager) , 151, 152, 156,
163, 154, 169, 172, 184, 193, 222, 223
Carlucci (code name for North) 42, 389, 390,
Cathey (code name for North) 11, 25, 28, 29,
31, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48,
49, 53, 55, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 69, 70, 79,
80, 82, 85, 86, 97, 99, 106, 107, 112, 114,
121, 129, 130, 139, 141, 159, 180,
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193,
195, 199, 208, 210, 211, 215, 218, 224,
225, 227, 228, 229, 232, 236, 238, 240,
241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 247, 250, 251,
252, 253, 254, 255, 25, 257, 258,
260, 261, 264, 265, 266, 275, 286, 295,
304, 312, 340, 347, 352, 401, 471, 505,
507, 535
Deep Throat 302, 513, 536
Diego (Nella camp adjutant) 73, 76, 77, 78,
88, 99, ~OO, 101, 104, 107, 124, 126, 127,
148, 149, 183
Estrella (code name for Reed) 251, 252, 256,
257, 310, 311, 312, 348, 357, 401
Gomez, Maximo (code name for Felix
Rodriguez) 147, 184, 186, 187, 188, 189,
190, 193, 195, 196, 199, 207, 208, 209,
210, 211, 219, 223, 227, 228, 236, 243,
246, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257,
266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 273, 279, 280,
293, 304, 305, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313,
314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 323,
324, 325, 326, 327, 330, 332, 333, 340,
344, 347, 368, 369, 370, 507, 542
Idaho (pseudonym for pilot instructor) 106,
107, 109, 148
Jack (pseudonym for retired Army electronics
expert) 397
Johnson, Robert (code nBme for William P.
Barr) 193, 194, 195, 199, 208, 210, 212,
218, 219, 223, 227, 229, 230, 231,
233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 240, 241,
242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 249, 251, 252,
253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 261, 266, 270,
273, 277, 282, 283, 284, 309, 311, 332,
334, 431, 455, 471, 483, 484, 507,
508, 509, 541
Medina, Ramon (Luis Posada Carilles, Nella
camp commander) 94, 100, 101, 103, 104,
105, 106, 107, 110, 111, 113, 120, 124,
126, 127, 148, 149, 163, 183, 354, 426,
Nebraska (pseudonym for pilot instructor)
67, 73, 75, 77, 88, 89, 93, 100, 109
Oklahoma (pseudonym for pilot instructor)
61, 68, 73, 74, 77, 80, 85, 86, 89, 100, 104,
108, 109, 122, 147,
Tulsa (pseudonym for pilot instructor) 67, 68,
104, 147, 148, 149, 163, 173, 446
Webber, Pat (code name Amiram Nir) 307,
310, 349, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356,
357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364,
365, 367, 370, 371, 391, 412, 453
Weta Okami, 129, 130, 161, 176, 250


Applied Technologies 193, 194, 220, 224,
267, 339, 367, 387, 403, 445
Arkansas Machine Tools 81
Aviacion del Pacifico 278
Barcorp 30, 31, 454
Brodix Manufacturing 53, 59, 61, 80
Chapala Realty 191, 269, 284, 333, 387, 406,
Choate Manufacturing 141
Command Aire 55, 57, 59, 64, 81
Cortec 181, 188, 190, 253, 288, 330, 331,
336, 347, 355
Dianichi 218, 340
Gomiya, USA 282
Iver Johnson's 54, 69, 139, 140, 165, 170,
171, 181, 233
Juanita's Restaurant 262, 266, 431, 522, 538
Machinery International 219, 253, 256, 282,
287, 305, 309
Maquinaria Internacional 219, 253, 284,
285, 288, 312, 319, 329, 330, 331, 334,
342, 343, 350, 371, 391
Mexicana Airlines 318, 403, 405
Mizzou Aviation 26, 47, 204
MRL 142, 184, 247
Northwest Industries 27, 28, 31, 32, 37, 39,
181, 454
OSI 68, 80, 82, 92, 99, 110, 115, 139, 151,
152, 154, 156, 160, 163, 193, 222, 243, 475
POM 165, 169, 171, 172, 194, 214, 234, 247,
248, 503, 521, 532, 533, 534
Quartermaster Sales 296, 297
Razorb/lck Metal Processors 140
Reed, Kerr Be Assodates 59, 82
Reed, Kerr and Associates Inc. 49
Rich Mountain Aviation 55-56, 62, 74, 80,
86, 105, 106, 127, 146, 147, 172, 183,
237, 302
Rose Law Firm 55, 57, 67, 164, 167, 168,
171, 213, 496, 503, 519
Silva's Saloon 424
SOB 60, 195
Southern Air Transport 120, 121, 122, 158,
159, 161, 175, 180, 190, 193, 208, 210,
214, 236, 239, 243, 254, 255, 282, 294,
318, 325, 329, 342, 343, 354, 449, 471,
491, 542, 543
Spartan School of Aeronautics 104
Stephens Be Co. 232, 244, 245, 248 , 506
Summit Aviation 205
Technoimpex 30, 31, 180, 181, 188, 304,
341, 367
Toshiba Machine Tool 28, 29, 39, 46, 500, 535
Whitewater Development Corporation 55
Yamazen 489, 490, 492, 499, 500, 501, 502


