The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Thomas

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Sat Jan 30, 2021 9:11 pm


IN the Triple Jewel the great problem has always been the person of Buddha. The Doctrine and Discipline as officially recorded can be determined, but the conception of the enlightened One has undergone great changes. Hence the modern theories which either rationalise everything, or mythologise everything, or hold that Buddha himself had claims which necessarily conferred upon him a place as high as the greatest of the gods.366

The first question therefore is not whether it is possible to rationalise the traditions, but, as Professor Keith emphasises, whether the evidence they furnish for early Buddhist belief justifies our doing so. The opposition of Pali versus Sanskrit has not the significance that it once had. This meant the rivalry between the legends in the Pali commentaries and those in the Lalita-vistara as sources of history.367 But an these legends are attached to older documents of various schools, and it is now possible to get from them a different kind of historical evidence more certain than that of the legends, that is, we can find what these schools actually believed about the nature of a Buddha, and what they held to be the false views of other schools.

There is no doubt that in the Pali Scriptures we have the earliest materials, but as the collection of one school it has to be determined whether in its assertions and negations this school was opposing other dogmatic views which had an equal claim to be primitive. It is also necessary to avoid begging the question by assuming that the conception of Buddha as a merely human being is the earliest, and that more developed views originated later. One great division between earlier and later documents can be made with certainty, that is between the canonical statements and the commentaries. In the latter we find dogmas some of them never broached in the texts, and others that first appear in what are admittedly the latest compositions in the Canon. Within the Canon itself the distinction between early and late has often been made from very arbitrary considerations, but there is a broad division between the suttas of the first four Nikayas and the Abhidhamma. The suttas, if not in all their details, were common to several schools, but the Abhidhamma is probably peculiar to the Theravadins, and it shows its lateness by quoting the suttas as we now find them. It also contains as one section the Kathavatthu or 'Points of Controversy', between schools which all accepted the authority of the suttas.

The Majjhima contains several accounts of the knowledges and powers attained by Buddha at his enlightenment.368 These are the four trances and the three knowledges, and are merely those which any arahat attains. They are included in the longer list of the fruits of being a monk, and all the supernormal attainments, the working of miracles, feats of levitation and thought-reading, are held to be attainable by all who practise right concentration. Although these qualities are common to a Buddha and his disciples, a Buddha differs in two respects. Firstly, he not only, like all arahats, knows the Path, but he has discovered it. As Ananda declared:

There is no one monk entirely and completely endowed with those qualities with which the Lord, the arahat, the all-enlightened, was endowed. For the Lord was the producer of the unproduced Path, the preacher of the Path that had not been originated, the knower, cognizer, perceiver of the Path. But now the disciples are followers of the Path, being endowed with it afterwards.369

This appears to be all in this passage that distinguishes a Buddha from an arahat, but there is a second quality sometimes asserted, which in the post-canonical literature becomes a standing epithet. He is omniscient (sabbannu). This is explained in various ways, and according to Buddhist accounts was a quality claimed also by the Jain leader, who declared that he was all-knowing and all-seeing, and professed that he had complete knowledge and insight, and that whether he was walking, standing, asleep, or awake, knowledge and insight were continually present. Buddha was asked by a wandering ascetic whether anyone who described Buddha himself in these terms would be speaking truthfully. Buddha denied it, and said that if anyone wished to describe him truthfully and not slander him, he would say, "the ascetic Gotama possesses the three knowledges," and these he described as the three knowledges attained on enlightenment.370 Here no more is claimed for him than for any arahat, but the doctrine of his omniscience did become the accepted view.

King Pasenadi had heard a report that Buddha had declared it impossible for any ascetic or brahmin to be omniscient, and he asked Buddha if he had said so, or anything like it.371 Buddha replied that what he had really said was that it was impossible for anyone to know and see everything at one and the same time. It is this mode of explaining omniscience that is later adopted, especially in the commentary on the Dhammapada.372 Buddha has not all knowledge present in his mind, but he can extend the net of his knowledge over the whole world, and thus bring any part of it within his consciousness. The fullest account is given in the Niddesa (I 355). Buddha has five kinds of vision. (1) With the eye of flesh he can see for a league all round by day and night. Even if a single marked sesame seed were to be thrown into a load of seeds he could pick it out, so pure is his vision. (2) With his divine eye he can see beings being born and passing away, and he knows their merit and demerit. If he wishes he can see one world; two worlds, and so on up to three thousand world-systems and beyond. (3) With the eye of wisdom (panna) he is the producer of the unproduced Path, which the disciples now follow. There is nothing unknown, unseen, unperceived, unrealised, untouched by his wisdom. Everything past, present, and future comes within the range of his knowledge. (4) With his Buddha-eye he surveyed the world and saw beings of little impurity, of great impurity, of keen or dull faculties and conditions.373 He knows that one man is given up to passion, others to hatred, illusion, reasoning, faith, or knowledge. And according to their requirements he preaches to each on impurity, love, contemplation, etc. This is human knowledge infinitely extended, for it is said that those who have wisdom even like Sariputta move in the region of Buddha's knowledge like birds in space. (5) His all-seeing eye is called omniscience. As he is endowed with this there is nothing unseen by him.

In these statements there is quite clearly a development from the earlier canonical utterances, in which omniscience is sometimes not even asserted, to the developed theories of these works of the Abhidhamma stage. It will be seen that in the Niddesa there is no hesitation in applying to Buddha qualities that are held to be divine. This work discusses the meaning of deva (god), and divides gods into three classes, (1) gods by convention, i.e. kings, princes, and queens, deva being a regular form of royal address; (2) gods by birth, i.e. gods in the ordinary sense, from the four great Kings up to the Brahma-gods and beyond; (3) gods of purity, i.e. the disciples who are arahats and the pacceka-buddhas. The Lord himself is the god, the super-god (atideva), the god beyond the gods (devatideva) over the conventional gods, over the gods by birth and the gods of purity.

It is thus possible to say that Buddha is called a god, but only in the sense in which the term god is defined by Buddhists. Every arahat has qualities that place him above the gods of the current polytheism. But neither Buddha nor the arahat has become a god in the sense of the originator of the universe or its ultimate reality. Such a conception indeed never appears, for the polytheistic standpoint remains in the doctrine that there have been many Buddhas, and in the view that all arahats are 'gods', and even this classification of gods, which arose from the necessity of explaining the term devatideva never appears in the suttas.374

In one canonical passage it is denied that Buddha is a god, but it is also there denied that he is a man. Being asked by a brahmin whether he was a god, a gandharva, a yaksha, or a man, he denied them all, and the brahmin asked what then he could be. Buddha replied:

Those asavas, through the non-abandonment of which I might have become a god, have been abandoned and cut off at the root, like a cut off palm tree, with complete cessation of becoming, and without liability to arise in the future; and likewise those asavas through which I might have become a gandharva, a yaksha, or a man. Just as a blue, red, or white lotus born and growing in the water rises and stays beyond it. unstained by the water, even so born and growing in the world, and having overcome the world, do I dwell unstained by the world. Remember, brahmin, that I am a Buddha.375

The gods and other beings are such because of their being subject to the asavas. A god, i.e. 'god by birth', is one who through his asavas has attained that position. And so the denial that Buddha is a man is the denial that he is one who like all those who are not arahats is still in bondage to the asavas. Evidently the possibility of a god free from all bonds is not even thought of. The stage that Buddha has reached is lokuttara, supramundane. The whole of the Path with Nirvana is lokuttara, for it raises the individual out of the causal chain of birth and decay, and sets him on a course that leads to the permanent and undying state.

This conception of the supramundane again is one that has developed in Abhidhamma, and has become a special tenet in several schools. Buddha was held by some to be supramundane in all respects, and hence not subject to the same conditions of existence as ordinary human beings, a view quite parallel to the Christian heresy of docetism. The Kathavatthu376 tells us that the Vetulyaka school held that as Buddha was 'undefiled by the world', he was not really born, but was represented on earth by a mind-born appearance, and another school that as he was above all human feeling, he felt no compassion. The Andhakas also were docetic, holding that in his ordinary acts he was supramundane, and that his power of working miracles was unlimited. Docetism also appears in the Mahavastu, as is implied in the name of the school to which it belonged, the Lokottaravadins. There (ii 20) the Tathagatas are said to be born from the right side of their mothers, whieh is not broken because they have a mind-formed body.377

To show that Buddha was looked upon as a man is not sufficient to prove that he was originally conceived as merely human. The incarnation of a divine being is a well-known feature of Hindu mythology, and the theory has to be considered whether Buddha was merely such another avatar of a god. This view has been put forth and worked out in most detail by H. Kern.378 In the whole marvellous legend of Buddha, and it lost no marvel as he told it, Kern declared that he was unable to see a single untruth. It is all literally true, but it is the truth of myth, all the legends of Buddha being descriptions of the sun and other heavenly bodies. He did not deny that Buddha may have existed, but held that all the stories we have are mythological descriptions of natural phenomena. Buddha's meditation on the twelvefold chain of causation represents the rising of the sun at the spring equinox and the twelve months, but it is also a creation myth and more. "The sun-god had to be represented not only as creator, but also as physician, as Apollo, as healer and saviour. . . . Hence the four truths of the physician were also fitted in, and thus we see under the appearance of a dry scholastic formula a rational fusion of a description of sunrise with the indication of the beginning of the year, a combination of a myth of creation and of salvation."

Buddha's two former teachers, who had died before him, mean two stars that disappear in the light of the sun. The Gautama who according to the Tibetan was an ancestor of Buddha, is the early dawn, or perhaps the planet Jupiter. He too fades before the rising sun. The going to Benares at midsummer to preach the first sermon, a journey of 18 hours, means that the sun was 18 hours above the horizon on the longest day.379 Kassapa of Uruvela, who became Buddha's disciple, is also the personified dawn, and his brightness also was lost in the glory of the sun. The six heretics are the false lights of the five planets and the moon. Rahula is naturally an eclipse: he was born at the time when the Bodhisatta disappeared. Mara is the spirit of darkness defeated and driven away by the sun-god.380 Buddha himself is Vishnu incarnated as Krishna.381

It would be no surprising fact if in the growth of the legend some actual sun-myth traits had been adopted from Hindu mythology. But even those that have been pointed out are inconclusive, and to Kern they were not mere additions, for this would have spoiled his theory, but belonged to the basis of the myth. The contest between the Bodhisatta and Mara, said Kern, belongs in its chief features at least to the most ancient legends of our race. For anyone who chooses it is quite possible to put it beside the fight of Indra with Vritra, of Beowulf with Grendel, and the labours of Hercules, but it is not possible to say that it is one of the oldest parts of the Buddha legend. There is no trace of it in the earliest accounts. It may even be called a sun-myth, but this only goes to show that the legend to which it is attached was something else.382

Buddha's title adityabandhu, 'kinsman of the sun,' is also an unfortunate fact for the sun-myth, even if it is translated with Kern 'a sort of sun'. It is so evidently a part of the family legend, which makes the Sakyas, like many other noble Indian families, belong to the solar race.

The cakravartin with his wheel of empire is also probably pre-Buddhist. For the Buddhists the wheel was not the sun. It may be maintained that it once had that meaning, but that was before the Buddhists knew of it.

The basis of the sun-myth theory does not rest on anything so explicit as these instances. It consists in treating the persons and incidents as an allegory of astronomical events, and trusting for proof to the fitness with which they fall into the astronomical scheme. For Kern it was one of the most important sections of comparative Aryan mythology, but it is not now taken for granted that all myths are nature-myths, or that all myths are prehistoric.383 The Indian imagination has continued to invent stories and develop new conceptions of the gods down to present times, but there is no evidence to show that the habit of telling allegorical stories of natural phenomena assumed for the Vedic period was alive a thousand years later.

In the doctrine of the nature of a Buddha we can see the development of new conceptions. The most important of these, besides those that have been mentioned, are the belief in previous Buddhas, the theory of a Great Man (mahapurusha), who is to become either a universal ruler or a Buddha, the thirty-two bodily marks of such a being, and the theory of a Bodhisattva.

It has been held that the belief in previous Buddhas points to the actual existence of at least some of them. We know that Asoka enlarged the stupa of Konagamana, the fifth of the six preceding Buddhas, and the Chinese pilgrims visited the stupas of the last three of them. This only proves that the legends concerning them then existed, but it does not prove these Buddhas to be historical, any more than the footprint of Buddha on Adam's Peak proves that he visited Ceylon.384

Six previous Buddhas are mentioned in the Suttas. These agree with the list of six in Sanskrit works, but the longer lists vary, though all agree in mentioning Dipankara, under whom Gotama (as the brahmin Sumedha) made the vow to become a Buddha, and who first prophesied his career. This theory of a succession of teachers is common to the Jains, and here there is some evidence that at least one historical teacher preceded Mahavira.385 In the case of the Buddhists there is no reason to doubt that the varying additions to the list of six are all more or less independent inventions and enlargements of an earlier form of legend, and the fact that even the six are absent from most parts of the Pali Canon makes it probable that they too do not belong to the earliest tradition. This is also the case with the future Buddha Metteyya (Maitreya), who is mentioned once in the suttas. The theory of a Great Man is undoubtedly originally non-Buddhist. Here it is only necessary to discuss it as it was developed by the Buddhists. It is found as part of the legend that Buddha was a king's son, and had the marks of a Great Man. If he had remained in the world, he would have become a universal ruler, a cakravartin. The original meaning of this term, as even Kern admitted, was probably 'one who controls (vartayati) or rules over the sphere of his power (cakra)', but it came to be understood as 'one who turns a cakra'. With this change of interpretation cakra became a blank term to be given a meaning according to the ideas of fitness of the commentators. It is usually understood as 'wheel', but how the wheel was conceived never clearly appears in the legends.

The wheel is one of the seven treasures of a universal ruler, and is described in the Mahasudassana-sutta as "a divine wheel-jewel with a thousand spokes, complete in all its parts with rim and nave". The marks of wheels on the feet of Buddha are described in exactly the same terms. The sutta describes how in ancient times the wheel-jewel appeared in the eastern quarter to Mahasudassana, king of Kusavati, the later Kusinara, who sprinkled it, and said, "may the reverend wheel-jewel appear, may the reverend wheel-jewel conquer." He followed it with a fourfold army, and received the homage of all kings in the eastern region. Then it plunged into the eastern ocean, and appeared in the same way in the south, west, and north, and in each region the kings paid homage. Finally the wheel-jewel having conquered the whole earth as far as the ocean came back and stood at the door of the inner apartments.386 Whatever the wheel may have once meant, it is here the symbol of universal rule, and all the phraseology about turning the Wheel of the Doctrine is merely the adaptation of this symbol to the spiritual reign of the king of the Dhamma.

The thirty-two bodily marks (lakkhana) of Buddha indicate most clearly the borrowing of a popular belief. Among the practices reproved as base sciences in the Great Morality is the interpreting of the bodily marks of women, men, children and slaves, and it is described still more fully in the Niddesa.387 This however did not destroy the belief that such a science exists, and in all the forms of the legend of Buddha's birth we find the mention of his marks, which were interpreted by the sage Asita or by brahmin priests. There are thirty-two such marks, which indicate that the individual is a Great Man, and will become either a universal ruler or a Buddha.388

He has (1) well-set feet, (2) wheels with a thousand spokes and rim and nave on the soles of his feet, (3) projecting heels, (4) long fingers, (5) soft hands and feet, (6) netted hands and feet, (7) prominent ankles, (8) antelope limbs, (9) when standing or not stooping his hands reach to his knees, (10) the private member is in a sheath, (11) he has a golden colour, (12) soft skin, (13) there is one hair to each pore of the skin, (14) the hairs of the body are black, rising straight and curling to the right, (15) he is very straight of body, (16) he has seven prominences, (17) the front part of his body is like a lion, (18) he has the space between the shoulders filled out, (19) his height is equal to his outstretched arms, (20) he has even shoulders, (21) keen taste, (22) a lion- jaw, (23) forty teeth, (24) even teeth, (25) is not gap-toothed, (26) has very white teeth, (27) a large tongue, (28) a voice like Brahrna. and as soft as a cuckoo's, (29) very black eyes, (80) eyelashes like an ox, (31) white hair between the eyebrows, and (82) his head is the shape of a cap (unhisasisa).

Besides these there are eighty minor marks (anuvyanjana), having nails copper-coloured. glossy, and prominent, having fingers bright (?), and regular, having the sinews hidden, without knots, etc.389

Several of the marks have a special interest in relation to the statues of Buddha, and their true significance has been discussed by M. Foucher.390 In the earliest representations of scenes in Buddha's life, as at Bharhut (3rd century B.C.) the figure of Buddha is not found. The preaching of the first sermon is indicated by the figure of a wheel, and the fact that it was in a park is shown by the figures of deer. At Sanchi in the scene of the conversion of Kassapa of Uruvela. all the persons concerned are portrayed, except that there is no Buddha. What the actual sentiment of believers was that led to this omission we do not know. It was not the custom to do it, says M. Foucher.

It is in sculptures of the Gandhara school in the first century B.C. that the earliest figures of Buddha are found. With new believers in the foreign invaders, new sculptors introducing the ideals of Hellenistic art, and no doubt a newer and different school of Buddhism, there was a break in the tradition. A type of the figure of Buddha modelled on that of Apollo was created, from which the Indian and all others are derived. In the Gandhara type the hair is long and gathered up with a band into a bunch forming a prominence on the top of the head. It is this feature which, M. Foucher maintains, explains the peculiar shape of the head on the later Indian form. On this the prominence remains, but it becomes part of the skull, and the sculptor being unable to reproduce the flowing lines of hair covered the head with small circular knobs, which are sometimes elaborated into curls turning to the right. The hair of the head is not mentioned at all in the Pali, but the Lalitavistara, which omits marks 15 and 24, inserts two others: having an even and wide forehead, and having the hair of the head turning to the right in black locks like a peacock's tail or mixed collyrium.

The doctrine of marks maybe old, but the lists that we possess have developed from the Gandharian, and they cannot be put earlier than the Christian era. Clearly the lists that contain these marks are very late also, and two considerations need to be made. The suttas which speak of a cakravartin are evidently among the latest parts of the Canon. They belong to a stage in which the whole legend of a cakravartin was fully developed as we find it in the commentaries. It is also probable that the actual lists of marks, as we possess them, are later still, and have been added as comments to the text. They have undergone changes, as the differences between the Pali and Sanskrit lists show. The list of minor marks is still later, and in the Pali they are found only in the commentaries. In any case we cannot be sure that the actual lists recorded are identical with those which may have existed when the doctrine of marks was adopted.

The epithet 'having the hands and feet with a net (or netted)' or as the Lalita-vistara says, 'having the fingers, hands, and feet with a net,' has been taken to mean that the fingers and toes were webbed, and some of the Gandhara statues actually have webbed fingers. But this was only a device of the sculptor to give strength to parts likely to be broken, since this feature only occurs when the fingers stand out. Buddhaghosa appears to have known this view, as he denies that the fingers were webbed,391 and says that one with such a defect could not receive ordination. That the network of lines on the hand was originally intended is a sufficient explanation. Buddhaghosa's own view is not likely to be the primitive one. He says that the four fingers and five toes were of equal length (as he no doubt saw them on statues), and that when Buddha entwined his fingers they were like a window with a lattice made by a skilful carpenter. The unna of white hair (Skt. urna, lit. 'wool ') is said both in Pali and Sanskrit to be between the eyebrows. Buddhaghosa says that it arose between the eyebrows at the top of the nose, but that it went up and grew in the middle of the forehead. It is thus represented on statues as a circular lump, or sometimes by the insertion of a precious stone. In Mahayana sutras the ray of light which Buddha at times emits comes from this, and illumines the worlds.

In the Pali commentaries rays of six colours (six being the traditional number of colours) are said to issue from Buddha's body. They are not usually conceived as issuing from the unna, but as extending in a halo from all parts of his body to the distance of a fathom. If he wishes he hides them with his robe and goes about like an ordinary monk. In one case however he emitted a dark ray from the unna, which plunged everything in black darkness, and then another, which was like the rising of a thousand moons.392

The theory of a bodhisatta is clearly the extension of the doctrines held concerning a Buddha. Gotama was a bodhisatta ever since he made the vow to become a Buddha. After that in his successive lives he was proceeding on his predestined career, and acquiring merits which led to' his final achievement. In particular he performed ten supreme virtues or perfections (parami), which are likewise performed by every bodhisatta: almsgiving, morality, renunciation, wisdom, energy, patience, truthfulness, resolution, love, and equanimity.