Bush's children 212, 213
Cayman Islands 248, 249
Conex container (drug shipment at
Guadalajara) 335, 343, 344, 367
Dutch sandwich (money laundering scheme)
Green flight 147
Green parcels 495
L-l00 (Southern Air Transport aircraft) 342,
343, 344, 491
Medellin Cartel 70, 108, 168, 212, 217, 221,
222, 241, 264, 348
Money laundering 183, 23~237, 238, 247,
261, 379, 477, 512, 514, 518, 520, 524,
528, 538
Piggy-back (method of transporting money)
131, 132, 134, 147, 198, 200, 203
Turks and Caicos Islands 199
War on Drugs 343, 359, 367, 384, 390


Bank of Credit and Commerce International
(BCCI), 245, 472, 505-508, 511, 512
First American, 31 244-246, 248, 249, 506
Fuji Bank 248
Lasater Be Co. 57, 94, 139, 143, 247, 248
Madison Guaranty Savings Be Loan [see
Whitewater Development Corp.] 55
Stephens Be Co., 232, 244, 245, 248, 506


Ajijic, Mexico 191, 192, 252, 269, 271, 275,
281, 282, 293, 299, 301, 304, 305, 340,
373, 374, 377, 378, 388, 400, 407, 467
Angel Fire, New Mexico 213, 247
Arkansas River 68, 91, 94, 110, 111, 121,
145, 176, 179, 257
Bermuda Triangle 204, 205, 206
Brownsville, Texas 185, 203
Budapest, Hungary 38, 188, 267, 332
Camp Robinson, Arkansas 94, 227, 228, 257,
260, 261, 264, 432, 507
Campeche, Mexico 203, 204, 205, 206
Carthage, Missouri 12, 13, 14, 24, 52, 66,
384, 388, 397, 409, 410, 411, 429
Cayman Islands 248, 249
Columbus, Ohio
Chagres, Panama 207, 310, 313
Chapa la, Mexico 191, 192, 269, 275, 314,
342, 374, 400, 401, 404, 407
Chula Vista, California 192
EI Paso, Texas 299, 416, 442, 451, 457, 461,
467, 473, 474, 475, 479, 481, 482, 486
Ft. Chaffee, Arkansas 103
Ft. Smith, Arkansas 89, 110, 237, 238
Guadalajara, Mexico 189, 190, 191, 252,
253, 254, 255, 267, 269, 270, 273, 275,
276, 277, 278, 279, 282, 283, 284, 285,
287, 288, 293, 294, 301, 310, 317, 318,
328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 335, 336, 342,
350, 353, 357, 358, 362, 363, 366, 367,
370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 378, 401, 403,
404, 406, 407, 421, 451, 491, 536
Hotel Century, Mexico City 305, 366, 368
Hotel Mocambo, Veracruz, Mexico 184
Howard Air Force Base 203, 207
Ilopango, EI Salvadore 203, 206
Israel 302, 305, 311, 312, 350, 360, 361,
362, 454
Israelis311, 312, 335, 347, 352, 355, 357,
358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 364
Jerusalem 5
Jocotepec, Mexico 192, 281
Joplin, Missouri 15, 26, 27, 45, 47, 48, 86,
204, 388, 389, 409, 411, 415, 431, 432,
33, 434, 438
Juarez, Mexico 461
Kansas City, Missouri 15, 33, 34, 35, 38, 45,
47, 48, 267, 294, 309, 383, 384, 385,
388, 389, 393, 396, 397, 398, 407,
411, 416, 429, 430, 433, 452, 489, 543
Lake Tahoe, Nevada 512, 538
Laos 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 113, 118,
125, 134, 156, 175, 206, 271, 273, 280,
345, 362, 495
Laredo, Texas 192, 331
LittleRock, Arkansas 8, 9, 3, 49, 51, 53, 54,
55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 65, 67, 68, 70, 75,
78, 80, 81, 83, 84, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94,
97, 107, 109, 110, 114, 116, 117, 12~
123, 129, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138,