This doctrine of the vow, the career, and the perfections is absent from the four Nikayas, and was evidently quite unknown when they were compiled. But it cannot be assumed that its first appearance in the Theravada school coincides with its origin. It may have been introduced from some other school. We know from the Kathavatthu that various schools were in contact, and that they appealed to the same authoritative texts, so that the Theravadins may have adopted a current doctrine that harmonised with their own principles. We already find in it all the factors for the great development that it attained in Mahayana schools. The difference in the latter is that every individual may make the vow to become a bodhisatta and finally a Buddha. He then aims not merely at his own salvation, but at acquiring merits by which he can win the salvation of countless others.393

It has been thought that at the side of the official doctrine as we find it in the Pali there was a non-clerical Buddhism, and that among the lay people addicted to prayer and adoration there were those who made a god of Buddha and worshipped him as such. This would not be surprising, but to call this non-clerical Buddhism is rather like codifying the beliefs of an Italian peasant and calling it non-clerical Catholicism. When we come to Mahayana utterances, we find enough fervent adoration without seeking it in lay enthusiasm.

In one of the longest statements in the suttas of what laymen thought about Buddha there is no mention of anything divine.394 Sonadanda declares that he is going to visit Buddha for the good report that he has heard of him. After describing the ascetic Gotama as well born on both sides for seven generations back, he continues the recital:

The ascetic Gotama has abandoned a great family circle. He has abandoned great wealth of gold (stored) both below and above ground. Even while a boy, a black-haired lad in the prime of youth, in the first stage of life he has gone forth from a house to a houseless life. While his unwilling mother and father wept with tear-stained faces he cut off his hair and beard, and donning yellow robes has gone forth from a· house to a houseless life. He is beautiful, fair, attractive, with lovely complexion like Brahma, in colour and presence not inferior to look upon. He is virtuous, of noble virtue, of good virtue, endowed with good virtue; of beautiful voice and speech, endowed with urbane voice, clear and distinct for expounding the meaning. He is the teacher of the teachers of many, without lust, passion, or fickleness. He teaches the brahmin race the doctrine of action and sets forth righteousness. He has gone forth from a high family from an unbroken kshatriya family, from a family, rich, of great wealth, of great possessions. Men cross kingdoms and countries to come and ask him questions. Many thousands of divinities have taken refuge with him. This good report has gone abroad about him: "he is the Lord. the arahat, the fully enlightened, endowed with knowledge and conduct, who has well gone (sugata), the knower of the world, the supreme charioteer of men to be tamed, teacher of gods and men, the Buddha, the Lord." He is endowed with the thirty-two marks of a Great Man, offering welcome, friendly, polite, not frowning, speaking plainly and willingly. He is respected, honoured, revered, and esteemed by the four assemblies. Many gods and men are devoted to him. In whatever village or town he enters non-human beings do not hurt men.

Further his fame is described as such that the kings Bimbisara and Pasenadi and the brahmin Pokkharasadi with their whole families have taken refuge with him.

This is not strictly the view of a non-Buddhist layman, but only what the compiler of the sutta thought to be the natural view for a well-disposed layman to hold. It sums up what has been said above about the development of the legend as we find it in the Canon. Buddha is descended from a wealthy family of the kshatriya caste. He has abandoned great wealth, and has become a widely-known teacher. The wealth is naturally connected by the commentator with the four vases of treasure that originated at his birth,395 and the present allusion may well be the source of the later legend. As in the story of the meeting with Bimbisara there is no reference to his royal birth. The mention of the thirty-two marks is natural in the mouth of a brahmin, if the view taken above is accepted that it is the adoption of a popular belief in personal marks, for which it was the custom to seek interpretation from soothsayers. The actual interpretation of those marks that we possess may be due entirely to later Buddhist sagacity, and we know that some of them were in fact invented from a study of the peculiarities in the Indian style of images.

Two distinct questions here present themselves, the question of the historical existence of a teacher in North India, and the quite different question of the credibility of the stories that are told about him. Just as in the case of the Scriptures of the Buddhists, which were compared with the Gospels without any examination of the real facts, so the personalities of the founders have been brought into relation. Ever since the time of David Strauss there has existed a tendency, resting upon a subconscious wish, to mythologise the Gospel story. In the treatment of Buddhism the same impulse had an opposite effect. Not merely was it a relief to- revolt against a tyrannous theology, but in Buddhism appeared a religion equally moral and far more rationalistic. Hence the usual attitude to Buddhism in England and Germany has been to accept Buddha and his career as historical, that is, so far as represented in the judiciously compressed accounts presented to Western readers.

The archeological evidence is important, but less decisive than has been thought. "When Asoka himself appears as witness," says Oldenberg, "will anyone doubt that here (at Piprava) in truth and reality lay the realm of the Sakyas?" Asoka's inscription is only the testimony that he believed what he went to see, the site of an event that had happened two centuries before, and he believed equally in Konagamana. Taken alone it proves no more than the testimony of any devotee to the truth of the relics that he reveres. Asoka's inscription shows that Piprava was certainly the accepted site of Buddha's birthplace in the third century B.C. It is the circumstance that this does not stand alone that makes it impossible to put the Sakya territory elsewhere than in the Himalaya region north of Saketa or Ayodhya. The archeological evidence itself rests on a tradition, but it allows us to date this tradition with certainty much earlier than would be otherwise possible. With the evidence from archeology the topographical data in the suttas agree. They may not be the oldest part of the Canon, but they are older than the legends of the commentaries, they were compiled by those who had actual knowledge of the places, and they are explicable only on the supposition that a real tradition and a real knowledge of the localities were preserved. This tradition is a continuous one, and the centre of it is the person of Buddha. Whatever additions to the legend there may be, the further we go back the less do we find those features that give colour to the theory of a sun myth, or to anything but the view that he was a historical personage, a great religious reformer and moral teacher, and the proclaimer of the Noble Eightfold Path.


366 This last is Prof. A. B. Keith's view, but on his view of the historicity of the records it is difficult to Bee how it can be proved that any such claims were made by the historical Buddha.
367 Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, pp. 89, 91.

368 See above. p. 181 Whether these and the incidents mentioned below are historical is not now in question. The point here is that they were facts for the disciples, and it was in the light of them that they elaborated their views of the nature of a Buddha.
369 Majjh. iii 8; attributed to Buddha himself in Samy. iii 66. Buddha's qualities are also classified as the ten powers (bala), some of which belong to disciples, Kathav, III 1.

370 Majjh. i 482.
371 Ibid. ii 127.
372 E.g. i 319; this work also explains why Buddha makes inquiries of the monks, when he already knows. The real explanation of course is that in the earlier works there is no theory of omniscience.

373 The phraseology is drawn from the account of Buddha first deciding to preach; cf. p. 82.
374 The polytheistic standpoint is also seen in one or the verses of the nuns, where Khema declares that she worships Buddha, while others worship the lunar constellations and fire. Therig. 144. 145. A further stage of divinisation appears when past Buddhists are conceived as still existing. Waddell says that the Lotus of the Good Law is "a theistic development of the Buddha-theory, which represents Sakyamuni as the supreme god of the universe," art. Lotus in ERE. But the very next article by de la Vallee Poussin says" this god is not God. There is not a single word in the Lotus which is not capable of an orthodox, i.e. 'atheistic' interpretation".

375 Angut. ii 38.
376 Kathav. XVIII 1-3; II 10, etc.

377 For the later developments of docetic views see Anesaki's art. Docetism (Buddhist), and for Lokuttara doctrine De la Vallee Poussin. art. Bodhisattva in ERE.
378 Geschiedenis, i 232 etc., and in still further detail in his translation of the Lotus.

379 The Indian day and night is divided into 30 hours, hence we are to suppose that the place was about 33° north, perhaps in the Panjab or Kashmir. Kern, loc. cit. i 240.
380 The name of Mara as a mythological being is not found outside Buddhism. It occurs in Sanskrit in the sense of 'death'. Kern in accordance with his theory ignored this, and connected it with mala 'dirt', and Latin malus, or perhaps Skt. marici 'ray, mirage'.
381 There is not the slightest evidence that the idea of avatars of Vishnu existed at the time when the Suttas were compiled. In Niddesa i 89 the worship of Krishna under the name Vasudeva is mentioned in a list of popular religions.
382 The fact that Buddha went up to the heaven of the thirty-three in three strides like Vishnu (above p. 114) would have been welcome to Kern; but it is the addition of a late commentary.

383 "Es ist bekannt, dass die Enstehung der Mythen und ihr Verhaltnis zum geschichtlich Thatsachlichen sehr verschieden erklart worden ist. Man ist jetzt zu der Einsicht gelangt, dass ein allgemein gultiges Prinzip durchaus nicht aufzustellen ist, da die Mythen auf verschiedene Art entstehen und sich sehr verschieden artig zu dem Geschichtlichen verhalten, dass daher jeder Mythenkreis ... aus seinen eigenen Bedingungen heraus zu analysieren und zu erklaren ist." E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode, p. 459.
384 Kern says that it is quite unjust to think that the Singhalese have invented this story from national pride. Ceylon (Lanka) is visited every year by Buddha (the sun) in his southern course, Geschiedenis, i 270.

385 H. Jacobi, art. Jainism in ERE.
386 Rhys Davids called this "nothing more nor less than a spiritualized sun-myth" without explaining the strange behaviour of the sun. Dial. ii 196. The cakra is more usually explained as the royal chariot wheel, but it does not seem that the myth was ever rationalised to this extent. It is one of the king's seven marvellous treasures, each having a special virtue, among which are the magic gem, whose light extends for a league all round, the elephant and horse that fly through the air, and the householder, who can see hidden wealth in the ground. The cakra has the special power of subduing all rivals.
387 Digha. i 9, see above, p. 180; Niddesa, I 381.
388 Digha, ii 17, in the account of Vipaasin; iii 142, describing Buddha; In Lal, 120 (105) and Dharmasamgraha, lxxxiii the order is different, and there are minor variations.

389 Lists in Lal. 121 (106); Dharmasamgraha. lxxxiv; referred to Jat. 112; Vimanav. com. 323.
390 On the whole of this question see A. Fouchcr, L'art greco-bouddhique du Gandhara, and The Beginnings of Buddhist art.

391 Na cammena parinaddho angulantaro; the web appears to be implied in Divy,  56, jalavanaddhena.
392 Jat. i 444; Vimanav. com. 323; Dhp. com. ii 41. iii 102.
393 For the great elaboration of the bodhisatta doctrine when it became the central belief see Art. Bodhisattva in ERE.
394 Digha, i 115 ff.; attributed to Cankin in Majjh. ii 166.

395 pp. 33, 101.
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Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Sat Jan 30, 2021 9:13 pm


THE earliest conception of the nature of Buddha that we find is that he was a human being. He comes to have superhuman attributes ascribed to him, but they are not those of the popular gods of the time. The attributes also develop, but on quite different lines from the conceptions of contemporary polytheism. This is the evidence of the canonical documents, and the evidence of the legends of the life of Buddha tells the same story.

A quite distinct question from that of the nature of a Buddha is to ask how much actual biographical history is contained in the reports of Gotama's life. There are three periods round which the legends are grouped, the early life, the Renunciation and Enlightenment, and the public career. It is quite possible to hold that the legends are based on the actual career of a man: it is a very different matter to hold that by applying the canons of historical criticism we can extract the thread of a credible story. What can first be separated is the biographical element in the Canon. The principle of distinction lies in the material itself, for these canonical passages are certainly centuries older than the commentaries. As a youth Gotama leaves his weeping parents, renounces the wealth of a high-born kshatriya family, and becomes an ascetic. After attaining enlightenment and founding an Order his life is spent in travelling and preaching through the lands of the Magadhas and Kosalas, until he finally settles at Savatthi. Even in certain portions of the Canon we find longer legends incorporated, but they are still very different from those in the commentaries.

The usual method of treating these passages has been to fit the later and the earlier accounts together and to make the later legends the real basis. But it is an illusion to imagine that the Pali, because it contains the earliest and most complete form of the Canon, differs essentially from the Sanskrit accounts in the legends attached to it.

Without discussing this point further it will be sufficient to mention the actual results attained in constructing a biography from the legends of Buddha's youth. The chief elements of these are the references to his parents, his youthful training, his renunciation, his two teachers, and the temptation by Mara.

In the four Nikayas the only occurrence of the name of Buddha's father is in the Mahapadana-sutta, which gives the names of the fathers of the six previous Buddhas as well. There he is called Suddhodana, and his royal city is Kapilavatthu. The four names of his brothers, all ending in -odana, arc evidently fictitious, says Oldenberg. But how are we to know that the name of Suddhodana, like the names of the fathers of the other six Buddhas, is not equally fictitious? We have no means of deciding, and all we can say is that a name meaning 'having pure rice' would be a natural one for a man whose wealth depended on rice culture. It would also be natural for tradition to preserve the real name, and equally natural in expanding the legend to invent other names on the same model. The rule of the Sakyas was probably aristocratic, in :which each of the nobles was a raja, but to say that Suddhodana was one of these nobles is a mere rationalising of the later legend. The older legends know nothing either of a king or of Suddhodana, and speak merely of the Sakya tribe, rich in stores of gold, a high family of unbroken kshatriya descent.

The story of the incidents that caused Gotama to leave his home has a parallel in the Canon. We find there no mention of his meeting with an old man, a sick man, and a corpse, but instead a meditation on old age, sickness, and death. Can we think that the events would have been put in this abstract form, if they had been then known? Although the later legend says that he was married at sixteen, and left the world at twenty-nine, it may be held that there is no necessary contradiction with the canonical statement that he left his home 'while a boy, a black-haired lad in the prime of youth', as this is the repetition of a stereotyped description; but it does look as if the picturesque details of his flight, or in fact any details, were then unknown. That he had a wife and son we may readily assume, but it is not necessary to add more to what has been said above about the name and family of 'the mother of Rahula', or about the illusory belief that his son is mentioned in the Canon.

Of his six years' striving we know from the Canon only what the Majjhima tells us (above p. 62 ff.). His two teachers are described as practising concentration, and what they inculcated were two of the so-called Attainments, which are also a part of the Buddhist system, but probably not a primitive part of it. It seems very unlikely that the compiler of the sutta a century or two later had any real knowledge of the facts of their teaching. He had to describe their imperfect methods, and he gives them in what are exact descriptions of two Buddhist practices.

Nothing about the philosophical systems of these teachers is said either in the Canon or out of it until we come to Asvaghosha's poem of the first or second century A.D.396 There we are told that Arada or Alara first described his philosophy concisely to Gotama. It has a resemblance to the Sankhya philosophy, but is without some of its most characteristic doctrines. R. Schmidt calls it an older form of Sankhya. Windisch supposes that Asvaghosha introduced only what he needed for his purpose. The point is important only with regard to the question of the origin of Buddhistic principles, and even then only on the supposition that Asvaghosha is faithfully describing a system in the form in which it existed before Buddha began to preach. This is entirely improbable. The terminology used is neither that of early Sankhya nor of early Buddhism.

More important is Asvaghosha's account of the replies of the two teachers to Gotama's question about the religious life and the obtaining of final release. Alara's reply consists of a description identical with the methods of the Buddhist monk up to the last Attainment but one. The monk reaches the four trances, and then successively attains space, the infinite, and nothingness. These last three stages are concise statements of the first three of the four Attainments. This account corresponds to the statement in the Pali that Alara taught the Attainment of the state of Nothingness. The description of Uddaka's doctrine also corresponds with the Pali in making his teaching the fourth Attainment. Asvaghosha has thus added nothing essential to the canonical statement beyond giving an independent account of a philosophical system which has no appearance of being historical.

The accounts of the Enlightenment in the Majjhima are remarkable in being confined to describing Buddha's victory as consisting in the discovery of the true method of concentration after the trial and rejection of the practices of other ascetics, and there is no mention of Mara or the Bodhi-tree. It contains direct evidence to show how some of the later incidents have developed out of mere epithets. It speaks of the river 'with good fords' (suppatittha), and this in the Jataka is turned into a proper name, Suppatitthita. The neighbouring 'army-township' (sena-nigama), which was probably unknown or unintelligible to the commentators, becomes in the Jataka the township of a person named Senani, and in the Lalita-vistara the general's village (senapati-grama).

History has been found even in the story of the contest with Mara. When Gotama had sat down beneath the tree with the determination not to rise until he had won enlightenment, what are we to understand by the attacks of Mara's armies? It means, said Rhys Davids, that "all his old temptations came back upon him with renewed force. For years he had looked at all earthly good through the medium of a philosophy which taught him that it, without exception, contained within itself the seeds of bitterness and was altogether worthless and impermanent; but now to his wavering faith the sweet delights of home and love, the charms of wealth and power, began to show themselves in a different light, and glow again with attractive colours. He doubted and agonised in his doubt; but as the sun set, the religious side of his nature had won the victory, and seems to have come out even purified from the struggle".397 But can we assume that the elaborators of the Mara story were recording "a subjective experience under the form of an objective reality", and did they know or think that this was the real psychological experience that Buddha went through? Pischel's view is entirely different. The oldest form of the Temptation story, he says, is that in which Mara tempted Buddha after his enlightenment, under the Goatherd's tree, asking him to attain Nirvana at once. "The meaning of the first story of the Temptation is quite clear from the oldest texts. In its place they make Buddha doubt whether he should reserve his knowledge or teach it to men. There is nothing else in the Temptation story."398 Here we have the theory that the origin of the Mara legend is another legend of Mara referring to the period after the Enlightenment, and this again is supposed to originate from the legend of Buddha's doubting whether to preach, in which Mara does not appear.

The question is further complicated by the fact that there is a parallel story among the Jains. In the Kalpa-sutra of the Jain Canon is given the life of Parsva, the last but one of the Tirthakaras or leaders of the Jains. His enlightenment is there told, but there is no mention of a contest with an enemy, any more than Mara occurs in the canonical Buddhist account. But according to a Jain commentary Parsva had to meet the attacks of a demon resembling Mara. When he sat under an asoka tree to win enlightenment, this enemy, an asura god Meghamalin, attacked him in the form of a lion, and then sent a storm of rain to drown him. But the naga-king Dharana came and protected him by wrapping his serpent body round him, and covering him with his hood.

Then the asura seeing such great firmness of the Lord, with his mind smitten with great astonishment and his pride calmed, made obeisance to the victorious one, and went to his own place. Dharana also seeing the danger was gone went to his place. On the eighty-fourth day after the renunciation (of Parsva), on the fourth day of the dark half of the month Caitra ... in the hermitage under an asoka tree on a stone slab, while he was calmly seated, calmly having made his decision not made before, and having followed in order the observances of the devotees, with the annihilation of the four kinds of destructive karma, there arose in Parsva complete knowledge illumining with its light the whole world.399

Here the enemy of Parsva is easily explained, as Meghamalin had been his rival in former births, just as Devadatta in former births was the enemy of the future Buddha. For both there was a contest and a victory under a tree. But Buddha's enemy was a supernatural being, whose origin we do not know. The story of the protection of Parsva by the Naga king really corresponds with the unmotived story of the protection of Buddha from a storm by a naga after his enlightenment. The parallelism goes further, for the mother of Parsva had fourteen great dreams at his conception, and the interpreters prophesied that he would become either a universal king or a Tirthakara. Like Buddha he displayed marvellous knowledge as a boy when sent to a teacher. It appears as if the legends grew side by side and mutually influenced the rival hagiographers. They do not belong either to the canon of the Buddhists or of the Jains. Some popular mythological belief no doubt lies behind the Buddhist legend, as Mara is sometimes named Namuci, a well-known Vedic demon. For the Buddhists he is a god who takes a certain recognised rank among the gods of the Kamasphere. He is not, like Satan, the tempter to merely moral evil, but to any action which is the expression of kama, the sensuous nature of the individual.

Oldenberg's defence of the Enlightenment amounts to maintaining the truth of the psychological experience. To many this will scarcely need proving. In a system which teaches a sudden conversion and the realising of the truth, when after long meditation 'a light goes up', a system which further prescribes the mystic practices, and illustrates them again and again in the conversions and testimonies of disciples who attained full knowledge, can we doubt that this was also the fundamental experience of the Master? To what he told his disciples they may have added items of their own experience, as they certainly added hagiographical details, but without it there would have been neither Buddha nor Buddhism.

The fact that we can separate the reports of the earlier life of Buddha into an earlier and a later stratum increases the credibility of the little that is told in the earlier account. The very circumstance that there is so little detail shows that the inventiveness of believers was not then at work. The one case where we have in the Canon a circumstantial account of this period of his life -- the six years' striving and Enlightenment -- is a passage which corresponds almost word for word with the legend in the Vinaya, and which probably represents a portion of the later legend incorporated in a sutta. This is all the more likely because other accounts in the Majjhima describe the enlightenment without any reference to local details.