139, 140, 141, 143, 147, 149, 150, 154,
157, 163, 164, 165, 167, 172, 175, 176,
192, 193, 195, 199, 202, 215, 216, 217,
218, 224, 227, 229, 232, 235, 238, 243,
245, 246, 247, 250, 256, 259, 261, 262,
267, 272, 273, 277, 282, 283, 284, 302,
376, 377, 380, 382, 386, 387, 388, 392,
403, 404, 416, 422, 431, 432, 433, 434,
435, 439, 440, 443, 444, 445, 451, 457,
458, 474, 475, 479, 487, 491, 492, 495,
496, 497, 498, 502, 503, 506, 509, 513,
514, 515, 518, 522, 527, 528, 529, 530,
533, 538, 542
Maine 414
Malvern, Arkansas 104
Manzanillo, Mexico 190, 300, 467
Maumelle, Arkansas 79, 80, 88, 91, 121, 145,
150, 183, 193, 220, 224, 225, 257, 258,
259, 260, 261, 422
Mena, Arkansas 51, 52, 53, 54, 59, 61, 62,
64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 80,
81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 92, 93, 95, 97, 99,
105, 106, 108, 109, 118, 119, 120, 122,
127, 128, 130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137,
138, 140, 145, 146, 147, 155, 156, 158,
161, 164, 165, 172, 173, 175, 177, 178,
184, 198, 199, 213, 214, 216, 228, 229,
230, 231, 234, 237, 238, 239, 241, 244,
249, 302, 354, 368, 390, 464, 488, 491,
492, 493, 494, 495, 497, 498, 503, 504,
507, 510, 512, 513, 514, 518, 521, 523,
525, 526, 527, 528, 529, 531, 532, 534,
536, 537, 540, 541
Moorpark, California 490, 496, 512, 536
Morelia, Mexico 313, 314, 319, 323, 325,
326, 331, 335, 351, 352, 353, 356, 357,
Nakhon Phanom, Thailand 19, 118, 342
Nella, Arkansas 61, 63, 64, 67, 68, 74, 82,
86, 87, 88, 89, 94, 100, 104, 105, 106,
108, 110, 111, 112, 114, 116, 120, 127,
129, 130, 148, 155, 159, 163, 172, 173,
174, 184, 192, 193, 198, 200, 239, 498
Nicaragua 20, 42, 61, 64, 70, 72, 74, 83, 84,
89, 97, 105, 106, 113, 116, 118, 129, 146,
148, 209, 235, 275, 276, 289, 290, 292,
307, 340, 351, 353, 359, 360, 361, 412,
458, 477, 478, 532
North LittleRock Airport 70, 81, 109, 117,
129, 164, 256, 283, 284, 431, 434, 443
Nuevo Laredo, Mexico 331
Piggot, Arkansas 142, 164, 165, 184, 246
Placitas, New Mexico 414, 415, 421, 424, 460
Posada de la Aldea (Hotel) 368
Presidio, Texas 266
Puebla, Mexico 188, 394, 401, 404, 405, 407
Puerto Vallarta, Mexico 190, 192, 263, 267,
268, 272, 275, 282
Reno, Nevada 120, 283, 409, 511, 512, 518, 538
Reynosa, Mexico 380
San Diego 393, 402, 403, 407, 408
San Miguel de Allende, Mexico 331, 355,
368, 372, 373
Santa Teresa, New Mexico 461, 469, 470,
472, 481, 486, 491
Sequoia National Park, California 393, 408
Silva's Saloon 424
Task Force Alpha (TFA) 16, 18
Tijuana, Mexico 403, 404, 405
Toronto, Canada 31, 42
Truth or Consequences, New Mexico 402,
471, 508
Turks and Caicos Islands 199
Vera Cruz, Mexico, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190,
199, 208
Vientiane, Laos 18, 20, 118
Wichita, Kansas 48, 73, 415, 419, 420, 421,
428, 429, 430, 432, 433, 434, 435, 436,
437, 439, 441, 444, 445, 448, 454, 460,
462, 463, 464, 465, 466, 469, 471, 485,
492, 497, 505, 508, 511, 512, 531
Zacatecas, Mexico 379
Zirahuen, Mexico 313, 319, 320, 321, 329,
Zona Rosa (Mexico City) 189, 305, 309, 310,
366, 368