The story in the Majjhima continues down to the conversion of the five monks, and is also contained in the Vinaya, but considerably enlarged and with the addition of other legends. Yet it is the Vinaya account which Oldenberg makes the basis of the narrative. It had become, he says, traditionally fixed 'in sehr alter Zeit', but he nowhere says what is to be understood by very old, nor why it should be called fixed. It is this portion which contains what can scarcely be called a fixed account of Buddha's first words. It records his first sermon, his performance of thousands of miracles, and the founding of two monasteries.

It has been the attempt to prove too much, and to construct a detailed biography from birth to old age, that has resulted in a scepticism extending to the individuality of Buddha himself. From the time of the public preaching the growth of legends was as active as before. The difference from the earlier period is that they originated in the region where they were held to have occurred, and that a basis of fact is much more likely. After the founding of a community there were eyewitnesses and a continuous tradition in which actual events could be remembered. But they were preserved as legends, and the growth can be seen particularly in the later tradition which undertook to assign many legends to particular years (in a way quite different from the Sanskrit tradition), and also in the great conglomeration known as the Mahaiparinibbana-sutta. What we find in the canonical accounts of Buddha's public life is little more than the record of preaching and of journeys between the various cities, Rajagaha, Vesali, and Savatthi, which formed the chief centres of the new movement.

It is not surprising that the weaving into a narrative of the more attractive legends, all of them late, should have led to entire scepticism about the whole. R. O. Franke says, "I should not wish to make it appear as if I believed that we know even the very least about the founder of this doctrine. Naturally somebody (or somebodies) has (or have) created it, otherwise it would not be there. But who this somebody was, and whether there were not rather several somebodies, we have no knowledge."400

This however is not the generally accepted view, and for it to be accepted it would be necessary to go on and show that the theory that the records are all inventions -- mythological or otherwise -- is the more credible view, and this has certainly not been done. The legends show the common features of such records. There are accretions, which we can in some cases identify, and there is the absence of any historical sense, which results in interpreting real events according to later ideas. These things occur in cases where the main facts of the legends are quite certain.401

But besides the legends of the Scriptures and the commentaries there are other sources, which make it possible to place the life in a definite period of Indian history. We have the Chronicles of Ceylon, which for the period from the time of Buddha to that of Asoka rest on Indian sources. and deal with a known period of Indian history. Parallel to these are the historical elements in the Puranas and Jain writings,402 which by their correspondences support the view that the Chronicles derive their statements from the old commentaries taken to Ceylon along with the Scriptures. The material for the study of this question has not yet been completely analysed nor even yet made fully accessible to Western scholars; and it cannot be said that a final conclusion has been reached which would afford a common standing-ground for those who have taken the easy course of merely recording the legends as old or very old, and others who find in them only the results of devout imagination.403 All these historical questions are grouped round a still more fundamental one, the question whether in this system, which has inspired the beliefs and hopes of a greater number of mankind than any other, it can be said that we possess the actual words of the Founder. In one sense it can. When all the traditional matter and all the passages ascribed to disciples are abstracted, we possess a large number of discourses, poems, and other sayings that claim to be Buddha's own words. There can be no reasonable doubt that the community started not merely with a code of monastic roles devised by the Founder, but also with a body of doctrinal utterances. The wish to preserve every statement of Buddha would lead to the inclusion of other texts in an Order which continued to spread the Doctrine, and to teach not only its professed members but also the laity.

Even the early Buddhists soon found difficulties in determining the actual word of Buddha, and attempted to draw up roles for deciding.404 We further find records of disputes as to whether certain portions of the Scriptures were actually Buddha's words or only those of disciples. For us, even with stricter methods of criticism, it is still more difficult to make a clear distinction between what may have been gradually incorporated and the original nucleus. But the nucleus is there, even though we may never succeed in separating it, or in deciding what the earliest form of it may have been.

Some general principles for distinguishing earlier and later elements have been advanced, but without many results of value. The idea that only the regular prose sermons have a claim to be primitive comes from the old tendency to compare the Christian Gospels. This is merely confusing, for Buddha was not only a popular preacher, but in the first place the teacher of an Order. An instructive verse to be learnt, or the explanation of a technical formula, would be quite as likely to belong to the primitive collection as an address to a village of carpenters. It has been held that the verse passages show by their peculiar grammatical forms that they belong to the oldest part of the Tipitaka literature, but the absurdity of this position can easily be seen. The verses have preserved these forms just because they are in verse, and only in so far as their metrical character required. But prose passages quite as old could be entirely changed, and inevitably would be changed when learnt by one who spoke another dialect. There is at the same time no reason to doubt that Buddha may have recorded much of his teaching in verse. It was the common Indian practice to do so, and some of the verse passages have a great resemblance both in form and matter to early Upanishad poems. Even some of the suttas that take the form of commentaries cannot merely for that reason be put late. In no particular case perhaps can they be shown to be very early, for any commentary was likely to become incorporated, but there is no intrinsic reason why Buddha should not have taught his disciples privately in this way.405

In these pages the teaching has been stated not in the way in which it may appeal to the presuppositions of the Western mind, but as we find it in the earliest records, and as its earliest followers understood it. As such it is expressed in characteristically Indian conceptions, the theory of recurring cycles of the development and dissolution of the universe, the doctrines of karma, and the preexistence and rebirth of individuals, together with a psychological theory of its own. It may be that much of this can be discarded as unessential or legendary matter, but without this matter it is not possible to understand how it arose. and what it meant as a stage in the history of Indian religion and philosophy. Like all the Indian systems it remains essentially a religion, a way of salvation. It offers an interpretation of experience, but the fundamental experience that it recognises is an emotional one, and until this emotion is roused, until it is felt that the pleasures of sense are transitory, and that existence in the world of sense is consequently painful, not even the initial step to the path of escape has been taken.


396 Buddhacarita, xii 17 ff.
397 Art. Buddha in EB.
398 Leben des Buddha, p. 23.
399 Com. on Uttaradhyayana-sutra; see complete text and translation by J. Charpentier, in ZDMG, lxix (1915), p. 321 ff.

400 ZDMG. 1915, 455.
401 It is a dogmatic position or fashion, which, like Mommsen's treatment of the legends of the regal period of Rome, sweeps them all away. Sir William Ridgeway has shown not merely how genuine tradition for such a period could be preserved, but gives striking instances which prove how such records have actually been preserved for quite as long a time by popular tradition alone. See his paper On the value of Tradition respecting the early Kings of Rome, in Proc. Cambridge Philol. Soc., 8 Nov. 1917.
402 It is only recently that these two sources have been investigated from this point of view; see the chapters thereon by Rapson and Charpentier in Cambridge History of India, vol. i.
403 For the literature of the subject and the best statement of the question see Winternitz, Gesch. der ind. Litt., ii 167 ff., 357 ff.; also Geiger Dipavamsa und Mahavamsa, and introduction to his translation of Mahavamsa. The views of Prof. Franke are in flat contradiction with those of Oldenberg, Geiger, and Winternitz. His conclusions may he studied in The Buddhist Councils at Rajagaha and Vesali, JPTS. 1908, and in the introduction to his translation of Bighanikaya; cf. also his articles Dipavamsa und Mahavamsa, Vienna Or. Journ. 1907, 203 ff., and Das einheitliche Thema des Dighanikaya, ibid. 1913, 198; Rhys Davids was also entirely sceptical about the chronology. In his last utterance he repeated his statement of fifty years ago that we cannot trust the 218 years which the Chronicles allege to have elapsed from the commencement of the Buddhist era down to the time of Asoka. He further held that the endeavours on the basis of other traditions to arrive at a more exact. date for the birth of Buddha are open to still more serious objections. See Cambridge History of India. vol. i, 171, 172.
404 See the Four Great Authorities. p. 148.

405 Even in the Gospels there is a commentary on the Parable of the Sower,  Luke viii 9-15, remarkably like some of those in the suttas.
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Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Wed Feb 03, 2021 5:54 am


WE find as early as St. Jerome a tendency to compare the life of Buddha with the Gospel story. The heretic Jovinian had been rash enough to assert that virginity was a state no higher than that of marriage, and St. Jerome to show how greatly virginity was esteemed among the Pagans refers to some of their fables of virgin births, and one of his instances is that of Buddha. Nothing is known of the source of this statement, but the attempt has been made to support it from the much later Mongol books. Senart repeats it, and says, "le dogme, cher surtout aux Mongols, de la virginite de la mere du Bouddha, dogme dont l'existence est expressement constate par saint Jerome, est contenu en germe dans toutes les versions de la legende".406

Perhaps Senart did not mean that what St. Jerome said was evidence for its existence among the Mongols, but only for the existence of the dogma, but what is his evidence? He refers to Koppen, i 76, 77. There we find that Koppen says that the documents speak only of Buddha's mother not yet having borne a child, and that for a long time before she had not consorted with her husband. "Die Mongolen, jedoch, die einfaltigsten und glaubigsten aller Buddhisten, sollen auf die Jungfraulichkeit der Konigin von Kapilavastu grosses Gewicht legen." Koppen ventures on no assertion of his own, and adds, "das versichert wenigstens A. Csoma, As. Res. xx 299." We turn to Csoma, and find that he says, "I do not find any mention in the Tibetan books made of Maya Devi's virginity, upon which the Mongol accounts lay so much stress."

We thus get back to 1839 before finding anyone who can tell us of any Mongolian accounts. There were at least two lives of Buddha from the Mongolian, when Csoma wrote. In 1824 Klaproth gave a Vie de Bouddha d'apres les Uvres mongols,407 and there clearly enough it is stated of Buddha's father that "il epousa Maha-mai (Maha-maya), qui, quoique vierge, concut par l'influence divine, un fils, le 15 du dernier mois d'ete." Was Csoma referring to this? If so, it was unfortunate, as the whole article is only a translation from Klaproth's original German, which he gave in Asia Polyglotta (1823); and in the German no phrase like quoique vierge occurs. Even if it is not, as it appears to be, the invention of Klaproth's translator, there is nothing to prove that it came from a Mongolian book. A little later I. J. Schmidt published an actual Mongolian text, The History of the Eastern Mongols by Sanang Setsen, with a German translation, which contains a short life of Buddha, but has no mention of the virgin birth, supposed to be so dear to the Mongols.

It is needless to pursue this ignis fatuus any further, as it is idle for the history of the legend. The mythologisers caught at this supposed evidence, as they were anxious to prove his birth miraculous. Yet it was quite unnecessary, for several forms of the Indian legend concede all they want. These accounts make the conception of Buddha consist in his descent from heaven by his own choice, with which process his father was not concerned.

Although in the earliest legends there is no mention of this miraculous birth, yet the belief may be pre-Christian. Even so the question whether it has influenced Christian dogma does not seem to deserve further discussion, and may be left to the reader.408 All the important passages for determining the question of the relation of the Gospel accounts to Buddhism have been collected by Seydel and van den Bergh van Eysinga, and there is no need to refer to earlier fantastic treatment.409 Van den Bergh finds fifteen instances of parallels to incidents in the Gospels that are important enough for discussion.

1. Simeon in the Temple (Luke ii 25 ff.). This is generally admitted to be the most important of the parallels, and is accepted by van den Bergh, Pischel, and others. The resemblances as well as the differences may be compared in the story as given above,410 but a final decision will rest on the actual historical relations between Buddhist and Christian communities in the first century A.D. One comparison made by van den Bergh may not be at first sight obvious. Simeon" came by the Spirit into the Temple". Van den Bergh says that it is unlikely that this means "auf Antrieb des Heiligen Geistes", and apparently takes [x] to mean "through the air". This was in fact the way in which Asita came to visit the infant Gotama.

2. The visit to Jerusalem (Luke, ii 41 ff.). Seydel compares this with the Lalita-vistara version of the story of Gotama meditating under a rose-apple tree and being missed by his father.411 Van den Bergh admits that there was no feast, and that the gods who came to visit Gotama can scarcely be compared with the Jewish doctors, but considers it important enough to presuppose the possibility of Indian influence.

3. The Baptism. When the infant Gotama was being taken to the temple, he pointed out that it was unnecessary, as he was superior to the gods, yet he went conforming to the custom of the world.412 The Gospel parallel to this is Matt. iii 13. "Suffer it to be so now: for thus it becometh us to fulfil all righteousness". Here there is no hesitation to be baptized. The hesitation is on the part of John the Baptist. But in a passage of the Gospel according to the Hebrews we read: "Behold the mother of the Lord and his brethren said to him: John the Baptist baptizeth for the remission of sins; let us go and be baptized by him. But he said to them, in what have I sinned that I should go and be baptized by him, save perchance it is this very thing which I said, that it is ignorance?"413 Van den Bergh holds that this is the original form of the Gospel account. It is clear that if it were, the parallel would be closer.

4. The Temptation. Comparison is here complicated, as Buddha was tempted by Mara on several occasions throughout his life. Van den Bergh finds the correspondence less in the promises of Satan than in the framework. The Buddhist framework is said to be: a preceding glorification, temptation in the wilderness, fasting, Mara departs defeated, waits for a more favourable time, the victor is praised by the gods. But this framework is not Buddhist. It is simply the attempt to fit the Buddhist events, drawn from half a dozen different works, into the Christian framework. The preceding glorification in the Gospel is at the Baptism, but with Buddha it takes place after the great contest with Mara. The "wilderness" of Buddha was "a delightful spot with a pleasant grove", near a township where he could go for alms.414 Mara departs after failing to persuade him to give up his austerities, but not finally defeated, as he returns and attempts to drive him from the Bodhi-tree. Then Buddha is praised by the gods, and parallel to this is "angels came and ministered unto him", but Mara continues to tempt him to the end of his life. It is still possible to maintain that some form of the Buddhist legend was known to the Evangelists, but not by asserting that the scattered events as we know them fit into the legend.

5. Praise by Kisa Gotami.415 This incident has naturally been compared with Luke xi 27: "And it came to pass, as he spake these things, a certain woman of the company lifted up her voice, and said to him, Blessed is the womb that bare thee and the paps which thou hast sucked." Again the question of Biblical criticism arises, as this and the next verse, says van den Bergh, have been misplaced by St. Luke. In that case what is more likely than that they have been borrowed from a Buddhist book? But when van den Bergh goes on to say that the Buddhist story is from a southern canonical work certainly centuries older than St. Luke, it must be pointed out that the work is not canonical, but a composition of the fifth century A.D., and that the story cannot properly be called southern, as' it occurs also in the Tibetan. It is thus' northern', and it is this fact that makes it possibly but not certainly older than the Gospels.

6. The widow's mite (Mark xii 41-44, Luke xxi 1-4). The parallel here is with a story in a work of Asvaghosha certainly later than the Gospels.416 A poor maiden, who had heard the monks preaching, " recollected that some time before she had found in a dungheap two mites (copper mites), so taking these forthwith she offered them as a gift to the priesthood in charity. At this time the president (sthavira), who ... could read the motives (heart) of men, disregarding the rich gifts of others and beholding the deep principle of faith dwelling in the heart of this poor woman ... burst forth with (an utterance in verses)." Soon after the king passes by and sees her, and finally makes her his chief queen. There are other Buddhist stories illustrating the truth that the value of a gift does not depend on the mere amount. Neither religion needed to borrow this truth, but it is the fact that two coins are mentioned which gives force to the idea of borrowing. Chronology is against the probability that it was on the part of the Evangelists.

7. Peter walking on the sea (Matt. xiv 28). The introduction to Jataka No. 190 tells how a lay disciple was once going to the Jetavana to see Buddha:

He arrived at the bank of the river Aciravati in the evening. As the ferryman had drawn the boat up on the beach, and had gone to listen to the Doctrine, the disciple saw no boat at the ferry, so finding joy in making Buddha the object of his meditation he walked across the river. His feet did not. sink in the water. He went as though on the surface of the earth, bolt when he reached the middle he saw waves. Then his joy in meditating on the Buddha grew small, and his feet began to sink. But making firm his joy in meditating on the Buddha, he went on the surface of the water, entered the Jetavana, saluted the Teacher, and sat on one side.

The story cannot be proved to be pre-Christian, but the idea certainly is, as the power of going over water as if on dry land is one of the magic powers attained by concentration.417 The story is not one of the Jataka tales, but belongs to the introductory part explaining how the following tale came to be told. There is no likelihood of its being old, as these introductions appear to be often the invention of the commentator. Van den Bergh only ventures to say that it appears to him not impossible that the incident of St. Peter is borrowed from an Indian circle of thought.

8. The Samaritan woman. "How is it that thou, being a Jew, askest drink of me, which am a woman of Samaria? for the Jews have no dealings with the Samaritans". Joh. iv 9. In the Divyavadana, p. 611 ff., occurs a sutta which appears to come from the Canon of the Sarvastivadins:

Thus have I heard: at that time the Lord dwelt at Sravasti in the Jetavana, in the park of Anathapibdada. Now the elder Ananda dressed early, and taking his bowl and robe entered the great city of Sravasti for alms. After his round, and having finished his meal he approached a certain well. At that time a Matanga (outcast) girl named Prakrti was at the well drawing water. So the elder Ananda said to the Matanga girl, "give me water, sister, I wish to drink." At this she replied, "I am a Matanga girl, reverend Ananda." "I do not ask you, sister, about your family or caste, but if you have any water left over, give it me, I wish to drink." Then she gave Ananda the water. Ananda having drunk it went away, and she finding in Ananda's body, mouth, and voice a good and excellent sign fell into meditation, and awaking passion thought, may the noble Ananda be my husband. My mother is a great magician, she will be able to bring him.

The rest of the story tells how she asks her mother to bring Ananda, and her mother promises to do so, unless he is dead or without passion.418 Her mother utters a spell, and Ananda is drawn to the village, but Buddha perceives and utters a counter spell, which brings him back. She explains to her daughter that Buddha's spells are the stronger. Buddha then gives Ananda a spell, but the girl follows him about, and he implores Buddha's help. Finally Buddha converts her and she enters the Order and wins arahatship, whereat the people and king Pasenadi are astonished. Buddha tells the king a long story of her and Ananda in a previous birth.

Here is one of the clearest cases where the Gospel incident can be explained out of the actual circumstances of the time without any idea of borrowing. Van den Bergh even quotes Rashi to the effect that it is unlawful for a Jew to eat the bread of a Samaritan and to drink his wine, but he holds that the great hostility between the two peoples only applies to a later age. The effect of this argument is to make it appear that the story is more natural in a Buddhistic than a Christian setting.

9. The end of the world. The comparison is here not with the Gospels but with 2 Pet. iii 10-12: "The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night; in which the heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat, the earth also and the works that are therein shall be burned up. Seeing then that all these things shall be dissolved, what manner of persons ought ye to be in all holy conversation and godliness".

The parallel is again with the Introduction to the Jataka, in which the mode of announcement of a new cycle is explained:

The gods named Lokabyuha of the Kama-region, bareheaded, with dishevelled hair and weeping faces, wiping away the tears with their hands, wearing red robes, and having their dress in disorder come to the region of men and thus announce: sirs (marisa), at the end of 100,000 years a new cycle will arise, this world will be destroyed, and the great ocean will dry up, this great earth and Sineru the king of mountains will burn and be destroyed. Sirs, practise friendliness, practise compassion, sympathy, and equanimity. Support your mother, support your father, honour the eldest in the family.

The points of comparison are (1) that in the Epistle (iii 8) the people are addressed as 'beloved', and in the Pali as marisa. Rhys Davids quite fairly translated this word as 'friends'. but it is merely a respectful form of address, and has nothing of the force of 'beloved'. (2) In both a new order of things is to be introduced by a world conflagration. In the Epistle the new dispensation is the day of God and the final triumph of righteousness, but the new cycle of the Buddhist is a mere repetition of the unending cycles of the same worldly existence. (3) In both the need of a virtuous life is taught.

It can be said with certainty in this case that the Pali passage is later than the Epistle. It is based on a canonical passage in Anguttara iv 100, and any comparison should really be made with this. There it is said that first rain ceases to fall, the small rivers then the great rivers dry up, the lakes and finally the ocean. Mount Sineru smokes and bursts into flame, which reaches as far as the world of Brahma. The only moral drawn is the truth that all compound things are impermanent and unstable. The first and third points of comparison thus disappear, and the second is reduced to the mere conflagration. The new heavens and new earth and the final judgment are well known Hebrew ideas, and are quite absent from Buddhism, in which the next cycle repeats the state of the old one.

These are all the parallels that van den Bergh considers of any value, but he adds six more, which Seydel and others find important.