Arkansas Development Finance Authority (
ADFA) 142, 143, 171, 179, 232, 233, 247,
248, 476, 477, 478, 503, 506, 507, 512,
513, 514, 515, 519, 520, 521, 522
Arkansas Industrial Development Commission
(AIDC) 143
DFS (Mexican CIA) 254, 270, 287, 329, 362,
364, 369, 371, 467, 536
EPIC (EI Paso Intelligence Center) 416, 442,
443, 453, 455, 457
FAA Intelligence (AC-90j700 Unit) 451, 453,
Instituto Mexicano de Comercio Exterior 182
KGB 28, 30, 31, 32, 38, 39, 42, 46, 181, 183,
189, 209, 218, 253, 304, 312, 334, 339,
340, 347, 348, 355, 362, 364, 367
Mossad 312, 313, 335, 359, 367
NCIC (National Crime Information Center)
86, 432, 438, 443, 450


Cooper, William (Bill) 20, 71, 118, 119, 120,
121, 122, 129, 130, 157, 158, 159, 160,
16~ 172, 17~ 174, 175, 17~ 18~ 181,
182, 183, 188, 193, 194, 195, 200, 268,
270, 272, 273, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285,
286, 287, 289, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295,
302, 304, 307, 308, 313, 318, 352, 353,
354, 355, 356, 361, 370, 371, 378, 390,
423, 435, 446, 449, 458, 471
Double agent (Isreali belief that Cooper
shootdown was sabotage) 349, 351, 353,
355, 362, 363
Hasenfus, Eugene 289, 290, 291, 292, 293,
297, 299, 302, 303, 304, 353, 354, 355, 356
Nicaragua 20, 42, 61, 64, 70, 72, 74, 83, 84,
89, 97, 105, 106, 113, 116, 118, 129, 146,
148, 209, 235, 275, 276, 289, 290, 292,
307, 340, 351, 353, 359, 360, 361, 412,
458, 477, 478, 532
Ortega, Daniel 95, 168, 269, 286, 291, 295,
301, 354
Over the Hill Gang (Air America Crews
reactiviated) 175, 284, 286, 289, 293
Owen, Rob 531
Sandinistas 53, 64, 70, 76, 83, 89, 98, 100,
112, 113, 148, 168, 223, 292, 294, 354,
Southern Air Transport 120, 121, 122, 158,
159, 161, 175, 180, 190, 193, 208, 210,
214, 236, 239, 243, 254, 255, 282, 294,
318, 325, 329, 342, 343, 354, 449, 471,
491, 542, 543
Sultan of Brunei (Third Country Contibutors)
Shootdown of C-123 20, 290, 307, 308, 310,
311, 351, 353, 355, 356, 361, 362, 363
The di, 'ersion, 302, 305, 306


Brady rule, 452
Classified Information Procedures Act 455,
456, 457, 460, 508
Conflict of interest in Reeds' civil case 332,
488, 504
Evidence altered in Reeds' case 87, 177, 487
FBI profile saying the Reeds were armed and
dangerous 1, 390, 416, 421, 430, 442,
Federal judge's Opinion and Order 449, 466
Fowler chastised 459
Independent Counsel Law 497
Janis Reed's indictment dismissed 452
Manufactured evidence 389, 441, 450, 487,
489, 490, 500
Neutrality Act 384, 385
Pretext calls made by police 193, 377, 388,
Reeds' civil suit, LRC-91-414 216, 250, 439,
466, 487, 504, 543
Profile created by government 3, 106, 127,
128, 141, 154, 182, 199, 234, 238, 340,
382, 402, 416, 422, 430, 433, 442, 521,
Reckless disregard for the truth, judge's
ruling 440, 450
Search warrant 386, 431, 432, 433, 434, 435,
438, 439, 440, 441, 443, 450, 457
Suppression hearing 436, 464
Tampered evidence 147, 157, 487
Time Magazine
Grapevine article 471
Lawsuit 9
Surreptitious taping 518
Polygraph offer 515, 533


Freedom Magazine 536, 538
Nation magazine 503, 504
Primetime 509, 510, 538
Time magazine 2, 3, 9, 250, 347, 471, 502,
506, 508, 509, 510, 511, 514, 515, 517,
518, 530, 531, 536, 540, 541
Trooper Magazine 377


weapons manufacturing 140 183, 246, 247
National Guard 89, 96, 111, 123, 141, 477
Brodix Manufacturing 53, 59, 61, 80
Choate Manufacturing 141
MRL 142, 184, 247
POM 165, 169, 171, 172, 194, 214, 234, 247,
248, 503, 521, 532, 533, 534
Razorback Metal Processors 140