10. The Annunciation. This needs no further discussion. The Biblical aspect has been well treated by G. Faber.419

11. Choosing the disciples (John i 35 ff). In the oldest accounts no mention is made of how Buddha came to have five disciples. It is probably this fact which led to the invention of various stories to explain where they came from. Buddha does not really choose them. in any case. In the later Pali they were persuaded to follow Buddha at his renunciation by a brahmin who had foretold his future Buddhahood. In the Sanskrit they were five selected from among the attendants sent him by his father and uncle, or they were disciples of Rudraka, who joined Gotama because they thought he was going to become a teacher in the world.420 In every case they joined him before he became a teacher. Van den Bergh ignores all this, and makes the choosing consist in Buddha's going to Benares to teach the doctrine first to his old disciples. It is at this point that Seydel finds a really striking parallel.

12. Nathanael (John i 48). "When thou wast under the fig tree, I saw thee". However, it was Buddha, not a disciple, who was under the fig tree. Therefore Seydel turns [x] into [x], and makes the sentence mean, "When I was under the fig tree, I saw thee". Buddha was in fact under a fig tree, or very near one, when "with divine vision, purified and superhuman", he saw the five monks dwelling at Benares. With this alteration of the text we thus get not only a parallel, but an equally good piece of Bible exegesis.

13. The Prodigal Son (Luke, xv 11-32). The Lotus ch. 4 has a parable of a prodigal son, which has an interest of its own, in showing the relation of Mahayana Buddhism to other schools. The 'Vehicle of the Disciples', as Hinayana is called, is not reprobated, but is treated as a lower stage. Disciples who think they have attained enlightenment are like a man who left his father and went into foreign lands for many years. He returned in poverty, but did not know his father, who had grown rich. His father in disguise gave him employment, and after twenty years fell sick and entrusted his son with his wealth. But the son did not want it, as he was content with his pay. The son when his father died was acknowledged by him, and received all his father's wealth. Even so are the Disciples (the followers of Hinayana), who for long are content with receiving Nirvana as pay, but who finally receive omniscience, the whole wealth of their father Buddha.

As this parable belongs to a work that in its earliest form is not earlier than the second century A.D., there is no question of borrowing by the Evangelist, but as van den Bergh holds, there is the possibility of both parables being based on an earlier story.

14. The man that was born blind. "Master, who did sin, this man, or his parents, that he was born blind?" John ix 2. This according to Seydel is one of the most striking proofs of Buddhist influence, and he refers again to Lotus, ch. 5. A man who was born blind did not believe that there were handsome or ugly shapes. There was a physician who knew all diseases, and who saw that the man's blindness had originated in his sinful actions in former times. Through him the man recovered his sight and saw his former foolishness.

We have here the general Indian doctrines of karma and preexistence, but the teaching of the Gospel is anti- Buddhist, for the reply to the question is, "neither hath this man sinned, nor his parents." What may be claimed as Buddhist is at most the possibility of such a belief among the persons who asked the question. But the belief in preexistence was neither peculiarly Buddhist nor Indian. It was also Pythagorean, and was well known to the Greeks. How the Jews actually acquired it may be questioned, but it was scarcely from an Indian work of the second century.

15. The Transfiguration. "His face did shine as the sun, and his raiment was white as the light." Matt. xvii 2. A transfiguration is said to take place twice in the life of Buddha. Just before his death his body became so bright that the new golden robes that he was wearing seemed to have lost their lustre. It was then that he declared that this takes place on two occasions, at his enlightenment and when he attains final Nirvana. This is the whole of the evidence, as Bigandet's Life of Gaudama quoted by van den Bergh is a mere Burmese reproduction of this passage.

Even this simple incident has given rise to complications. As it stands it is merely one item common to two entirely different lives. Van den Bergh therefore tries to prove that there were originally two cases of transfiguration in the Gospel story, one at the Baptism and one at the Ascension. St. Matthew, he thinks, has omitted the former, and has misplaced the actual Transfiguration story, which ought to come after the Resurrection. This may be left to the Biblical critics, and so may his proof of a Transfiguration after the Baptism. He points out that the words from Heaven are almost the same after the Baptism as after the Transfiguration, and that two of the apocryphal Gospels refer to fire at the Baptism. The Gospel according to the Hebrews says that "fire appeared above the water", and the Ebionite Gospel that "straightway a great light shone round the place". This is scarcely a transfiguration, and rather proves how small the points of comparison become when looked at in detail.

16. The miracle of the loaves and fishes. Another late Buddhist story that has been brought into comparison (Introduction to Jataka No. 78), is about a gildmaster and his wife, who provided a meal for Buddha and his five hundred disciples with some cakes which they had made.

The wife placed a cake in the bowl of the Tathagata. The Teacher took as much as was sufficient, and likewise the five hundred monks. The gildmaster went round giving milk, melted butter, honey, and sugar, and the Teacher with the five hundred monks finished his meal. The great gildmaster and his wife also ate as much as they wished, but there was no end of the cakes, and even when the whole monastery of monks and eaters of broken meat had received, there was no sign of finishing. They informed the Lord, " Lord, the cake is not coming to an end." "Then throw it down by the gate of the Jetavana." So they threw it down a place where there is a slope near the gate. And to-day that place at the end of the slope is known as the Kapallapuva (Pan-cake).

This belongs to the same part of the Jataka as the tale of the disciple walking on the water, and the same remarks apply.

The validity of these parallels in furnishing evidence for the incorporation of Buddhist legends in the Gospels has sometimes been judged merely by the amount of resemblance to be found between them, and the different conclusions drawn show how very subjective are the results. But there are two considerations that might lead to firmer ground. Firstly, whether there is enough reason to think that Buddhist legends can have reached Palestine in the first century A.D. Van den Bergh devotes a careful chapter to this inquiry, but some of the facts adduced are not to the point. To refer to the Pancatantra being translated from Sanskrit into Pahlavi in the sixth century A.D. is idle, but we know that Greece had been in contact with Persia for centuries, just as Persia had had political and trade relations with India even before the age of Alexander. Thus the possibility of the transmission of legends cannot be denied, but the particular way in which it may have taken place has never been shown. Seydel assumed that an actual Buddhist document was known to the Evangelists, but the legends on which he relied come from no one Buddhist work, and his parallels have to be gleaned from the Pali Scriptures, Sanskrit works, and legends scattered about the Pali commentaries and Chinese translations.

The second point raises the question of Biblical criticism. The Gospel stories all belong to the first century A.D. They were all written down at a time when a living tradition and memory of the events may have existed. For one school this tradition did exist. The story of the Samaritan woman or the choosing of the disciples was told because there really was a Samaritan woman and disciples who had been fishermen. In this case we are dealing with historical events, so that any resemblances to the legend of Buddha are merely accidental curiosities. For others the Gospels even in their earliest form are not a collection of actual memories, but only the attempts of the early Christians to imagine a historic setting for their peculiar beliefs. Even in this case the question whether Indian legends contributed to the resulting structure is a question of literary history that has never been convincingly decided, and in many cases never seriously considered.

If scholars could come to an agreement on what instances are 'cogent parallels' or cases of actual borrowing, we should then have the data of a problem for the historians to decide. But so far this hope is illusory. Seydel's fifty instances are reduced by van den Bergh to nine. In proportion to the investigator's direct knowledge of the Buddhist sources the number seems to decrease. E. "V. Hopkins discusses five 'cogent parallels', but does not consider any of them very probable.421 Garbe assumes direct borrowing in four cases, Simeon, the Temptation, Peter walking on the sea, and the Miracle of the loaves and fishes. Charpentier considers Simeon the only unobjectionable example.422 Other scholars reject all connexion. In any case the chief events of the life -- birth, renunciation, enlightenment, and death, the very items which might give strength to the comparison -- disappear from the question.

Van den Bergh van Eysinga also discusses instances of parallels in the Apocryphal Gospels. Some of these works show a knowledge of names connected with North West India, and the relationship depends here upon the contact between Indian culture and early Christian missions in the East. This is a quite different question from that of the presence of Indian legends in Palestine, and lends no additional support to a theory concerning the canonical Gospels that breaks down in everyone of its supposed proofs.



406 J.A. 1874, avril-mai, p. 384; not all forms of the legend have it; see p. 36.
407 JA. 1824, p. 9 ff.

408 See above, p. 36. The Annunciation also has been compared by A. J. Edmunds with the interpretation of Mahamaya's dream by the brahmins. His theories have been sufficiently discussed by L. de la Vallee Poussin in Revue Biblique. 1906, p. 353 ff.
409 See Bibliography.
410 p. 38 ff.

411 p. 45.
412 p. 46.
413 Quoted by Jerome, Adv. Pelag. iii 2.

414 p. 64.
415 p. 53.
416 Sutralankara; the anecdote is translated by Beal. Abstract of four lectures, p.170.

417 p. 182.
418 It is well known that Ananda did not attain arahatship (with the extinction of  passion) until after Buddha's death.
419 Buddhistische und Neutestamentl. Erzahlungen, p. 31; cf. p. 29 above.
420 p. 80.

421 India Old and New, pp. 125, 144.
422 ZDMG., 1915, 442, reviewing Garbe's Indien und das Christentum.
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Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Wed Feb 03, 2021 5:59 am



THE purpose of this Appendix is to analyse the texts of the various recensions of the Canon mainly with the view of indicating the legendary and historical matter which they contain. Although they form a closed collection of authoritative utterances, they possess certain distinct features distinguishing them from the Scriptures of other religions, and these features are found in all the compilations held by different sects to be the word of Buddha.

The earliest known form is the Canon of the Theravada school, preserved in the Pali language, but we also possess portions of the recensions of other related sects in Sanskrit, as well as in translations into Chinese and Tibetan made from Sanskrit or in some cases probably from Pali or a similar dialect. There are further the documents of the schools that sprang from the great doctrinal developments known as the Mahayana. In these the discourses are usually modelled on the form of earlier works, and claim to have been delivered like the other discourses in definite places by Buddha himself. They frequently embody older matter identical with passages in the Pali texts.

It will be convenient to treat in the first place of the most completely preserved collection, the Pali Canon. This, although now forming the Scriptures of the Singhalese, Burmese, and Siamese Buddhists, arose in India. It is divided into Butta (Discourses), Vinaya (Discipline), and Abhidhamma (a systematising and development of the doctrines of the Sutta). These three collections are known from the time of the commentaries as the Pitakas (Baskets), or the Tipitaka (Threefold-basket).

The texts do not profess to form a uniform whole, every word of which is revealed, as in the case of the Vedas, the Bible, or the Koran. That which is revealed is the word of Buddha (Buddhavacana) or the word of the Lord. But in the texts there is much which does not claim to be in any sense Buddha's utterance. This is recognised by the Buddhist commentators themselves, as when they explain that certain sentences or whole verses have been added by the revisers at one of the Councils.423 It is also recognised or implied in the considerable number of discourses which are attributed to various disciples, and this not merely in the commentaries, but in the text itself. In some cases these discourses are said to have been given after the death of Buddha. In the two oldest collections of discourses, the Digha and the Majjhima, there are over twenty discourses attributed to disciples, and the Anguttara contains a legend of a disciple and king Munda, who reigned half a century after Buddha's death. In other cases one of the disciples, especially Kaccana the Great, is said to expound at length a sentence or short discourse given by Buddha. Theologically these facts are not important, as all the doctrine taught by the disciples is held to have been first expounded by Buddha, and hence in a doctrinal sense these later discourses may be held to be the word of Buddha also. But they do show that the Scriptures as we possess them make no claim to be exclusively the utterances of Buddha in the form in which they might conceivably have stood as remembered immediately after his death.

A still more important fact is that some of the Suttas are not proper discourses but legends. A legend may possibly be as old as the discourse to which it refers, but many of the actual legends are evidently inventions. When we are told of four gods who visit Buddha, and give him a spell424 to ward off evil spirits, or of a disciple who visits the thirty-three gods, and when being shown over the heavenly palace startles them by shaking it with his toe, we are evidently dealing neither with the word of Buddha himself nor with historical tradition. Even in the case of non-miraculous legends we have no reason for putting them on the level of the actual discourses and treating the matter as a uniform whole. When historical or legendary passages occur in a discourse and are attributed directly to Buddha, the question in each case arises whether they are to be treated as transformed legendary matter. But apart from these there are many purely narrative portions that can be clearly separated from the actual discourses. Such portions are usually quite stereotyped, and recur with the same phraseology in various places.

The simplest form of these additions is the introductory part of a sutta, stating where Buddha was at the time, and adding that he then addressed the monks. Longer passages also occur, which evidently belong to the stock traditions of schools of reciters. Sometimes a discourse appears with an introduction in one place, and is repeated without it in another or with a different introduction. These explanatory passages however are quite distinct from the later commentaries proper, and now form a part of the Canon. They represent the tradition as it existed when the Scriptures were finally revised.

To speak without qualification of the final revision of the Scriptures is perhaps to take too much for granted, but it is usually held that the general arrangement was fixed at the third Council, 247 B.C. There are certain works, particularly in the fifth Nikaya discussed below, concerning which other conclusions may be drawn.

It is from this period, more than two centuries after Buddha's death, that we must start in an inquiry about the age of the canonical texts. In the present state of our knowledge we cannot in any instance declare that Buddha said so and so. The fact that we start from is that we have a collection of documents, which were held some two centuries after Buddha to contain his utterances. The Chronicles tell us that in the time of king Vattagamani Abhaya (29-17 B.C.) the monks of Ceylon, seeing the decay of beings, assembled and caused the three Pitakas with their commentary, which they had before handed down orally, to be written in books.425 This official recording in writing would not exclude the possibility of much of the Canon having already been written, but what is quite certain is that originally and for a long period the Scriptures were preserved only by memory. We know in particular of two schools that applied themselves to learning different sections of the texts, the Dighabhanakas, 'reciters of the Digha,' and the Majjhimabhanakas, 'reciters of the Majjhima.' We also know that these schools preserved contradictory legends concerning the discourses. It is easy to see how with this method of preserving the Doctrine differences of tradition would arise. There would be no certain method of preserving a definite order, as in the case of a written and numbered record. There would also be the danger of unwittingly including discourse; or commentaries which might be expositions of the pure Doctrine, but which were not an original part of the collection. An instance occurs in the case of the Satipatthana-sutta. It is found both in the Digha (No. 22) and Majjhima (No. 10), but in the former case a long passage of commentary on the Four Truths has been incorporated.

We have a direct piece of evidence to show that differences in the Canon did arise at an early period, and they are just such differences as we should expect would develop in an orally preserved Canon. It is a common tradition of all the schools that sects began to develop in the second century after Buddha's death. The statement in the Dipavamsa is that after the second Council (held a century after Buddha's death), the defeated monks held a council of their own known as the Great Council, and the members of it are also said to have revised the Scriptures. The account of the changes that they introduced is of course an ex parte statement, made from the point of view of the Theravada school, but it is clear that the author of the record knew of another form of the Canon differing in certain important respects from that of his own school. The account is as follows:

The monks of the Great Council made a reversed teaching. They broke up the original collection and made another Collection.

They put the Sutta collected in one place into another. They broke up the sense and the doctrine in the five Nikayas.

The monks not knowing what was taught with exposition and what without exposition, the primary sense and the inferred, composing another utterance established another sense.

Under cover of the letter those monks destroyed much sense. Rejecting some portion of the Sutta and the profound Vinaya they made another counterfeit Sutta and Vinaya.

The Parivara, the summary of the sense (of the Vinaya), the six sections of the Abhidhamma, the Patisambhida, the Niddesa, and some portion of the Jataka -- so much they set aside and made others.

Abandoning the arrangement of nouns and genders, the adornments of style, and the original nature (of words) they made others.426

These revisers are thus charged with changing the order of the discourses, introducing spurious ones, rejecting certain works, and altering the grammar. We at least learn that the differences thus described were there, and they are exactly of the kind that we should expect to arise, even without any deliberate wish for change, in the case of texts preserved orally by independent communities where various dialects were spoken. In the Pali Canon itself we find different recensions of the same discourse. Those portions which are said to have been rejected by the members of the Great Council are just those which modern criticism rejects as not forming an original part of the Canon. They all contain the doctrine of Buddha, and embody much which purports to be his actual words, but as distinct works they have been compiled later. On a strict interpretation of the word of Buddha it is quite intelligible that a school which had not adopted these portions into its tradition should declare them to be spurious. The reference to grammatical changes is also significant. It implies that there was a form of the Canon in a different dialect from that of the Theravada school. That there was such a form or forms we may be quite certain. Discourses preserved orally would inevitably be modified in language by a repeater whose own speech was a different dialect.

The statement has been made that Buddha allowed anyone to repeat the Scriptures in his own dialect, but the facts are these: In the Vinaya427 there is a story that two monks of brahmin origin came to Buddha and explained that certain monks of various names, clans, castes, and families were corrupting the word of Buddha with their own grammar (nirutti), and asked that they might draw up the word of Buddha in metre (chandaso). Buddha refused. "I order you, monks, to master the word-of Buddha (Buddhavacanan) in its own grammar." There is no need to think that this was an actual event in Buddha's life. All the rules are in the same formal way attributed to Buddha, but it implies that at some period there was a tendency to versify the texts, and that it was forbidden by this rule. Buddhaghosa in commenting on this passage explains 'in metre' as meaning 'like the Veda in the Sanskrit language'. Whether Sanskrit was really meant may be doubted, but chandaso does mean in metre. It is not grammatically possible to make sakaya niruttiya, 'in its own grammar,' mean 'each in his own dialect', nor did Buddhaghosa so understand it. According to him it meant that the primitive Magadhi language, the own grammar or dialect of the texts, was to be preserved. He expressly says, 'the language of the Magadhas spoken by the All-enlightened.' The wish to versify the texts as a help to memory is seen in the Parivara, the last section of the Vinaya, which is practically a versified summary of the Vinaya rules. In the post-canonical literature we have works like the Khuddasikkha and the Mulasikkha, both verse compendiums of the Vinaya, and the Abhidhammavatara and Ruparupavibhaga similarly summarising the Abhidhamma. All that this story allows us to infer is that there was once an attempt to versify the Canon, and that it was rejected, at least to the extent that the versifications were not allowed to take the place of the fundamental texts.

In the Vinaya there is the same division between the actual utterances attributed to Buddha, which are here the rules of discipline, and the explanatory matter. The latter has long been recognised as commentarial. It consists of a verbal commentary on certain portions with a general commentary on the whole purporting to explain how each rule came to be promulgated. There can be no doubt that a body of rules must have been one of the original features of the Order, but it is also certain that what we possess is a collection of gradual growth. Each rule however is attributed directly to Buddha, and is held to have been enjoined on the occasion when the question of a certain practice arose in the Order, or when some offence had been committed. A monk was required to learn where each rule was promulgated, the person who gave occasion to the rule, and the subject-matter of it. The compilation includes a history of the first and second Councils, but makes no mention of the third held in the time of Asoka, and in the list of sacred texts said to have been recited at the first Council it ignores the Abhidhamma.

The fact that the Abhidhamma is not mentioned, and that in the suttas only Dhamma and Vinaya are usually referred to, in itself merely proves that at one time the Abhidhamma did not form a separate Pitaka. It is however not held even by the Buddhist commentators to be the word of Buddha in the same sense as the suttas. One section of it, the Kathavatthu, is said to have been 'taught' or promulgated at the second Council. The commentators say that it was rejected by some on the ground that it was set forth 218 years after the death of Buddha by Moggaliputta Tissa, and hence being only a disciple's utterance should be rejected. But the view is taken that only the matika, the list of principles taught in it, is directly due to Buddha, who set forth the list foreseeing the heresies that would arise. "And Moggaliputta Tissa, when he taught this work, taught not by his own knowledge, but by the method given by the Teacher, and according to the matika which he had set forth, and so the whole work became the utterance of Buddha."428 As an example of this method the commentator mentions the Madhupindika-sutta (Majjh. i 108), in which a statement made by Buddha is enlarged and expounded by Kaccana.

So far as known the seven works of which the Abhidhamma consists are peculiar to the Theravada school, but other schools possessed an Abhidhamma, and the fact that very different views concerning it were held by different sects is shown from the account of Taranatha, a late Tibetan writer, who is probably reproducing earlier traditions. He says that the Vaibhashikas (another name for the Sarvastivada school) hold the seven Abhidharma books to to be the word of Buddha; that the Sautrantikas hold them to have been composed by simple disciples, and falsely given out as the word of Buddha collected by Sariputta etc.; that some teachers say' they are indeed Buddha's word, but that expressions composed by simple disciples have been introduced, as is the case with the suttas of different schools.429

Taranatha here records a view very like that of Buddhaghosa, and not essentially different from the modern critical view that the Abhidhamma is a systematising and development of principles drawn from the Dhamma as found in the Suttas. So far as known the legendary matter In the Canon of other schools appears to be very similar to that of the Theravada. The Suttas of various sects as found in Chinese have been analysed by Professors Takakusu and Anesaki, and they are shown to present a general resemblance to the Pali with certain differences, which indicate that they go back to a common unwritten tradition, gradually diverging as it came to be preserved and commented on by different schools of repeaters. "The tradition preserved in the Chinese versions," says Anesaki, "is neither a corrupted form of, nor a later deviation from, the Pali one, but the two branches of traditions are brothers or cousins." The differences prove that there was a development of the tradition, but the main lines of agreement are definitely in favour of the antiquity of the Pali tradition as against the Sanskrit.

It is necessary to make a distinction between the earlier schools whose Canon is preserved in Sanskrit and the later Mahayana schools. Even the Mahayana teachers of the 'Great Vehicle' did not reject the older tradition, which they stigmatised as Hinayana, 'the Low Vehicle,' but added to it. The chief Mahayana work purporting to be historical is the Lalita-vistara, and it corresponds, not with the older Canon, but with the matter of the commentaries. At the same time it has preserved passages as old as anything in the Pali. These passages often correspond with the Pali text, but appear to come from the Sarvastivada school. The same is true of the Mahavastu. This work has incorporated some Mahayana material, but belongs to the Lokottaravada school, a branch of the Mahasanghikas. It contains much which belongs to a school that existed side by side with the Theravada, and drew from the same traditions.



423 E.g., Dhammapala states this in his commentary on several verses in the Theri-gatha. On the last verse of the Padhana-sutta (above p. 73) the commentator says, "some maintain that the holders of the council (sangitikara) said it. This does not commend itself to us." The whole of the Thera- and Theri-gatha is an example of the freedom with which the word of Buddha was understood, as they are the verses of disciples. The verses of one monk, who lived in Bindusara's time, nearly two centuries after Buddha's death, are said to have been added at the third Council (Therag. 381-6).
424 Digha, No. 32. There are other instances of spells in the Scriptures, and they come to be the word of Buddha, because he repeats them to the monks.

425 Dpvm. xx 20. 21; Mhvm. xxxiii 100, 101. There had been a time of great  political confusion, as the king had been dethroned for fourteen years by the  invading Tamils.
426 Dpvm. v 32-38.
427 Cullavagga, Vin. ii 139; Vin. Texts, iii 149 ff.

428 Com. on Dhammasangani. p. 4; how absurd it would be to suppose that the  work itself was the composition of Tissa, or even of one man, is shown by Mrs. Rhys  Davids. Points of Controversy. Introd.
429 Taranatha (Schiefner). p. 156.
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Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Wed Feb 03, 2021 6:02 am


THE following is a list of the contents of this Canon as known to Buddhaghosa in the fifth century A.D.



The division of long discourses arranged in three vaggas or series. In the corresponding collection in Chinese there are thirty discourses, twenty-six of which have been identified by Anesaki with the Pali. Discourses attributed to disciples are marked with an asterisk.


(The series containing the Moralities. In each of these is inserted a document known as the Silas, lists of different kinds of moral action.)

1. Brahmajala-sutta. 'The Net of Brahma.' Buddha says that he is rightly praised not for mere morality, but for the deep wise things that he has realised and proclaims. He gives a list of sixty-two forms of speculation about the world and the self held by other teachers.

2. Samannaphala-sutta. 'The fruits of being an ascetic.' Ajatasattu visits Buddha, who explains the advantages of being a Buddhist monk, from the lowest privileges up to arahatship.

3. Ambattha-sutta. A dialogue on caste with Ambattha. It contains part of a legend of king Okkaka, from whom Buddha was descended.

4. Sonadanda-sutta. A dialogue with the brahmin Sonadanda, on the qualities of the true brahmin.

5. Kutadanta-sutta. A dialogue with the brahmin Kutadanta against animal sacrifice.

6. Mahali-sutta. A dialogue with Mahali on divine vision. Higher than this is the training leading to full knowledge.

7. Jaliya-sutta. On whether life is the same as the body, a question not revealed, and not fitting for one who follows the training of the monk.

8. Kassapasihanada-sutta. A dialogue with the naked ascetic Kassapa against self-mortification.

9. Potthapada-sutta. A discussion with Potthapada on questions concerning the soul, which Buddha refuses to answer because they do not conduce to enlightenment and Nirvana.

*10. Subha-sutta. A discourse on training attributed to Ananda, addressed to the brahmin pupil Subha soon after Buddha's death.

11. Kevaddha-sutta. Buddha refuses to allow one of his monks to work a miracle. He approves only of the miracle of instruction. Story of the monk who visited the gods for an answer to a question and was referred to Buddha.

12. Lohicca-sutta. Dialogue with the brahmin Lohicca on the duty of a teacher to impart instruction.

13. Tevijja-sutta. On the vanity of a knowledge of the three Vedas for attaining to the company of the Brahmagods.


14. Mahapadana-sutta. An account by Buddha of the six previous Buddhas and of Gotama himself, the previous ages in which they appeared, caste, family, length of life, Bodhi-tree, chief disciples, number of assemblies, attendant, father, mother, and city, with a second discourse on Vipassin Buddha from the time of his leaving the Tusita heaven to the beginning of his preaching.

15. Mahanidana-sutta. On the Chain of Causation and theories of the soul.

16. Maha-Parinibbana-sutta. The legend of the last days and death of Buddha, and the distribution of the relics.

17. Mahasudassana-sutta. The story of Buddha in his previous existence as king Sudassana, told by Buddha on his death-bed.

18. Janavasabha-sutta. An extension of the discourse to the people of Nadika, as given in No. 16, in which Buddha repeats a story told him by the yakkha Janavasabha.

19. Maha-Govinda-sutta. The heavenly musician Pancasikha appears to Buddha and tells him of his visit to heaven, where he has seen Brahma Sanamkumara, who told him the story of Mahagovinda. He asks Buddha if he remembers it, and Buddha says that he himself was Mahagovinda.

20. Maha-Samaya-sutta. The discourse of the Great Assembly. The gods of the Pure Abode visit Buddha, who enumerates them in a poem of 151 lines.

21. Sakkapanha-sutta. The god Sakka visits Buddha, asks him ten questions, and learns the truth that everything that arises is subject to destruction.

22. Maha-Satipatthana-sutta. Discourse of the four meditations (on the body, sensations, feelings, ideas), with a commentary on the Four Truths.

*23. Payasi-sutta. The elder Kumarakassapa converts Payasi from the heresy that there is no future life or reward of actions. Payasi dies, and the monk Gavampati visits heaven and learns about his state.


24. Patika-sutta. Story of a disciple who follows other teachers because Buddha does not work a miracle or expound the beginning of things. In the course of the dialogue Buddha does both.

25. Udumbarikasihanada-sutta. A discussion of Buddha with the ascetic Nigrodha in Queen Udumbarika's park on two kinds of asceticism.

26. Cakkavattisihanada-sutta. Legend of the universal king with gradual corruption of morals and their restoration, and prophecy of the future Buddha Metteyya.

27. Agganna-sutta. A discussion on caste, with an exposition of the beginning of things, as in No. 24, continued down to the origin of the castes and their true meaning.

28. Sampasadaniya-sutta. A dialogue of Buddha with Sariputta, who expresses his faith in Buddha and describes Buddha's teaching. Buddha tells him to repeat it frequently to the disciples.

29. Pasadika-sutta. News is brought of the death of Nataputta (the Jain leader), and Buddha discourses on the imperfect and the perfect teacher and the conduct of the monks.

30. Lakkhana-sutta. On the 32 marks of a Great Man (a universal king or a Buddha), interwoven with a poem in 20 sections, each introduced with the words 'Here it is said'.

31. Singalovada-sutta. Buddha finds the householder Singala worshipping the six quarters, and expounds the duties of a layman by explaining this worship as fulfilling one's duties to six classes of persons (parents, etc).

*32. Atanatiya-sutta. The Four Great Kings visit Buddha and give him a spell (in verse) to serve as protection against evil spirits. Buddha repeats it to the monks.

*33. Sangiti-sutta. Buddha opens a new assembly-hall at Pava, and afterwards being tired asks Sariputta to address the brethren. Sariputta gives a list of single doctrines or principles, followed by a list of two, and so on up to groups of ten.

*34. Dasuttara-sutta. Sariputta in the presence of Buddha gives the 'Ten-in-addition' discourse, consisting of ten single doctrines, ten twofold doctrines, and so on up to ten tens.


The division of discourses of medium length. It is arranged in fifteen vaggas, and roughly classified according to subjects. Some of these are named from the first sutta. The fourth and fifth are two 'series of pairs'. Then follow discourses to householders, monks, wandering ascetics, kings, etc. This division differs considerably from the Chinese, which contains much that is in the third and fourth divisions of the Pali.


1. Mulapariyaya-sutta. On duly knowing the roots of all things from the elements up to Nirvana.

2. Sabbasava-sutta. On seven ways of destroying all the asavas.

3. Dhammadayada-sutta. That the monks should be the heirs of the Doctrine, not of their physical wants, with a discourse by Sariputta.

4. Bhayabherava-sutta. On the fears and terrors of the forest, with Buddha's account of his attaining enlightenment.

*5. Anangana-sutta. A dialogue between Sariputta and Moggallana on defilement.

6. Akankheyya-sutta. On the things that a monk may wish for.

7. Vatthupama-sutta. Simile of a dirty cloth and a defiled mind.

8. Sallekha-sutta. On the way to remove false views.

*9. Sammaditthi-sutta. An address to the monks on true views by Sariputta.

10. Satipatthana-sutta. The same as Digha No. 22, without the commentary on the Four Truths.


11, 12. Sihanada-sutta. (Cula- and Maha-). Two discourses on various points of doctrine. In the latter Buddha describes the food-austerities of ascetics, which he also practised. The description partly recurs in No. 36 in the account of his austerities before enlightenment.

13. Maha-Dukkhakkhandha-sutta. Explanation of a question on desires and feelings put to the monks by certain wandering ascetics.

14. Cula-Dukkhakkhandha-sutta. The same question discussed, with Buddha's account of his visit to the Jains, who held that pain was to be destroyed by destroying old karma by means of self-mortification, and by preventing the arising of new.

*15. Anumana-sutta. By Moggallana on the admonishing of monks and self-examination. There is no reference to Buddha throughout.

16. Cetokhila-sutta. On the five obstinacies and the five bondages of the mind.

17. Vanapattha-sutta. On life in the lonely forest.

18. Madhupindika-sutta. Buddha gives a short statement of his doctrine, and Kaccana expounds it at length.

19. Dvedhavitakka-sutta. Buddha's account of his deliberations before his enlightenment on sensual desires, etc., with a repetition of his attaining enlightenment as in No. 4.

20. Vitakkasanthana-sutta. On the method of meditating so as to dispel evil doubts.


21. Kakacupama-sutta. 'Simile of the saw.' On not getting angry when reproved. Even if a monk were to be sawn limb from limb, he would not be following Buddha's teaching if he became angry.

22. Alagaddupama-sutta. 'Simile of the water-snake.' A monk is reproved for heresy. Learning the Doctrine wrongly is like catching a snake by the tail.

28. Vammika-sutta. A divinity tells the elder Kumara Kassapa a parable of an ant-hill that smokes by night, blazes by day, and of a monk who commanded by a brahmin digs into it and discovers certain objects. Buddha expounded the ant-hill as the human body. The brahmin is Buddha himself.

24. Rathavinita-sutta. Buddha asks the monks after Retreat which of them has kept the rules best. He is told Punna. Sariputta goes to visit him and asks him why he leads the religious life. Punna rejects all the reasons suggested, and says it is only for Nirvana, but admits that Nirvana would be impossible without those reasons.

25. Nivapa-sutta. Parable of Mara as a hunter, who lays bait for deer.

26. Ariyapariyesana-sutta. On noble and ignoble inquiry, with Buddha's account of his leaving home, his study with the two teachers, and his attaining enlightenment.

27. Cula-Hatthipadopama-sutta. On the training of the disciple, with a simile of the elephant's foot.

*28. Maha-Hatthipadopama-sutta. A discourse by Sariputta on the Noble truths, with a simile of the elephant's foot.

29. Maha-Saropama-sutta. On the danger of gain and honour with a simile of seeking the pith (true essence), said to be preached when Devadatta left the Order.

30. Cula-Saropama-sutta. On attaining the essence of the Doctrine, with a simile of seeking the pith.


31. Cula-Gosinga-sutta. A conversation of Buddha with three monks, who tell him of their attainments.

32. Maha-Gosinga-sutta. A conversation between six monks, who discuss what makes the forest beautiful.

33. Maha-Gopalaka-sutta. On the eleven bad and good qualities of a herdsman.

34. Cula-Gopalaka-sutta. Simile of the foolish and wise herdsman crossing a river.

35. Cula-Saccaka-sutta. A public discussion between Buddha and the Jain Saccaka on the five groups (khandhas) of the individual.

36. Maha-Saccaka-sutta. On meditation on mind and body, with Buddha's account of his leaving the world, his austerities, and enlightenment.

37. Cula-Tanhasankhaya-sutta. The god Sakka visits Buddha to ask a question, and Moggallana follows him to heaven to see if he has understood the answer.

38. Maha-Tanhasankhaya-sutta. Refutation of the heresy of a monk, who thinks that it is consciousness that transmigrates.

39, 40. Assapura-sutta (Maha- and Cula-). On the duties of an ascetic, given at Assapura.


41. Saleyyaka-sutta. A discourse to the brahmins of Sala, on the reasons why some beings go to heaven and some to hell.

42. Veranjaka-sutta. The same discourse repeated to householders from Veranja.

*43, *44. Vedalla-sutta (Maha- and Cula-). Two discourses in the form of commentary on certain psychological terms, (1) by Sariputta to Mahakotthita, (2) by the nun Dhammadinna to the layman Visakha.

45, 46. Dhammasamadana-sutta (Cula- and Maha-). On the ripening of pleasure and pain in the future.

47. Vimamsaka-sutta. On the method to be followed by a monk in investigating certain questions.

48. Kosambiya-sutta. A discourse to the monks of Kosambi, who were quarrelling violently.

49. Brahmanimantartika-sutta. Buddha tells the monks how he went to the heaven of Brahma to convert Baka, one of the inhabitants, from the heresy of permanency.

*50. Maratajjaniya-sutta. Story of Mara, who gets into Moggallana's stomach. Moggallana calls him out and reads him a lesson by reminding him of the time when Moggallana himself was a Mara named Dusi, and Mara was his nephew.


51. Kandaraka-sutta. Conversation with Pessa and Kandaraka, and discourse on the four kinds of individuals.

*52. Atthakanagara-sutta. A discourse by Ananda to an inhabitant of Atthaka, on the ways to Nirvana.

*53. Sekha-sutta. Buddha opens a new assembly-hall at Kapilavatthu, and afterwards being tired asks Ananda to address the Sakyas. Ananda gives a discourse on the training of the disciple.

54. Potaliya-sutta. Buddha explains to Potali what cutting oneself off from worldly practice really means.

55. Jivaka-sutta. Jivaka asks if it is true that Buddha approves of taking life and eating meat. Buddha shows by examples that it is false, and that a monk eats meat only if he has not seen, heard, or suspected that it was specially prepared for him.

56. Upali-sutta. Story of the householder Upali, who is sent by the Jain leader Nataputta to argue with ;Buddha, but is converted.

57. Kukkuravatika-sutta. A dialogue on karma between Buddha and two ascetics, one of whom: lives like a dog, and one like an ox.

58. Abhayarajakumara-sutta. Prince Abhaya is sent by the Jain Nataputta to confute Buddha by asking a two-fold question concerning the severe condemnation passed on Devadatta by Buddha.

59. Bahuvedaniya-sutta. On the classifications of feelings and on the highest feeling.

60. Apannaka-sutta. On the 'Certain Doctrine' against various heresies.


61. Ambalatthika-Rahulovada-sutta. Discourse on falsehood given by Buddha to Rahula.

62. Maha-Rahulovada-sutta. Advice to Rahula on contemplation by breathing in and out and on contemplating the elements.

63. Cula-Malunkya-sutta. On the undetermined questions.

64. Maha-Malunkya-sutta. On the five lower bonds.

65. Bhaddali-sutta. Bhaddali confesses his faults to Buddha and receives instruction.

66. Latukikopama-sutta. On keeping the rules about times of eating and on leaving the world, with simile of the quail.

67. Catuma-sutta. Buddha is offended at a band of noisy monks at Catuma, but is appeased and gives a discourse on the four dangers.

68. Nalakapana-sutta. Buddha questions Anuruddha and six other disciples about their leaving the world and about other points of his teaching.

69. Gulissani-sutta. Rules to be kept by those who, like Gulissani, live in the forest.

70. Kitagiri-sutta. On eating at wrong times, and on the conduct to be followed by seven classes of monks.


71. Tevijja-Vacchagotta-sutta. Buddha visits the ascetic Vacchagotta and claims that he is called tevijja (knowing the three Vedas) because he has the knowledge of his former existences, the divine eye, and knowledge of the destruction of the asavas.

72. Aggi-Vacchagotta-sutta. On the undetermined questions, as in No. 63.

73. Maha-Vacchagotta-sutta. An explanation to the ascetic Vacchagotta on the conduct of the disciples and the attainments of the monks.

74. Dighanakha-sutta. Buddha refutes the ascetic Dighanakha, and expounds the nature of the body and the three feelings. Sariputta on this occasion attains full knowledge.

75. Magandiya-sutta. On abandoning sensual desires and craving, with Buddha's account of his abandoning his life of pleasure in the three palaces.

*76. Sandaka-sutta. An address by Ananda to the ascetic Sandaka on various heresies.

77. Maha-Sakuludayi-sutta. On the five reasons why Buddha is honoured.

78. Samanamandika-sutta. On the four or the ten qualities that make an individual perfectly virtuous.

79. Cula-Sakuludayi-sutta. A story of the Jain leader Nataputta, and on the true way to a wholly happy world.

80. Vekhanassa-sutta. A repetition of part of No. 79, and on the five senses.


81. Ghatikara-sutta. Buddha tells Ananda of his previous existence as Jotipala and his friend Ghatikara.

82. Ratthapala-sutta. Story of Ratthapala whose parents object to his entering the Order, and who try to entice him back to the world.

88. Makhadeva-sutta. Story of Buddha in his previous existence as king Makhadeva, and of his descendants down to king Nimi.

*84. Madhura-sutta. A discourse given after Buddha's death by Kaccana to king Madhura of Avanti, on the true meaning of caste.

85. Bodhirajakumara-sutta. Story of Buddha's visit to prince Bodhi. He tells of his leaving home, striving, and winning enlightenment as in No. 26 and No. 36.

86. Angulimala-sutta. Story of the conversion of Angulimala the robber.

87. Piyajatika-sutta. Buddha's counsel to a man who had lost a son, and the dispute of king Pasenadi and his wife thereon.

*88. Bahitika-sutta. Ananda answers a question on conduct put by Pasenadi, who presents him with an outer robe (bahitika).

89. Dhammacetiya-sutta. Pasenadi visits Buddha, who explains the excellence of the religious life.

90. Kannakatthala-sutta. A conversation between Buddha and Pasenadi on Buddha's omniscience, on caste, and on whether the gods return to this world.


91. Brahmayu-sutta. On the thirty-two marks on Buddha's body, and the conversion of the brahmin Brahmayu.

92. Sela-sutta. The ascetic Keniya invites Buddha and the monks to a feast. The Brahmin Sela sees the thirty-two marks and is converted. (This recurs in Sn. III 7.)

93. Assalayana-sutta. The young brahmin Assalayana is persuaded to discuss caste with Buddha. This is one of the longest suttas on the subject.

*94. Ghotamukha-sutta. A discourse after Buddha's death by the elder Udena on the best individual and the best assembly. Ghotamukha builds an assembly-hall for the Order.

95. Canki-sutta. Discourse on the doctrines of the brahmins.

96. Esukari-sutta. Discourse on castes from the point of view of their respective functions.

*97. Dhananjani-sutta. Story of the brahmin Dhananjani, who is told by Sariputta that family duties are no excuse for wrongdoing.

98. Vasettha-sutta. Discourse mostly in verse on the true brahmin, whether he is so by birth or by deeds. (This recurs in Sn. III 9.)

99. Subha-sutta. On whether a man can do more good as a householder or by leaving the world.

100. Sangarava-sutta. Story of the believing brahmin woman, and a discourse on the religious life according to different schools, with Buddha's account of his leaving his home and his striving as in No. 26 and No. 36.


101. Devadaha-sutta. Buddha gives an account of his discussion with the Niganthas concerning their view that destruction of pain is obtained by destruction of karma. He shows that the monk attains his end not by experiencing pain or by avoiding the pleasure that is in accordance with the Doctrine, but by following out the training taught by Buddha.

102. Pancattaya-sutta. On five theories of the soul, which Buddha reduces to three. Buddha shows that he has passed beyond them, and that his doctrine of release does not depend on any form of them.