Arkansas River (CIA weapon shipments) 68,
91, 94, 110, 111,
121, 145, 176, 179, 257
Fat Lady (Barry Seal's C-123K aircraft) 70,
84, 97, 123, 126, 146, 241, 242
Rich Mountain Aviation 62, 74, 80, 86, 105,
106, 127, 146, 147, 172, 183, 237, 302


money laundering 183, 230, 237, 238, 247,
261, 379, 477, 512, 514, 518, 520, 524,
528, 538
bonds, bond industry 171, 232, 233, 247,
248, 249, 506
piggy-backing (sorties transporting money)
130, 131, 132, 134, 137, 147, 198, 200,
green flight 147
green parcels 495


Nella, Arkansas 61, 63, 64, 67, 68, 74, 82,
86, 87, 88, 89, 94, 100, 104, 105, 106,
108, 110, 111, 112, 114, 116, 120, 127,
129, 130, 148, 155, 159, 163, 172, 173,
174, 184, 192, 193, 198, 200, 239, 498
Ft. Chaffee, Arkansas 103
Ft. Smith, Arkansas 89, 110, 237, 238


cover-up of Mena 198, 235, 239, 495, 498,
506, 518, 526, 528, 532536, 541, 544,
Camp Robinson bunker meeting 260, 270,
273, 363, 432, 507
Chinese Wall (containment efforts by
Arkansas Attorney General's Office) 504
Lack of funding for investigation, 498, 525,
527, 528, 529
Arkansas Committee, 492, 493, 494, 505
Calero, Mario (Commander of the Contras)
Maule aircraft 101, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121,
124, 284
Mena 51, 52, 53, 54, 59, 61, 62, 64, 67, 68,
69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84,
85, 86, 87, 92, 93, 95, 97, 99, 105, 106,
108, 109, 118, 119, 120, 122, 127, 128,
130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140,
145, 146
Mena Affair 475, 495, 510, 518
Mena scandal 496, 498, 504, 505, 523, 529,
530, 533, 538, 540
Rose Law Firm 55, 57, 67, 164, 167, 168,
169, 171, 213, 230, 232, 496, 503, 519
Tithing (CIA paying for permission to use
Arkansas) 125, 139