103. Kinti-sutta. Rules, said to be given by Buddha, on the method of treating monks who dispute about the meaning and the letter of the Doctrine, and those who commit transgressions.

104. Samagama-sutta. News is brought of the death of Nataputta (as in Digha, No. 29), and Buddha gives four causes of dispute, four ways of dealing with disputes, and six principles of harmony in the Order.

105. Sunakkhatta-sutta. On five classes of individuals, intent on the world, etc., and a simile of extracting the arrow of craving.

106. Ananjasappaya-sutta. On the various ways of meditating on impassibility and the attainments, and on true release.

107. Ganaka-Moggallana-sutta. Instruction to the accountant Moggallana on the training of the disciples.

*108. Gopaka-Moggallana-sutta. Ananda after Buddha's death explains how Buddha differs from any of his disciples. He tells the minister Vassakara that there is no monk set up by Buddha to take his place, but that the monks have recourse to the Doctrine.

109. Maha-Punnama-sutta. Buddha on the night of full moon answers the questions of a monk concerning the khandhas.

110. Cula-Punnama-sutta. Buddha on the night of full moon shows that a bad man cannot know a bad or good man, but a good man can know both.


111. Anupada-sutta. Buddha eulogises Sariputta.

112. Chabbisodana-sutta. On the questions that are to be put to a monk who declares that he has attained full knowledge.

113. Sappurisa-sutta. On the good and bad qualities of a monk.

114. Sevitabba-asevitabba-sutta. Buddha states the right and 'wrong way of practising the duties and doctrines of a monk, and Sariputta expounds them at length.

115. Bahudhatuka-sutta. Lists of elements and principles arranged as a dialogue between Buddha and Ananda.

116. Isigili-sutta. Buddha explains the name of the Isigili hill, and gives the names of the pacceka-buddhas who formerly dwelt there.

117. Maha-Cattarisaka-sutta. Exposition of the Noble Eightfold path with the addition of right knowledge and right emancipation.

118. Anapanasati-sutta. On the method and merits of practising meditation by in and out breathing.

119. Kayagatasati-sutta. On the method and merits of meditation on the body.

120. Samkharuppatti-sutta. On the rebirth of the elements of an individual according as he directs his mind.


121. Cula-Sunnata-sutta. On meditating on emptiness.

122. Maha-Sunnatai-sutta. Instruction to Ananda on practising internal emptiness.

123. Acchariyabbhutadhamma-sutta. On the marvellous and wonderful things in the life of a Bodhisatta, from the time of his leaving heaven to his birth. A repetition of part of Digha No. 14, but applied to Buddha himself.

*124. Bakkula-sutta. Bakkula recounts how he has lived for eighty years to his friend Acela-Kassapa, and thereby converts him.

125. Dantabhumi-sutta. Aciravata fails to teach prince Jayasena, and Buddha by means of similes from elephant-training shows him how a person is to be taught.

126. Bhumija-sutta. Prince Jayasena asks Bhumija a question, and Bhumija having answered it goes to Buddha to find out if the answer is correct.

*127. Anuruddha-sutta. Anuruddha accepts an invitation from the householder Pancakanga, and explains to him two kinds of emancipation of mind.

128. Upakkilesa-sutta. Story of Buddha trying to appease a quarrel of the Kosambi monks, and his conversation with three monks on proper meditation.

129. Balapandita-sutta. On the punishments after death of the fool who sins, and the rewards of the wise man who does well.

130. Devaduta-sutta. Buddha with his divine eye sees the destiny of beings, and describes the fate in hell of those who have neglected the messengers of death.


131. Bhaddekaratta-sutta. A poem of four verses with commentary on striving in the present.

*132. Ananda-bhaddekaratta-sutta. The same poem as expounded by Ananda.

*133. Mahakaccana-bhaddekaratta-sutta. The same poem expounded at length by Mahakaccana.

134. Lomasakangiya-bhaddekaratta-sutta. Buddha expounds the same verses to Lomasakangiya.

135. Cula-kammavibhanga-sutta. Buddha explains the different physical and mental qualities of individuals and their fortunes as due to karma.

136. Maha-kammavibhanga-sutta. An ascetic falsely accuses Buddha of saying that karma is useless, and Buddha expounds his own views.

137. Salayatanavibhanga-sutta. Buddha gives the analysis of the six senses.

*138. Uddesavibhanga-sutta. Buddha utters a statement about consciousness, which Mahakaccana expounds in detail.

139. Aranavibhanga-sutta. The statement and exposition of the middle path of peace between two extremes.

140. Dhatuvibhanga-sutta. The analysis of the elements. The discourse is inserted in the story of Pukkusati, a disciple who had not seen Buddha, but who recognised him by his preaching.

*141. Saccavibhanga-sutta. Statement of the Four Noble Truths by Buddha, followed by a commentary, which is attributed to Sariputta.

142. Dakkhinivibhanga-sutta. Mahapajapati offers a pair of robes to Buddha, who explains the different kinds of persons to receive gifts and the different kinds of givers.


143. Anathapindikovada-sutta. Story of the illness and death of Anathapindika, who is instructed on his deathbed by Sariputta, and after being reborn in the Tusita heaven returns to visit Buddha.

144. Channovada-sutta. Story of the elder Channa, who when sick was instructed by Sariputta, and who finally committed suicide.

145. Punnovada-sutta. Buddha's instruction to Punna on bearing pleasure and pain. Punna tells how he will behave if he is ill-treated by his countrymen.

146. Nandakovada-sutta. Mahapajapati with 500 nuns asks Buddha to instruct them. He tells Nandaka to do so, who catechises them on impermanence.

147. Cula-Rahulovada-sutta. Buddha takes Rahula to the forest and catechises him on impermanence. Many thousands of gods come to listen.

148. Chachakka-sutta. On the six sixes (of the senses).

149. Maha-Salayatanika-sutta. On rightly knowing the senses.

150. Nagaravindeyya-sutta. Buddha instructs the people of Nagaravinda on the kind of ascetics and brahmins that are to be honoured.

151. Pindapataparisuddhi-sutta. Instruction to Sariputta on the considerations to be undertaken by the disciple throughout the whole course of his training.

152. Indriyabhavana-sutta. Buddha rejects the method of the brahmin Parasariya for training the senses and expounds his own method.


The division of 'connected' suttas. These are in five series, subdivided into smaller groups (samyuttas), and these into series (vaggas) containing the separate suttas. Classification according to subject is very partial, and the titles are usually that of the first in the group, or the name of the interlocutor.

1. Sagatha-vagga, the series with verses (gathas) each sutta containing one or more stanzas. It contains 11 samyuttas, divided according to the characters appearing in the suttas, gods, the king of the Kosalas, Mara, etc.

2. Nidana-vagga, named from the first of the 10 samyuttas, which begins with suttas on the Nidanas, the 12 links in the Chain of Causation.

3. Khandha-vagga, with 13 samyuttas, beginning with suttas on the five khandhas.

4. Salayatana-vagga, with 10 samyuttas, named from the first group, which deals with the six senses.

5. Maha-vagga, 'the great series' of 12 samyuttas, beginning with suttas on the Eightfold Path.


In this division the classification is purely numerical. There are eleven groups (nipatas), the subjects of the first being single things, followed by groups of two and so on, up to groups of eleven (anga-uttara 'one member in addition'). The first gives a list of the one sight, the one sound, the one scent, etc., that occupy the thought of a man or woman. The last is a list of the eleven good and eleven bad qualities of a herdsman, and the corresponding qualities of a monk. Each nipata is divided into vaggas, which contain ten or more suttas.


The division of small books, as Buddhaghosa explains it. He gives two lists of contents in one of which the first work does not occur, but the separate suttas in it mostly recur in other parts of the Scriptures.430 This Nikaya appears to have grown gradually with the accumulation of such smaller collections, which evidently did not belong to the older Nikayas. It is not found in the Canon of those schools that were translated into Chinese, though separate Chinese translations of much of the contents exist.

1. Khuddaka-patha. 'The reading of small passages,' containing

(1) Saranattaya. The repetition three times of taking refuge in Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Order.

(2) Dasasikkhapada. The ten moral rules to be observed by monks. The first five are to be observed by laymen.

(3) Dvattimsakara. List of the 32 constituents of the body.

(4) Kumarapanha. A catechism of ten questions for novices.

(5) Mangala-sutta. A poem in answer to a question on what is the highest good fortune (mangala).

(6) Ratana-sutta. A poem on the Three Jewels, Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Order, forming a charm to win the good will of spirits.

(7) Tirokudda-sutta. A poem on making offerings to the ghosts (petas) of departed relatives.

(8) Nidhikanda-sutta. A poem on the storing up of true treasure.

(9) Metta-sutta. A poem on friendliness.

2. Dhammapada. 'Words of the Doctrine,' a collection of 428 stanzas, arranged in 26 vaggas.

3. Udana, a collection of 80 udanas in eight vaggas, solemn utterances by Buddha on special occasions. They are mostly in verse, and accompanied with a prose account of the circumstances that caused them to be spoken.

4. Itivuttaka, a collection of 112 short suttas in 4 nipatas, each accompanied with verses. The verses are usually introduced by iti vuccati, 'thus it is said.'

5. Suttanipata, 'Collection of suttas.' This work is important both on account of the legendary matter that it contains, and also because of the complexity of its composition. The suttas are in verse with introductions usually in prose, but in several cases versified.

(1) Uraga-vagga, named from the first sutta, with 12 suttas. The third is the Khaggavisana-sutta, the Rhinoceros discourse, named from its refrain, 'let (the monk) wander alone, like a rhinoceros.' In the Mahavastu, i 357, the pratyeka-buddhas disappear from the Rishipatana of Benares on hearing of the approach of a new Buddha, each repeating one of the verses. It was commented on in the Culla-Niddesa, probably before it was incorporated here.

(2) Cula-vagga. The 'small series' with 14 suttas.

(3) Maha-vagga. The 'great series' with 12 suttas. This contains three important legends. (a) The Pabbajjasutta, an account of Buddha's renunciation and conversation with Bimbisara before his enlightenment. A form of this occurs in the Mahavastu, ii 198. (b) Padhana-sutta, the 'sutta of striving' and temptation by Mara. This partly recurs in the Mahavastu, ii 288, and the Lalita-vistara, 829. (c) Nalaka-sutta. This is a discourse on the state of a recluse (muni), but the introductory verses (called vatthu-gatha, 'verses of the story') give the tale of the visit of Asita to the infant Bodhisatta.

(4) Atthaka-vagga. 'The series of eights' with 16 suttas, four of which have 8 verses. The title was turned into Sanskrit as Artha-varga, and was so understood by the Chinese translators, but no one has explained what this title means nor interpreted the second sutta Guhatthaka as anything but 'the eight verses on the cave', and similarly with the three following suttas, Dutthanhaka, Suddhatthaka, and Paramattaka, each of eight verses. The fact that it is commented on separately in the Maha-Niddesa (see below), and. was translated into Chinese, makes it probable that it was once a separate work.

(5) Parayana-vagga. 'The series of the final aim,' 16 questions with answers by Buddha in verse. The introductory verses (vatthugatha) give the story of the sage Bavari, who visits Buddha, and whose disciples ask the questions. The story in a later form has been found among the MS. discoveries in Central Asia in Uigurian and Tocharian.431 The suttas are commented on in the Culla-Niddesa, but the introductory verses are there ignored.

6. Vimana-vatthu, 'Stories of celestial mansions,' 85 poems in seven vaggas, in which beings who have been reborn in one of the heavens explain the acts of merit that led to their reward.

7. Peta-vatthu, 'Stories of petas,' beings condemned for their former misdeeds to a wretched existence as ghosts. Fifty-one poems in four vaggas on the same model as Vimana-vatthu.

8. Thera-gatha. 'Verses of the elders,' stanzas attributed to 264 elders.

9. Theri-gatha. A similar collection of stanzas attributed to about 100 nuns.

10. Jataka. Verses belonging to 547 tales of previous existences of Buddha. The tales themselves are in a commentary of the fifth century A.D., which claims to be translated from the Singhalese. The Singhalese itself was probably a translation of an older Pali work, as several of the tales have been preserved in other parts of the Canon in a more ancient style. The introductory part of the commentary, known as the Nidana-katha, gives a life of Buddha down to the presentation of the Jetavana and monastery at Savatthi.

11. Niddesa, divided into Maha-Niddesa, a commentary on the Atthaka-vagga of the Sutta-nipata, and the Culla-Niddesa, a commentary on the Parayana-vagga and Khaggavisana-sutta of the same work. It has itself been commented on in the Saddhammapajjotika, which attributes the work to Sariputta.

12. Patisambhida-magga. 'The way of analysis.' An analysis of various concepts, knowledge, heresy, the practice of breathing in meditating, etc. Much of it is in question and answer, in the style of the Abhidhamma works.

13. Apadana. Tales in verse of the lives and previous lives of monks and nuns.

14. Buddhavamsa. 'History of the Buddhas,' in which Buddha gives in response to a question by Sariputta an account (in verse) of his first forming the resolve to become Buddha, and the history of the twenty-four previous Buddhas who prophesied concerning him, concluding with an account of himself.

15. Cariya-pitaka. Thirty-five tales from the Jataka in verse, and arranged according to the ten perfections, alms-giving, morality, etc., attained by Buddha. It is incomplete, as only seven of the perfections are illustrated.


The rules of discipline are arranged in two partly independent compilations, to which a later supplement has been added.

I. Suttavibhanga. A classification of offences in eight groups beginning with the four parajika rules on offences that involve exclusion from the Order. These are incontinence, theft, taking life or persuading to suicide,432 and false boasting of supernatural attainments. The total number of rules is 227. The whole conforms exactly to the rules of the Patimokkha433 recited at Uposatha meetings of the Order. It is followed by the Bhikkhuni-suttavibhanga, a similar arrangement of rules for nuns.

II. The Khandhakas, arranged in two series.

1. Mahavagga.

(1) Rules for admission to the Order.

(2) The Uposatha meeting and recital of the Patimokkha.

(3) Residence during retreat in the rainy season (vassa).

(4) The ceremony concluding retreat (pavarana).

(5) Rules for the use of articles of dress and furniture.

(6) Medicine and food.

(7) The kathina ceremonies, the annual distribution of robes.

(8) The material of robes, sleeping regulations, and rules for sick monks.

(9) The mode of executing proceedings by the Order.

(10) Proceedings in cases of dissensions in the Order.

2. Cullavagga.

(1, 2) Rules for dealing with offences that come before the Order.

(3) Reinstatement of monks.

(4) Rules for dealing with questions that arise.

(5) Miscellaneous rules for bathing, dress, etc.

(6) Dwellings, furniture, lodgings.

(7) Schism.

(8) The treatment of different classes of monks, and the duties of teachers and novices.

(9) Exclusion from the Patimokkha.

(10) The ordination and instruction of nuns.

(11) History of the first Council at Rajagaha.

(12) History of the second Council at Vesali.

III. Parivara. Summaries and classifications of the rules.

The rules in the Suttavibhanga and the Khandhakas are each accompanied by a narrative recording some event which was the occasion of the rule. Some of these are purely formal, merely stating that a monk or group of monks committed some offence or followed a certain practice, whereupon Buddha laid down a decision. But many real legends have been included, especially in the Mahavagga and Cullavagga, as well as many discourses from the Nikayas. The rules of admission to the Order are preceded by the story of the events immediately following the Enlightenment, the beginning of the preaching, and the admission of the first disciples. The story of Rahula is given in connexion with the conditions required from candidates for admission, and the rules concerning schism are the occasion for an account of Devadatta's plots.


Before the contents of this division were known, it was supposed that Abhidhamma meant 'metaphysics'. We now know that it is not systematic philosophy, but a special treatment of the Dhamma as found in the Sutta-pitaka. So far as first principles arc discussed, they are these already propounded in the Suttas, but are analysed in this division in questions and answers, and elaborately classified. Most of the matter is psychological and logical, in which the fundamental doctrines are not discussed, but taken for granted.

1. Dhammasangani. 'Enumeration of dhammas,' i.e. mental elements or processes.

2. Vibhanga. 'Distinction or determination.' Further analysis of the matter of the foregoing.

3. Dhatukatha. 'Discussion of elements.' On the mental elements and their relations to other categories.

4. Puggalapannatti. 'Description of individuals,' especially according to their stages along the Path.

5. Kathavatthu. 'Subjects of discussion,' discussions and refutations of the heretical views of various sects.

6. Yamaka. 'Book of pairs,' called by Geiger an applied logic. The subject matter is psychology, and the analysis is arranged as pairs of questions.

7. Patthana. 'Book of relations,' an analysis of the relations (causality, etc.) of things in twenty-four groups.


430 Com. on Digha, i 15, 17. His com. on Vin. i 18 includes Khp. but the Chinese  translation omits it, mowing that it is there an interpolation.
431 Sieg und Siegling, Tocharische Sprachreste, i, p. 101.
432 This shows the Buddhist attitude towards suicide. There are however several legends of monks committing suicide at the moment of attaining arahatship. Naturally in such a case no rebirth is possible. See the story of Godhika, Samy. i 120
433 'The two Patimokkhas' (i.e. for monks and for nuns) are reckoned as the first part of the Vinaya in the Vinaya Commentary, i 18, 252.
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Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Wed Feb 03, 2021 6:03 am


THE works of other schools containing historical matter, so far as they are accessible, are given in the Bibliography, and it is unnecessary to add a list of those that exist in the enormous Tibetan and Chinese collections. A complete list of those in the Tibetan is given by Csoma de Koros, and of the Chinese works by Bunyiu Nanjio. Some of the latter have been analysed by Anesaki and Takakusu.

A list of eighty-six works of a Mahayana Canon is given in the Mahavyutpatti (65, 87 ff), most of which are found in the Tibetan. It is followed by a list which almost corresponds with what we know of the Sarvastivada Canon, as follows:

Tripitaka: Sutra, Abhidharma, Vinaya. Then follows a list of the Abhidharma works:

Prajnaptisastra, Samgitiparyaya, Dharmaskandha, Dhatukaya, Jnanaprasthana, Prakaranapada.434 The four Nikayas (called Agamas in the Sanskrit) then follow:

Ekottarikagama, Madhyamagama, Dirghagama, Samyuktagama. The divisions of the Vinaya are: Vinayavibhanga, Vinayavastu, Vinayakshudraka. The first two of these probably correspond respectively with the Suttavibhanga and Khandhakas of the Pali, and the third is evidently a minor work.

Among the hundreds of Buddhist Sanskrit works sent by Hodgson from Nepal435 less than a dozen correspond with the names given in the Mahavyutpatti. Among them are nine Mahayana sutras held in special honour in Nepal, known as the nine Dharmas:

Ashtasahasrika Prajnaparamita, Saddharmapundarika, Lalitavistara, Lankavatara, Suvarnaprabhasa, Gandavyuha, Tathagataguhyaka, Samadhiraja, and Dasabhumisvara.



434 This corresponds with the list of the Sarvastivadin Abhidhamma, as found in Chinese, which however contains one more, the Vijnanakaya. They have been analysed from the Chinese by Prof. Takakusu. JPTS. 1904-5.
435 See lists in Sir W. Hunter's Life of B. H. Hodgson. London, 1896.
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Re: The Life of Buddha as Legend and History, by Edward J Th

Postby admin » Wed Feb 03, 2021 6:05 am



THE Pali Sutta-pitaka and Abhidhamma-pitaka have been published by the Pali Text Society between 1882 and 1927. The Vinaya-pitaka was edited by H. Oldenberg in 1879-83, and has been re-issued by the Pali Text Society. The text and translation of the Patimokkha were published by J. F. Dickson, JRAS. 1876, and the text by J. Minaev, St. Petersburg, 1869. The Jataka together with its commentary, ed. by V. Fausboll, 6 vols. and index, London, 1877-97.


Vinaya Texts, Oxford, 1881-5. (SBE. 13, 17,20) (Translation of the Khandhakas and Patimokkha. The rest of the Vinaya is being translated by Miss J. B. Horner in SBB.)

Dialogues of the Buddha, tr. by T. W. Rhys Davids (Dighanikaya), 3 vols., 1899-1921. (SBB. 2-4.)

Further Dialogues of the Buddha, tr. by Lord Chalmers (Majjhima-nikaya). 1926-7. (SBB. 5, 6.)

The Book of the Kindred Sayings, tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids and F. L. Woodward (Samyutta-nikaya), 1918-1930. (PTS. Transl. Series, 7, 10, etc.)

The Book of the Gradual Sayings, tr. by F. L. Woodward (Anguttara-nikaya), 1932 ff. (PTS. Transl. Series.)

Dhammapada: Verses on Dhamma, and Khuddaka-patha: the text of the Minor Sayings, re-ed. and tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids, 1931. (SBE. 7.)

Buddhist Legends, tr. from the Dhammapada commentary by E. W. Burlingame. Cambridge, Mass., 1921.

The Udana, tr. from the Pali by D. M. Strong, 1902.

The Itivuttaka, tr. by J. H. More. New York, 1908.
The Sutta-nipata, tr. by V. Fausboll. Oxford, 1898. (SBE. 10.)

Psalms of the Early Buddhists: Psalms of the Brethren, 1913. Psalms of the Sisters, 1909 (Theragatha, Therigatha). Tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids. (PTS. Transl. Series.)

Buddhist Birth Stories, tr. by T. W. Rhys Davids, 1880. New ed., 1925 (contains the Nidanakatha and first 40 stories).

The Jataka, tr. under the editorship of E. B. Cowell. 6 vols. and index. Cambridge, 1895-1913. (Complete except for the Nidanakatha, which is translated in Buddhist Birth Stories.)

Jataka Tales, with introd. and notes by H. T. Francis and E. J. Thomas. Cambridge, 1916. (Contains translations of 114 tales.)

A Buddhist Manual of Psychological Ethics, tr. by Mrs. Rhys Davids (Dhammasangani), 1900. (Or. Tr. Fund. N.S. XII.) Points of Controversy or Subjects of Discourse, being a translation of the Katha-vatthu, by S. Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys Davids, 1915. (PTS Transl. Series.)

Puggala-pannatti, designation of human types, tr. by B. C. Law, 1915. (PTS. Transl. Series.)

The Expositor. Buddhagosa's Commentary on the Dhammasangani, tr. by Maung Tin and Mrs. Rhys Dayids (Atthasalini). 2 vols., 1921-2. (PTS Transl. Series.)

Early Buddhist Scriptures. A selection tr. and ed. by E. J. Thomas. London, 1935.


Analysis of the Dulva, by A. Csoma Korosi (Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 41 ff., Calcutta, 1836-9. Followed in the same volume by Notices on the Life of Shakya, extracted from the Tibetan authorities; Analysis of the Sher-chin, Phal-chhen, Dkon-seks, Do-de, Nyang-das, and Gyut, being the 2nd-7th divisions of the Tibetan work, entitles the Kah-gyur (Kanjur]; and Abstract of the Contents of the Bstan-hgyur (Tanjur]. The legendary matter contained in these extracts has been translated more fully in the two following works.)

Fragments extraits du Kandjour, traduits du tibetain par M. Leon Feer. Paris, 1883. (Annales du Musee Guimet, 5.)

The Life of the Buddha, derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-hgyur and the Bstan-hgyur, translated by W. W. Rockhill. London, 1884. (Trubner's Or. Series.)

The Lalita Vistara, ed. by Rajendralala Mitra. Calcutte, 1877. (Bibl. Indica.)

Lalita Vistara, hrsg. von. S. Lefmann. 2 vols. Halle a S., 1902-8. (A French version from the Tibetan was given by P. Foucaux with his edition of the Tibetan text, Rgya tch' er rol pa, Paris, 1847-8. The first five chapters were translated from the Calcutta text by Lefmann, Berlin, 1874, and the whole by Foucaux in Annales du Musee Guimet, vol. 6, Paris, 1884.)

The Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha, from the Chinese- Sanscrit by S. Beal. London, 1875. (Said to be a translation of the Abhinishkramana-sutra. A work with this title is found in the Tibetan. The Chinese title given by Beal means 'Life of Buddha and his Disciples'. The Chinese translation gives the names of other lines of Buddha used in different schools, which Beal thought referred to the same work. See above, p.xx.)

Le Mahavastu, texte sanscrit publie par E. Senart. 3 vols., 1882-97. (Contains an analysis of the contents in French.)

The Divyavadana, ed. by E. B. Cowell and R. A. Neil. Cambridge, 1886.

Dr. E. Waldschmidt has made a most important contribution to the problem of the legendary tradition of early Buddhism in the two following works:

Beitrage zur Textgeschichte des Mahaparinirvanasutra. (Nachrichten von der Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottingen. Philol.-hist. Kl. Fachgruppe III. N.F. II, 3.) Gottingen, 1939.

Die Uberlieferung vom Lebensende des Buddha. Eine vergleichende Analyse des Mahaparinirvanasutra und seiner Textentsprechungen. (Abh. der Akad. d. Wiss. in Gottingen. Philol.- hist. Kl. 3. Folge, 29.) Gottingen, 1944.

A Sarvastivadin version of the Pratimokska-sutra with a translation from the Chinese by E. Huber was published by L. Finot in Journ. As. 1913, Nov.-Dec., p. 465 ff.

M. Anesaki. Some Problems of the Textual History of the Buddhist Scriptures, and the Four Buddhist Agamas in Chinese. In Trans. As Soc. Japan, xxxv, parts 2, 3. Tokyo, 1908.

C. Akanuma. The Comparative Catalogue of Chinese Agamas and Pali Nikayas. Nagoya, 1929.

Bruchstucke des Sanskritkanons der Buddhisten aus Idykutsari. In Sitz. der k. pr. Akad., 1904, p. 807 ff.

Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature found in Eastern Turkestan, ed. by A. F. R. Hoernle. Oxford, 1916.

J. Takakusu. On the Abhidharma literature of the Sarvastivadins. J.P.T.S., 1905. (Contains summaries of the seven Abhidharma works.)

Documents d'Abhidharma, trad. et annotes par L. de la Vallee Poussin. BEFEO, xxx, 1931.


Nidanakathti of the Jataka. (Tr. in Buddhist Birth Stories. See above.)

Jinacarita. JPTS, 1904-5. (A life in Pali verses ed. and tr. by W. H. D. Rouse.)

Life of Gaudama, a translation from the Burmese book entitled Ma-la-len-ga-ra Wottoo [Malalankara-vatthu], by Chester Bennett. Journ. Amer. Or. Soc., Vol. 3, 1853.

The Life or Legend of Gaudama, with annotations, the Way to Neibban, and notice on the phongyies or Burmese monks. By the Right Rev. P. Bigandet. 4th ed., 1911. (Like the foregoing a transl. of Malalankara-vatthu with legends from other sources.)

The Buddhacarita ofAsvaghosha, ed. by E. B. Cowell. Oxford, 1893. (Tr. in SBE vol. 49. The Sanscrit text is imperfect, and the whole has been tr. from the Chinese version by S. Beal. S.B.E. vol. 19. E. H. Johnston has translated ch. x to XXVIII from the Tibetan in Acta Orientalia, vol. 15, 1937.)

J. Klaproth. Asia Polyglotta. Paris, 1823. (Contains Leben des Budd'a nach mongolischen Nachrichten. A French version appeared in Journ. As., vol 4, pp. 9 ff., 1824.)

Eine tibetische Lebensbeschreibung Cakjamuni's, in Auszuge mitgetheilt von A. Schiefner. St. Petersburg, 1851.

Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen, verfasst von Ssanang Ssetsen, aus dem Mongolischen ubersetzt von I. J. Schmidt. St. Petersburg, 1829.


The Dipavamsa, ed. and tr. by H. Oldenberg. London, 1879.

The Mahavamsa, ed. by W. Geiger. London, 1908. (This, the original portion, consists of 37 chapters. The continuation, sometimes known as Culavamsa, was ed. by Geiger in 2 vols., 1925-7.)

Vamsatthappakasini, commentary on the Mahavamsa, ed. by G. P. Malalasekera. 2 vols. London, 1935.

The Mahavamsa, tr. by W. Geiger and M. H. Bode. 1912.

The Culavamsa, tr. by Mrs. C. M. Rickmers. 2 vols. 1929-30.

Maha-bodhi-vamsa, ed. by S. A. Strong. London, 1891.

Taranathae de doctrinae buddhicae'in India propagatione narratio. Contextum tibeticum ed. A. Schiefner. Petropoli, 1863. (Tr. by Schiefner as Taranatha's Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien. St. Petersburg, 1869.)

Foe koue ki, ou relation des royaumes bouddhiques: voyage dans la Tartarie, dans l'Afghanistan et dans l'Inde, execute, a la fin du VIe siecle, par Chy Fa Hian. Trad. du chinois et commente par A. Remusat. Paris, 1836.

Travels of Fa-Hian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. and 513 A.D.). Tr. by S. Beal, 1869.

A record of Buddhistic Kingdoms. An account by the Chinese monk Fa-Hien of his travels in India and Ceylon (399-414 A.D.). Tr. by J. Legge, 1886.

The travels of Fa-hsian (399-414 A.D.), or record of the Buddhist kingdoms. Re-translated by H. A. Giles. Cambridge, 1923.

Memoires sur les contrees occidentales, traduits du sanskrit en chinois, en l'an 648 par Hiouen-thsang, et du chinois en francais par S. Julien. Paris, 1857-8.

Si-yu-ki, Buddhist records of the western world, tr. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 629), by S. Beal. London, 1884. (Contains also the travels of Fa-Hian and Sung-Yun.)

Histoire de la vie de Hiouen-thsang et de ses voyages dans l'Inde depuis l'an 629 jusqu'en 645, par Hoei'-li et Yen-thsong. Traduite par S. Julien. Paris, 1853.

The life of Hiuen-tsiang by the Shamans Hwai-li and Yen-tsung, with a preface containing an account of the works of I-tsing, by S. Beal. London, 1885. New ed. with preface by L. Cranmer- Byng, 1911.

Memoire compose a l'epoque de la grande dynastie T'ang sur les religieux qui allerent chercher la loi dans les pays d'Occident. Par I-tsing, trad. par E. Chavannes, Paris, 1894.

A record of the Buddhist religion, as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (A.D. 671-695). By I-tsing, tr. by J. Takakusu. Oxford, 1896.


B. H. Hodgson. Sketch of Buddhism, derived from the Bauddha Scriptures of Nepal. (Trans. RAS., vol. 2, pp. 222 ff., 1830. Reprinted without the plates in Essays on the languages, literature and religion of Nepal and Tibet. London, 1875.)

E. Burnouf. Introduction a l'histoire du Buddhisme indien, vol. I. Paris, 1845. (The second volume never appeared, but at the author's death his translation of the Saddharma-pundarlka, Le Lotus de la bonne loi, was published with memoirs which partly supply its place. Paris, 1852.)

R. S. Hardy. A manual of Budhism in its modern development. London, 1853, 2nd ed., 1880.

C. F. Koeppen. Die Religion des Buddha. 2 vols. (Die Religion des Buddha und ihre Entstehung. Die lamaische Hierarchie und Kirche.) Berlin, 1857-9.

V. P. Vasiliev. Buddhism. Vol. I. St. Petersburg. (Publ. in Russian, 1857; in German, 1860; in French, 1865.)

J. Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire. Le Bouddha et sa religion. Paris, 1860. (English tr., London, 1895.)

T. W. R. Davids. Buddhism. London, 1877. (This epoch-making book was often reprinted, but never entirely revised, and does not exactly represent the author's later views. These will be found in the works mentioned below, and also in his articles in the Encyclopaedia Britannica and Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Re:igion and Ethics, further in the introductions to Dialogues of the Buddha, and last of all in the chapter on the Early History of the Buddhists, in vol. I of The Cambridge History of India. Cambridge, 1922.)

E. Senart. Essai sur la legende du Buddha, son caractere et ses origines. Paris, 1882. (First appeared in Journ. As., aout-sept., 1873 ff.)

H. Oldenberg. Buddha, sein Leben, seine Lehre, seine Gemeinde. Berlin, 1881; 8th and 9th ed., 1921. (English tr. of first ed., London, 1882; French tr. of 3rd ed., Paris, 1903.)

J. H. C. Kern. Geschiedenis van het Buddhisme in Indie. Haarlem, 1882-4. (German tr. Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien. Leipzig, 1884; French, Histoire du Bouddhisme dans l'Inde. Paris, 1901-3.)

-- Manual of Indian Buddhism. Strasbourg, 1896.

E. Hardy. Der Buddhismus nach alteren Pali-Werken. Munster i. W., 1890.

E. Windisch. Mara und Buddha. (Abh. der k. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss., philol.-hist. Classe, XXXVI.) Leipzig, 1895.

-- Buddha's Geburt und die Lehre von der Seelenwanderung. (Ibid LV.) Leipzig, 1909.

R. S. Copleston. Buddhism, primitive and present, in Magadha and Ceylon. London, 1892; 2nd ed., 1908.

H. F. Hackmann. Buddhism as a religion, its historical development and its present conditions. London, 1910.

R. Pischel. Leben und Lehre des Buddha. Leipzig, 1905. 3rd ed. by H. Luders, 1916.

A. Hillebrandt. Buddhas Leben und Lehre. Berlin, 1925.

C. A. F. Rhys Davids. Gotama the man. 1928.

-- Sakya or Buddhist origins. 1932.

-- Manual of Buddhism. 1932.

J. Przyluski. Le Bouddhisme. Paris, 1932.

J. G. Jennings. The Vedantic Buddhism of the Buddha. London, 1947.


R. S. Hardy. Eastern Monachism. London, 1850.

-- The legends and theories of the Buddhists. London, 1866.

E. J. Eitel. Buddhism in its historical, theoretical and popular aspects. 2nd ed. London, 1873.

T. W. R. Davids. Lectures on the origin and growth of religion, as illustrated by some points in the history of Indian Buddhism. (Hibbert Lectures.) London, 1897.

-- Buddhism, its history and literature. (American lectures.) New York, 1896.

I. P. Minaev. Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, trad. du russe. Paris, 1894.

J. A. Eklund. Nirvana, en religionshistorisk undersokning. (Resume in German.) Upsala, 1899.

Compendium of Philosophy, being a translation of the Abhidhammattha- sangaha, by S. Z. Aung, revised and ed. by Mrs. Rhys Davids. London, 1910.

Yamakami-Sogen. Systems of Buddhistic thought. Calcutta, 1912.

C. A. F. Rhys Davids. Buddhist psychology. 1914; 2nd ed., 1924.

H. Oldenberg. Die Lehre der Upanishaden und die Anfange des Buddhismus. Gottingen, 1915.

L. de la Vallee Poussin. The Way to Nirvana. Cambridge, 1917.

M. Winternitz. Die buddistische Litteratur und die heiligen Texte der Jainas. (Gesch. der Ind. Lit. vol. 2.) Leipzig, 1920.

Sir C. Eliot. Hinduism and Buddhism. 1921.

S. Dasgupta. A history of Indian philosophy. Vol. I. Cambridge, 1922.

A. B. Keith. Buddhist Philosophy in India and Ceylon. Oxford, 1923.

P. Oltramare. La theosophie bouddhique. Paris, 1923.

T. Stcherbatsky. The central conception of Buddhism and the meaning of the word Dharma. London, 1923.

S. Dutt. Early Buddhist Monachism. London, 1924.

G. Grimm. Die Lehre des Buddha, die Religion der Vernunft. Munchen, 1925.

E. J. Thomas. History of Buddhist Thought. London, 1933.

B. C. Law. Concepts of Buddhism. Amsterdam, 1937.

J. Evola. La dottrina del risveglio; Saggio sull'ascesi buddhista. Bari. 1943.


A. Foucher. Les scenes figurees de la legende de Bouddha. Paris, 1896.

-- Etude sur l'iconographie bouddhique de l'Inde, d'apres des textes in edits Paris, 1905.

-- L'art greco-bouddhique du Gandhara. 2 vols. Paris, 1905-8.

-- The beginnings of Buddhist art and other essays. Paris, London, 1917.

A. Grunwedel. Buddhistische Kunst in Indien. Berlin, 1893. (Tr. as Buddhist art in India. London, 1901.)

P. C. Mukherji. A report on a tour of exploration of the antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, and the region of Kapilavastu. Calcutta, 1901.

T. W. R. Davids. Buddhist India. London, 1903.

V. A. Smith. A history of fine art in India and Ceylon. Oxford, 1911. 2nd ed. revised by K. de B. Codrington, Oxford, 1930.

H. Focillon. L'art bouddhique. Paris, 1921.

B. Bhattacharyya. The Indian Buddhist Iconography. London, 1925.

Sir A. Cunningham. The ancient geography of India. Vol. I. London, 1871.

F. L. Pulle. La cartografia antica dell' India. Firenze, 1901-5.


All the references of importance are given in the first two following works:

G. A. van den Bergh van Eysinga. Indische Einflusse auf evangelische Erzahlungen. Gottingen, 1904. (Revised ed. and tr. of Indische invloeden op oude christelijke verhalen. Leiden, 1901.)

G. Faber. Buddistische und Neutestamentliche Erzahlungen. Das Problem ihrer gegenseitigen Beeinflussung untersucht. Leipzig, 1913.

Among earlier works may be mentioned:

R. Seydel. Das Evangelium van Jesu in seinen Verhaltnissen zu Buddha. Saga und Buddha-Lehre mit fortlaufender Rucksicht auf andere Religionskreise untersucht. Leipzig, 1882.

A. Lillie. The influence of Buddhism on Primitive Christianity. London, 1893. (Issued in new ed. as India in Primitive Christianity. 1909.)

A. J. Edmunds and M. Anesaki. Buddhist and Christian Gospels, being Gospel Parallels from Pali texts. Philadelphia, 1908-9.

H. Haas. "Das Scherflein der Wittwe" und seine Entsprechung im Tripitaka. Leipzig, 1922.

The most sober judgments on the question will be found in Windisch, Buddha's Geburt (above) and J. Kennedy, Article on the Gospels of the Infancy, etc., in JRAS. 1917; p. 209 ff.


Barlaam and Joasaph. With an English tr. by G. R. Woodward and H. Mattingly. (Loeb Classical Library.) London, 1914.

E. Kuhn. Barlaam und Joasaph, eine bibliographischeliterargesch. Studie. Munchen, 1897.

H. Gunter. Buddha in der abenlandischen Legende? Leipzig, 1922.

Article "Barlaam and Josaphat" in Encycl. Brit. 14th ed.

Earlier theories of the origin of the work have been made obsolete by the discovery in Turfan by von Le Coq of a Manichaean recension. The results are given by P. Alfaric in La vie chretienne du Bouddha (Journ. As., 1917, Sept.-Oct., p. 271 ff.). He holds that the story, which shows evidence of contact with the Lalita-vistara and other Indian tales, reached the West through a Manichaean work, but that there must be some intermediate form of the story between this and the forms now known. According to this theory it cannot be earlier than the third century A.D., so that it is quite removed from the problem of Buddhist influence on the Gospels.



434 This corresponds with the list of the Sarvastivadin Abhidhamma, as found in Chinese, which however contains one more, the Vijnanakaya. They have been analysed from the Chinese by Prof. Takakusu. JPTS. 1904-5.
435 See lists in Sir W. Hunter's Life of B. H. Hodgson. London, 1896.