Aaron, Shelby 444
Abrams, Elliot 290
Aguilar, Diana 191, 192, 269, 275, 281, 292,
293, 333, 404, 406, 407
Alexander, William 494, 498, 503, 505, 518,
525, 526, 527, 528, 532, 540
Altman, Robert 245, 506
Anderson, Charles 459, 463
Baker, Tommy 432-440, 443, 445-447, 449,
450, 457, 464, 465, 466, 479, 487, 488,
492, 494, 504, 517, 543
Barlow, Wayne 28-32, 37, 39, 48, 49, 454, 493
Barlow, Cecelia 28, 37, 39
Barlow, Wayne 156, 181, 271, 454, 455, 463,
493, 531
Barrett, Harry 443, 466
Bavarian Machismo Wolfgang (Macho) 318,
379, 395, 396, 414, 490
Baxter, Ray 488
Beaty, Jonathan 471, 506, 508
Behar, Richard 9, 502, 510-519, 521, 522-
540, 543
Black, Charles 498, 525-528
Blum, Jack 419, 457, 471, 518, 536
Bohnen, Jerry 86, 109, 173, 343, 464
Bona, Jozsef 30, 31, 39, 181, 183, 188, 189,
195, 271, 348
Bravo, Jaime 254, 270
Brenneke, Richard 72
Brotherton, J.D. 61
Brown, Jerry 496
Brown, John P. 26, 66, 204
Brown, Ron 515, 516
Brown, Tom 493
Bruce, (office manager of OSI) 151, 152, 156,
163, 164, 169, 172, 184, 193, 222, 223,
Bryant, Winston 487, 494, 504, 518, 526,
527, 540
Bush, George 1, 4, 6, 9, 72, 95, 98, 99, 147,
184, 213, 214, 217, 221, 234, 241, 242,
246, 288, 290, 308, 312, 346, 348, 351,
352, 357, 360, 361, 365, 423, 427, 442,
453, 471, 484, 506, 507, 523, 524, 536,
540, 541, 542, 544, 545
Bush, George (childrenof)212, 213, 266
Byron, Christopher 511
Calero, Adolpho 523, 525
Calero, Mario 476
Camarena, Enrique (Kiki) 278, 333
Camp, Emile 62, 67, 73, 77, 84, 85, 97, 101,
102, 107, 127, 128, 130, 132, 133, 134,
135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 145,
146, 147, 149, 156, 157, 203, 204, 222,
353, 354, 355, 371, 376, 412
Canino, Bill 109, 445
Canino, Carol 386, 445
Cardenas, Cuauhtemoc (Lazaro) 313, 323,
324, 325, 326, 335, 357
Carlucci 42, 389, 390, 401
Casey, William 53, 64, 121, 129, 162, 229,
233, 304, 307, 308
Cave, George 308
Cherryl, Hall 185, 261, 421, 422, 432
Choate, Garth 141
Clark, Steve 474, 475, 478, 479, 485, 486,
488, 491, 492, 494, 496, 498, 516, 519
Clifford, Clifford 245, 248, 472, 506
Clinton, Bill 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 54, 55, 56, 57,
139, 143, 167, 171, 195, 21~214, 225,
227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,
235, 236, 237, 244, 245, 247, 259, 260,
261, 263, 264, 265, 266, 286, 377, 384,
416, 423, 431, 432, 440, 444, 457, 464,
474, 475, 476, 477, 478, 479, 483, 487,
489, 491, 492, 493, 494, 495, 496, 497,
498, 503, 505, 506, 507, 511, 512, 513,
514, 515, 516, 517, 518, 519, 520, 521,
522, 523, 524, 525, 526, 527, 528, 529,
533, 534, 536, 537, 538, 539, 540, 541,
542, 543, 544, 545
Clinton, Hillary 55, 56, 167, 169, 171, 230,
248, 440, 478, 495, 496, 503, 519
Clinton, Roger 57, 58, 139, 214, 230, 234,
260, 261, 496, 520
Cockburn, Alexander 419, 503, 505
Cooper, William 20, 71, 118, 119, 120, 121,
122, 129, 130, 157, 158, 159, 160, 164,
172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 180, 181, 182,
183, 188, 193, 194, 195, 200, 268, 270,
272, 273, 280, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286,
287, 289, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 302,
304, 307, 308, 313, 318, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 361, 370, 371, 378, 390, 423,
435, 446, 449, 458, 471
Corrigan, Cathy 105
Crow, Linda 82, 92, 115, 150, 160, 444, 446
Cummings, John 2, 8, 109, 162, 239, 240,
288, 460, 472, 473, 474, 479, 480, 491,
516, 538, 546
Cunningham, Ernal 532
Darrach, Daniel David 270, 293, 329, 363
de la Madrid, Presidente Miguel 190, 315
de Yeal, Ricardo 278
Dennison, Julie 427
Desko, John 20, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298,
299, 322, 338, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345,
346, 347, 351, 364, 374, 400, 401, 402,
414, 427
Diego 73, 76, 77, 78, 88, 99, 100, 101, 104,
107, 124, 126, 127, 148, 149, 183
Drew, Roy 513, 518
Duncan, William C. 216, 237, 238, 239, 240,
243, 250, 274, 280, 281, 288, 296, 297,
301, 318, 321, 322, 323, 336, 376, 377,
381, 393, 395, 399, 400, 408, 413, 415,
425, 429, 447, 453, 461, 482, 492, 495,
497, 498, 504, 505, 513, 526, 527, 528,
529, 530, 532, 533, 534
Dunlap, Joe 428, 429, 431, 432, 433, 434,
435, 438, 440, 441, 442, 444, 445, 446,
447, 448, 449, 453, 454, 456, 457, 460,
464, 479, 480, 483, 484, 508
Durrani, Arif 457
Dutton, Col. Robert 273, 289, 290, 306
Edwards, Rick 439
Enright, Edwin 25, 28, 29, 31, 37, 39, 49
Evans, Joe 62, 67, 71, 84, 85, 93, 94, 95, 100,
108, 109, 118, 119, 122, 123, 125, 126,
143, 164, 172, 173
Fenue, George 38, 181, 188, 189, 190, 209,
218, 276, 284, 288, 304, 330, 331, 332,
334, 36, 337, 338, 339, 343, 346, 347,
348, 349, 354, 355, 363, 367, 368
Fierro, Carlos 254, 255, 270, 277, 278, 279,
280, 281, 284, 285, 287, 318, 329, 330,
342, 344, 353, 357, 364, 371, 373
Fitzhugh, J. Michael 230, 239, 528
Flowers, Gennifer 478, 495, 520, 523, 524
Foster, Vincent 55
Fowler, Robin 431, 436, 437, 444, 446, 451,
453, 454, 455, 458, 459, 463, 464, 465,
Fox, Fannie 55
Fujikawa, Frank 194, 218, 282, 305, 309,
332, 339
Garri80n, Karen 398, 399, 411, 430, 436
Gate8, Robert 245
Ghior80, Mike 502, 503
Gonzalez Cert08imo, Raul 161, 316, 317, 334
Good .••in, CoJ.Tommy 238
Grave8, Lawrence 495, 498, 504, 543
Gregg, Donald 72, 147, 184, 288, 290
Guevara, Che 187, 370, 398, 457
Hadaway, A.L. (AI) 146, 172
Hall, John Wesley Jr. 486, 487, 488, 491,
494, 496, 497, 502, 504, 505, 508~17,
522, 538, 539, 540
Hall, Homer (Red) 88, 122, 200
Hall, Wally 262, 432
Hampton, Fred 62, 67, 75, 109, 146
Hardegree, Joe 525, 528
Hart, Gary 510 .
Hasenfus, Eugene 289-293, 297, 299, 302,
303, 304, 353, 354, 355, 356
Haye8, Floyd 239
Helmer, Allie 296, 297, 298
Ho Chi Minh 16, 21, 113, 114, 286
Hubbell, Web8ser (Webb) 55, 67, 165, 167,
169, 171, 248, 486, 496, 519, 32, 533,
Hubbell Webster (Webb) 55, 56, 171, 447,
496, 534
Hutchison, Asa 495
Ida, Joe 3, 27, 49
Iturraldi, (Chief of documentation, Mexican
Immigration) 314, 315
Jenkins, Lt. James 441, 442, 445, 466
Jessie, FBI Agent Mark 115, 151, 160, 422,
Joe Sakai, Joe 489, 499, 500
Juin, Patricia 280, 281, 282, 300
Juin, Patrick 281, 282, 291, 300.301, 305,
331, 366, 369, 467
Kerr, Ken and Vera 386
Kerry, John 419, 518
Ki88inger, Henry 11, 21, 25, 286, 339, 342
Laura, (the maid) 396, 401, 403, 404, 405,
Lloyd, Philip Lynn 54
Lopez Alcantara, Ricardo 330
Lopez Ramirez, Roberto 294, 328, 340
Marr, Mitch 256, 267-280, 282, 284-289, 291,
293, 299, 301, 304, 305, 308, 309, 314,
318, 319, 329, 331-334, 339, 340, 343,
344, 345.347, 351, 352, 355, 356, 362,
368. 369, 370, 372-376, 378, 380, 382,
384, 387, 388.400, 404, 407
McAfee, Mark 81, 82, 92, 93, 114, 115, 121,
150, 151, 153, 156, 160, 183, 194, 197,
273, 283, 422, 444
McCollum, Bill 241
McNamara, Robert 15, 16
McRainey, John 284, 285, 344
Medina, Ramon 94, 100, 101, 103. 104, 105.
106, 107, 110, 111, 113, 120, 124, 126,
127, 148, 149.163, 183, 354, 426, 536
Meese, Edwin 230, 302, 307, 383
Meloni, Robert S. 390, 545
Mills, Wilbur 55
Mounetow, Andres 331
Nash, Bob 152, 153, 154, 155, 156. 158, 160,
161, 163, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 224,
225, 227, 228, 229, 231, 233.236.244,
246, 260, 263, 264, 265, 475, 495, 507,
513, 514, 515, 521, 522, 534, 543
Nichol8, Larry 475, 476, 477, 478, 479, 494,
495, 496, 503, 505, 522.523, 524, 525
Nir, Amiram 307, 310, 349, 351.352, 353,
354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,
362, 363, 364, 365.367, 370, 371, 391,
412, 453
Nir, Amiram (code name Pat Weber) 208.
310, 311, 312.313, 323, 324, 325, 326,
327.335, 347, 348.350, 351, 364
Nixon, Richard 11, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 62,
120, 162, 286, 307, 513
Nolan. Larry 429, 451
Noriega, Manuel 249
Northop, Steve 471
Ogden. Gene 376, 377
Ortega, Daniel 95, 168, 269, 286, 291, 295,
08ato, Taka8hi 39, 535
O.••en, Rob 531
Perot, H. Ross 6, 75, 498
Pierre (p8eudonym) 472, 473. 474, 475, 476,
478, 479
Poindexter, John 308
Palozola, Frank 220, 221
Ponce, Pablo 278
Posey, Tom 531
Proctor. George 235
Provance, Bob 296
Provance, Raquel 296, 297
Reagan, Ronald 1, 4, 41, 42, 53, 54, 63, 64,
72, 83, 98, 106, 122, 148, 151, 180, 223,
230, 235, 241, 242, 273, 289, 290, 291,
292.307, 308, 317, 333, 353, 356, 359,
360, 361, 362, 366, 453, 471, 476, 477,
529.536, 540, 542, 544, 545
Reed, Baxter Xavier Kerr 329, 376, 384, 413,
414, 422, 424.482.484
Reed, Duncan Charles Kerr 44. 46
Reed. Elliott Kent Kerr 98, 176,
Reed, Gary 22, 384
Reed, Harry 14
Reed, Martha 15. 522
Regan, Donald 308
Reno, Janet 36-6
Revell, Oliver (Buck) 25, 238, 306
Robinson, Deborah 493
Robison, Steve 419, 420, 427, 429, 436, 437,
440, 441, 443, 450, 453
Ronnow, Clark 499, 536, 537
Ross, FBI Agent Tom 239, 240
Ross, Tom 239
Roy, EIsijane T. 491
Ruth 486, 538
Sanders, Sgt. Don 432, 433, 438, 439, 443,
464, 466, 479
Sawahata, Akihide (Aki) 68, 69, 70, 75, 80,
81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 92, 93, 95, 96,
98, 99, 100, 101, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110,
114, 115, 122, 123, 124, 126, 129, 130,
131, 133, 134, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143,
144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152,
153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 161, 164, 168,
169, 170, 172, 176, 177, 180, 182, 183,
184, 193, 197, 222, 227, 228, 232, 233,
237, 238, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249,
250, 251, 422, 431, 507, 543
Sawyer, William (Buzz) 118
Seal, Adler Berriman (Barry) 49, 51, 52, 53,
54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66,
67, 68, 69
Secord, Richard 158, 218, 270, 285, 449
Seligman, Nicole 530
Shell nut, Finis 139, 167, 213, 232, 495, 496,
Shugar, Scott 509, 538
Shultz, George 307, 310, 361
Silva, Felix 424
Singlaub, John 477
Stephens, Major Doug 445
Stephens, Jackson T. 232, 245, 247
Stodola, Mark 114, 129, 143, 259
Sullivan, Brendan 456
Sullivan, Lynn Cola 524
Sultan of Brunei 180
Swaney, Mark 493, 505, 509
Talbott, Strobe 510, 511, 541
Theis, Judge Frank 421, 431, 436, 438, 439,
440, 441, 442, 444, 449, 450, 451, 452,
453, 454, 455, 456, 459, 460, 461, 462,
463, 464, 466, 467, 497
Tingen, Richard 191, 333, 334, 404
Tokudome, Ted 499, 500, 501, 502, 503
Tom Harkin 496
Tracta, Leroy 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 323,
325, 326, 348
Trubey, Marilyn 418, 419, 421, 424, 427,
428, 429, 430, 431, 433, 435, 437, 438,
440, 441, 442, 443, 444, 446, 447, 448,
449, 450, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456,
457, 458, 459, 460, 461, 462, 463, 464,
465, 468, 470, 472, 479, 480, 483, 508
Truman, Harry S. 4, 5, 12, 13
Turner, Stansfield 162
Urbiola Ledezma, Felipe 315, 316, 317, 332
Varnados, Ramon 103, 111, 127, 148, 177
Velazquez, Arturo 282
Vilines, Bobby 259
Viol anti, Gary 429, 430
Wallyer, Bruce 521
Walsh, Lawrence 105, 457, 494, 513, 518,
529, 532, 536, 540
Walsh, Lawrence 497, 498, 518, 532, 540
Walton, Sheila 399, 405
Ward, Elizabeth 524
Ward, Seth Jr. (Skeeter) 55, 56, 165, 170, 172,
178, 179, 194, 213, 214, 215, 532, 534
Ward, Seth Sr. 49, 55, 65, 67, 81, 129, 138,
164, 165, 170, 171, 232, 330, 422, 495,
532, 533,
Weber, Harlan 433
Weinberger, Caspar 308
Welch, Russell 105, 146, 216, 238, 239, 240,
West, Emery 27, 28, 30, 31, 38, 186, 454
Whitehead, John 308
Whitmore, Paul 238, 239
Whittle, Tom 536
Williams, Barbara 447
Williams, Jack 431, 459, 465
Williams, Jack 447, 530
Wilson, Bill 514, 515
Wooley, Magistrate John 418, 419
Young, Raymond (Buddy) 433, 478, 479, 494,
Young, Captain Raymond (Buddy) 227 264,
377, 386, 416, 432, 442, 466, 487, 504,
541, 543


Arc Light, 17, 34
Disco 17
Ho Chi Minh 16, 21, 113, 114, 286
Human Shield 21
Igloo White, 15
Kissinger 11, 21, 25, 286, 339, 342
McNamara, Robert 15, 16
Nakhon Phanom
Nixon, Richard 11, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 62,
120, 162, 286, 307, 513
POW: decision to bomb the paws 22
Task Force Alpha (TFA) 16, 18
Teaball, 17
Vietnamization 62, 64, 71, 120, 286
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