436 In this revised bibliography works entirely obsolete have been omitted.  Full bibliographies are given in Subject Index of the British Museum. 1881 ff.  H. L. Held, Deutsche Bibliographie des Buddhismus, 1916. From 1928 Bibliographie  bouddhique, forming vols. 3, 5. 6. etc. of Buddhica, Paris. 1929 ff. References  to Mahayana works are given in the author's History of Buddhist Thought.
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Abhaya, prince, 136, 264
Abhaya, goddess, 46
Abhidhamma, xvii, xix, 85, 114, 148,
167, 203, 212, 215, 254 ff., 275,
278; pitaka, 277
Abhinna, 49
Act of Truth, 122
Adhvaryus, 125
Adiccabandhu, Adityabandhu, xxii,
21, 217
Agganna-sutta, 4, 259
Aggregates, see Sankhara
Agnosticism, 202
Ajatasattu, 14, 20, 129, 132, 133,
138, 139, 143, 155, 159, 160,
166, 168, 179, 257
Ajita Kesakambalin, 130, 201
Ajivikas, 83, 130, 155
Alara Kalama, 62, 63, 69, 70, ISO,
184, 216, 229; death, 82
Alavaka-sutta, 119
Alavi, 119, 120
Allakappa, 155
Ambagama, 148
Ambalatthika, 143
Ambapali, 145
Ambashtha, caste, 6
Ambattha, student, 6
Amita, 24, 26
Amitodana, Amritodana, 24, 26, 102,
Anagami, see Non-returner
Ananda, 14, 29, 54, 102, 103, 106,
108 ff., 119, 134, 145 ft., 168,
198, 206, 242, 258, 264, 265,
268, 269; appointed attendant,
122, 123; recites the suttas, 166
Anantamava, 25
Anathapindika (-pindada), 104, 105,
144; death, 270
Anattalakkhana-sutta, 88
Andhakas, 215
Anesaki, M., 256, 257
Angas, people, 13, 105
Angas, nine of the Canon, 167
Angiras, 22
Angirasa, 23, 48, 98
Angulimala, 121, 122, 266
Anguttara-nikaya, 272
Animisa shrine, 85
Anjana, 24, 26
Annihilation, 130, 189, 196, 200, 201
Annunciation, 36, 238, 244
Anoma, 55, 61
Anomiya, 61
Anotatta, lake, 31
Anupiya, 61, 68, 103, 148
Anuruddha (Aniruddha), 57, 102,
103, 153 ff., 265, 269
Anuruddhaka, 168
Anuvaineya, Anumaineya, 57, 61
Arahat, 84, 89, 103, 108, Ill, 126,
178, 187, 214
Aruppa, see Attainments
Asavas, 67, 89, 152, 177, 183, 189,
194, 215, 260
Asalha, 31, 34
Asita, 19, 21, 38 ff., 58, 220, 239,
273, see Kaladevala
Asoka (Dhamma), xxiii, 18, 35, 157,
159, 160, 162, 170, 171, 218,
226, 235, 255; consecrated, 27 ;
see Kalasoka
Assaji, 88, 93
Assakas, 13, 14
Asvaghosha, 50, 184, 229, 240
Atheistic schools, 4
Atimaya, 25
Atman, see Soul
Attainments, 63, 153, 183, 184, 193,
Atthaka-vagga, 273, 274
Atthissara, 135
Atuma, 150
Aung, S, Z., 194, 197
Austerities, 61 ff., 70, 87, 261; condemned,
87, 180
Avantis, 14
Avatars, 216, 217
Avici, 119, 135
Ayojjha, Ayodhya (Oudh), 10, 11,
15, 16, 225


Ba-han, M., 186
Bahvrcas, 125
Bandhula, 139
Baptism, 239
Barhut, 221
Barlaam and Joasaph, 288
Barth, A., 36, 160, 162
Beluva, 145
Benares, 9, 11, 13, 14, 62, 83, 86, 89,
116, 216
Benfey, T., 12
Bengal, 14
Beowulf, 217
Bergh van Eysinga, G, A, van den,
238 ff.
Bhaddakacca, 49
Bhaddakaccana, 26, 49, 59, 60, 110
Bhaddavaggiya, bhadravarguya, 80, 91
Bhaddiya (Bhadrika) Sakya raja, 57,
103 ff.
Bhaddiya, one of the five monks, 88
Bhaddiya, town, 105
Bhagava, 1
Bhaggava, 69
Bhagu, 103
Bhallika, 85
Bhandagama, 148
Bharata, 11
Bharhut, Barhut, 221
Bhava, 196, 197
Bhoganagara, 14, 148, 149
Bimba, Bimbasundarf, 50
Bimbisara, 14, 21, 68 ff., SO, 83, 92,
105, 110, 114, 132, 133, 225;
death, 138
Bindusara, 170, 250
Birunl (Al-), xiii
Bodhi, see Enlightenment
Bodhipakkhika, dhamma, 183
Bodhi-tree, 33, 68, 71, 83, 85, 101,
230, 258
Bodhisatta, 1, 29 ff.; incarnation,
35, 147, 269; displays his skill,
19, 48, 50; doctrine of, 223, 224
Bonds, three, five, ten, 177
Brahma., 4, 33, 40, 46, 88, 114, 125,
141, 201, 214; persuades
Buddha to preach, 81, 82;
world of, 88, 182, 207, 208, 243
Brahmadatta, 116
Brahmajala-sutta, 199 ff., 257
Brahma-viharas, 126, 127, 183
Brahminism, 23, 124 ff., 174, 175
Brahmins, born from Brahma, 5,
125 ff.; claims, 174, 267; the
true, 126, 132, 267
Bremond, H., 186
Buddha, titles, ancestry, 1; home
and family, 16ff.; conception,
32, 35, 237; birth, 27 ff.;
infancy and youth, 38 ff.; first
words, 3, 31, 33, 75 ff.; austerities,
61 ff.; enlightenment,
3, 66 ff., 92; first preaching,
81 ff.; twenty years wandering,
113 ff.; last journey, 143 ff.;
death, 153, 158; as myth, 211 ;
qualities of, 212; omniscient,
213, 214; five kinds of vision,
213; visits to Ceylon, 3, 218;
as a god, 214, 224; previous
Buddhas, 27, 218, 258; word
of, xviii ff., 234 ff.; see
Buddhaghosa, 7, 183, 222, 254 ff.,
272; on the Chain of Causation,
194 ff.
Buddhavarpsa, xxi, 1, 27, 49, 97, 275
Budha (Mercury), xiv
Buhler, J. G., 18, 160
Bulis, 155
Burnouf, E., xv


Cakravartin, see Universal king
Calika (Caliya) hill, 97, 118
Campa (Bhagalpur), 13, 14
Canakka, Canakya, 170
Canda, fairy, 100
Candagutta, Candragupta, xxii, 27,
Candavajjl, 168
Cankin, 224
Canon, xviii ff., 1 ff., 34, 35, 249 ff.;
in metre, 254; list of Theravada
works, 257 ff.; of Sarvastivada,
278; see Pitakas
Capala shrine, 146
Carlleyle, A. C. L., 17
Castes, 23, 29, 70, 127, 128; origin,
5, 259, 266, 267; mixed, 6
Cedaga, 138
Cetis, 13
Ceylon, xiv, xxiii, 2, 14, 159, 160,
163, 218
Chain of Causation, 62, 76, 78, 85,
183, 186, 193 ff., 258; five
links, 193; nine or ten, 193, 197
Chandakanivartana shrine, 56, 57
Chandogyas, 125
Channa, Chandaka, charioteer, 33,
54, 56, 57
Channa, elder, 153; a monk who
committed suicide, 270
Chinese writing, 47
Christianity, 29, 36, 43, 46, 53, 225,
237 ff.
Chronicles of Ceylon, xvi, xxi ff., 10,
24, 234, 251
Chronology, 27, 92, 97, 113, 157, 158,
169, 234, 235, 283
Cinca, 111, 114
Clan, see Gotra
Clement of Alexandria, xiii
Concentration, mystical, 62, 64,
180 ff.
Consciousness, 195, 197, 198
Cosmogony, 3 ff.
Cosmology 207
Council, the Great, 170, 252, 253
Councils, xxiii, 109, 165 ff., 250 ff.,
Craving, 35, 72, 177, 187, 188, 193,
195, 206
Creation, Buddhist legend of, 4;
Hindu, 5
Csoma de Koros, A., xv, 27, 237
Culiya, 25
Cunda, elder, 141
Cunda, smith, 149 ff.
Cunningham, Sir A., 15, 17, 151
Cycle (kalpa), 4, 146, 236; new, 243


Damayanti, 122
Dandapani, 26, 50
Dantapura, 163
Dasabala, 99
Dasaka, 168
Dasaratha, 5, 10; jataka; 10 ff.
Davids, T, W, Rhys, xvii, 84, 90,
123, 125, 129, 133, 137, 149, 160,
187, 208, 220, 230, 235, 243, 284
Davids, Mrs, Rhys, 110, 170, 178,
187, 191, 193, 199, 204
Devadaha, city, 25, 32, 34
Devadaha, king, 24, 26
Devadatta, 26, 100 ff., 123, 131 ff.,
231, 262, 264, 277; his five
rules, 134; death, 135
Devaraja, 135
Devatideva, see Gods
Dhamma, 173 ff., 209
86 ff.
Dhammadinna, 110, 263
Dhammapala, 250
Dhammasenapati, 96
Dhanananda, 170
Dhananjaya, 105
Dharana, naga, 231
Dharma, see Dhamma
Dhotodana, 2., 26
Dhutangas, 137
Dhyana, see Trances
Digha Karayana, 139
Dighabhanakas, 252
Digha-nikaya, 257 ff.
Dighavu, 116
Dighiti, 116
Dipankara, xxi, 28, 49, 99, 219
Dopavamsa, see Chronicles
Disciples, see Five monks
Discourse on Fuel, 187, 193
Divine eye, 67, 183, 185, 269
Docetism, 215, 216
Dona, (Drona), 155
Dravidians, 23
Dreams, 31, 34, 56; the five, 70
Drona, 24
Dutthagamani, 159


Earthquakes, 30, 32, 153; causes,
147; science of, 8
Eastern Park, 106
Eightfold Path, 87, 127, 178, 183,
Ekanala, 117
Elephant, white, 32, 34; of the
Bodhisatta, 33, 131
Enlightenment, 227, 230, 260 ff.;
seven constituents, 183; see
Entering the Stream, 100, 111, 115,
120, 177, 192


Fa Hien, 16 ff.
Fausboll, V., xvi, 10
First sermon, 86 ff.
Fish-eating, 129, 134, 137
Five monks, see Order
Five rules of Devadatta, 134, 137
Fleet, J, F., 149, 158, 160 ff.
Foucaux, P. E., xv
Foucher, A., 221, 286
Four signs, 44, 51 ff., 58
Four truths, 87, 145, 173, 192, 193,
Franke, R. O. 171, 201, 233, 234
Free will, 207
Fuhrer, A, A., 18, 161


Ganda, 99; his mango-tree, 114
Gandhabba, 36
Gandhara art, 221 ff.
Gandharas, 14, 15, 139, 160, 163
Ganges, 15, 83, 143, 144
Garudhamma, see Strict rules
Gatha-dialect, xx
Gautama, ancestor of Buddha, 5, 23,
216; gotra, 22
Gautamas, sect, 137
Gaya, 83
Gayasisa, 134
Geography, 13 ff.
Ghatikara, 55, 266
Gijjhakuta, 133, 143
Giribbaja, 14
Goat-herd's tree, 85, 137
Godavari, 14
Godhika, 275
Gods in Buddhism, 208; three
classes, 214, 215; devatideva, 46,
Gopa, 50, 56
Gosala, 129, 130
Gospels, xviii, 225, 235, 236;
apocryphal, 248
Gotama, 1, 21, 23; gate, ford, 144;
gotra, 22; rishi, 22; see Buddha
Gotamakas, 137
Gotra, 22
Great Authorities, four, 148, 235
Great Kings, four, 33, 86, 141
Great Man, 21, 38 ff., 218 ff., 260
Gymnosophists, xiv; see Jains


Hackmann, H. F., 35, 285
Hatthigama, 148
Heiler, F., 187
Hell, 111, 112, 134 ff., 141, 145, 207
Hercules, 217
Heretics, 171; six, 113, 129 ff., 217
Hinayana, 244, 256
Hirannavati, 149, 151
Hiuen Tsiang, 16 ff., 158, 163
Hodgson, B. H., xv, 278
Hoernle, R. A. F., 130, 138
Huns, writing, 47


Iddhi, see Magic power
Ikshvaku, 5, 6, 20
Images of Buddha, 56, 221 ff.
Indra and Vritra, 217; cf. Sakka
Insight (pabba), 182, 183, 213
Isigili, hill, 141, 268
Isipatana, 38, 83, 89


Jains (Niganthas) Jainism, 35, 58,
67, 129, 203, 205, 207, 209, 219,
261, 263, 267; literature, 27,
111, 130, 136, 138, 231, 234
Jambudipa, 8, 28, 39, 159
Jambugama, 148
James, W., 203
Jantu, village, 118
Jataka, xvii, xxi, 274
Jayasena, 24, 26
Jerome, St., xiii, 34, 237, 239
Jeta, 105
Jetavana, 104 ff., I11, 241, 242
Jhana, see Trances
Jinacarita, 50, 282
Jivaka, 129, 264
Jones, Sir W., xxii
Jumna, 15


Kaccana (Katyayana) the Great, 43,
250, 255, 261, 266, 270
Kaccana, 26, 49
Kakucchanda, Krakucchanda, 27
Kakuttha, 149, 150
Kala, naga, 71
Kalasoka, 169, 170
Kaladevala, 41, 43, 70; see Asita
Kalingas, 14, 159, 163
Kalpa, see Cycle
Kalpa-sutra, 231
Kaludayin, 33, 59, 97, 98
Kambojas, 14
Kammatthanas, forty, 183
Kandy, 163, 164
Kanishka, 163, 164
Kanthaka, 33, 54, 56, 69
Kanthakanivattana shrine, 55, 56
Kapila, brahmin, 8
Kapilavatthu, Kapilavastu, 8, 14,
16 ff., 29, 31 ff., 39, 41, 61, 102,
107, 110, 119, 155, 160, 185,
228, 264
Karma, 35, 130, 140, 142, 150, 174,
204 ff., 209, 231, 236, 245, 261,
264, 267, 270
Kashayagrahana shrine, 57
Kashmir, 163
Kasia, 151
Kasibharadvaja, 117; sutta, 117
Kasina meditations, 183
Kasis, 13, 15, 83, 116, 138
Kassapa, ascetic (acela), 258, 269
Kassapa (Kasyapa) Buddha, 27,
Kassapa of Gaya, 59, 91 ff.; 185
Kassapa the great, 59, 155, 159,
165 ff.
Kassapa (Kumara), 135, 259, 262
Kassapa of the river (Nadi), 91 ff.
Kassapa of Uruvcla, 91 ff., 217,
Kathavatthu, spoken by Tissa, 171,
209, 212, 223, 255, 277
Kattika (Karttika) month, 141, 158
Keith, A. B., 211
Kern, H., 24, 129, 216 ff.
Khandhas, five, 35, 59, 190, 195,
202 ff., 263, 268
Khema, 110, 189, 214
Khuddaka-nikaya, 272
Kimbila, 103
Kisa Gotami, 53, 54, 110, 240
Klaproth, J., xxi, 237
Knowledges, three, 182, 212, 213
Knox, R., xiv
Kokalika, 134
Kola, king, 9, 16
Kolanagara, 9, 25
Kolita, 94; see Moggallana
Kolivasa, 25
Koliyas, Kodyas, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16,
20, 23, 24, 57, 61, 107, 155
Kols, 23
Konagamana, Konakamana (Kanakamuni),
18, 27, 218, 226
Kondanna, Annata-, 43, 80, 88;
Buddha, 99; gotra, 22
Kosalas, 10, 13, 15, 16, 20, 116, 138
Kosam, 15
Kosambi, 14, 15, 17, 115, 116, 263,
Kotigama, 145
Krishna, 217
Kshatriyas, 5, 127, 128, 155, 225;
gotra of, 22
Kukuttha, 149
Kurus, 13
Kusavati, 152, 219
Kusinara, 14, 19, 143, 148 ff., 154,
Kutadanta, 175, 176, 257
Kutagarasala, 107
Kuvera, 46


Lakkhana, 11
Lalita-vistara, xx, xxiv, 1, 24, 25,
27 ff., 34 ff., 39 ff., 44 ff., 50, 56,
61, 73, 74, 77, 211, 222, 230, 239,
La Loubere, S, de, xiv
Learner's sentences, 176
Licchavis, 20, 145, 155
Liddon, H, P., 2
Lion roar of Sariputta, 143, 144, 157
Lokottaravadins, xx, 216, 256
Lokuttara, 215
Luders, H., 161,
Lumbini, Lummini, 19, 32, 34, 35,
38; stupa at, see Piprava
Lunar mansions, 32, 86, 214


Macchas, 13
Madhyadesa, 29
Magadhas, 13, 20, 64, 82, 96, 117,
124, 138, 144, 254
Magadhi, xix, 18, 254
Magandiya, 115, 265
Magandiya, 115, 116
Magic power, 91, 96, 103, 113, 118,
132, 133, 135, 141, 146, 182, 183
Mahabharata, 122; quoted, 79
Mahakatyayana, see Kaccana the
Mahali, 185, 257
Mahanama, one of the five monks, 88
Mahanama, Sakya, 57, 102, 103, 139
Mahanidana-sutta, 197, 258
Mahapadana-sutta, 27, 50, 55, 68,
228, 258
Mahapajapati, Mahaprajavati, 24 ff.,
46, 57, 100, 101, 107 ff., 270, 271
Mahaparinibbana-sutta, 51, 85, 143f1.,
Mahapurusha, see Great man
Mahasaccaka, 58
Mahasammata, 5, 6, 7, 99
Mahasanghikas, xx, 170, 256
Mahasudassana, 152, 219, 258
Mahavarpsa, see Chronicles
Mahavastu, xx, 1, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 16,
24, 25, 27, 34, 36, 41, 44 ff.,
61, 69, 77, 256
Mahavira, see Nataputta
Mahayana, xx, 56, 77, 135, 209,
223, 224, 244, 249, 256; Canon,
Mahinda, xxiii, 171
Maineyas, 57, 61
Maitreya, see Metteyya
Majjhimabhanakas, 252
Majjhimadesa, 29
Majjhima-nikaya, 44, 81, 260 ff.
Makhadeva, 7, 266
Makkhali-Gosala, see Gosala
Makuta-bandhana shrine, 154
Mallas, 13, 19, 20, 22, 23, 57, 61,
143, 152, 154, 155
Malunkyaputta, 188
Manichaeans, xiii, 288
Manosila, 31
Manu, ancestor, 6; law-book, 6, 29
Mara, 40, 54, 68, 71 ff., 80, 85, 90,
118, 146, 147, 217, 230 ff., 239,
240, 263; army, 72, 74; Jain
parallel, 231; daughters, 72, 85
Marks of a great man, 21, 39, 40,
218, 220 ff., 260, 266; minor
marks, 221, 222
Marshall, Sir J., 164
Matanga girl, 242
Matika, 148, 149, 167, 255
Maya (Maha-), 19, 24, 25 ff., 29,
31, 32, 34, 36, 98, 237, 238
Maya-doctrine, 25, 203
Meat-eating, 128, 129, 134, 264
Meditation, forty methods, 183; see
Megasthenes, xxii
Meghamalin, 231
Meghiya, 118, 122
Merit, 76, 177, 223
Meru, 29; Sineru, 243
Metteyya, Maitreya, xvi, 29, 219,
Middle District, 29
Migara, 105, 106; mother of, see
Miracle, 2, 91, 185, 233, 258; of
rose-apple tree, 44 ff., 66, 99;
of the pairs, 98, 113, 114;
of loaves and fishes, 246
Mirror of the Doctrine, 120, 145
Moggali, 95
Moggaliputta, see Tissa
Moggallana, 56, 93 ff., 114, 118, 122,
132, 134, 138, 261, 263; death,
140 ff.
Mongols, xiv, 237, 238
Monks, see Order
Moon, god, 46; Soma, xxii
Moral, rules, five, 30, 176, 179, 272
Moralities (Silas), 178 ft., 220, 257
Morality in Buddhism, 175 ff.
Moriyas, 156, 170
Mrigi, 54
Mucalinda, 85, 232
Munda, 168, 169
Mundas, 23
Mungali, 140
Munja-grass, 73
Mysticism, 180; christian, 186; see
Concentration, Trances, Yoga
Mythology, xviii, 68, 216 ff.


Nadika, Natika, 143, 145, 258
Nagadasaka, 169
Nagarjuna, 191
Nagas, 71, 85, 159, 160, 231, 232
Nagasamala, 122
Naked ascetics, xiv, 105, 180
Nakulapita, Nakulamata, 115
Nalagiri, 133
Nalaka, 38, 41, 42, 58; Naradatta,
39, 41; Nalaka-sutta, 19, 38,
39, 43, 273
Nalaka, village, 95, 141
Nalanda, 95, 143
Namarupa, 195
Namuci, 72, 73, 232
Nanda, 26, 101, 103
Nanda, Mahapajapati's daughter,
Nanda and Nandabala, 70
Nandas, nine, 170
Naradatta, see Nalaka
Narayana, 46, 57
Nataputta (Mahavira), 130, 131, 136,
149, 213, 219, 259, 264, 265, 267
Nathanael, 244
Neranjara, 70 ff.
Net of knowledge, 120, 213
Neumann, K, E., 149
Nibbana, see Nirvana
Nidana-katha, xxi, 41 ff., 274, 280
Niddesa, 14, 253, 274
Nigali Sagar, 18
Niganthas, see Jains
Nigliva, 18
Nigrodha, elder, 171
Nigrodha park, 108
Nirvana, 53, 54, 63, 83, 86, 118, 121,
127, 133, 141, 142, 145 ff., 160,
183, 184, 187 ff., 206, 260, 262,
264; as the ultimately real,
208; won during lifetime, 83;
two kinds, 150, 190; lokuttara,
215; in Mahayana, 191, 209;
other theories, 200
Non-returner, 102, 108, 177
Nuns, 107 ff., 135, 191


Okkaka, 6, 7, 9
Okkamukha, 6
Oldenberg, H., xvii, 21, 22, 48, 49,
58, 59, 84, 110, 124, 137, 153,
165, 187, 188, 201, 226, 232,
Omniscience, 213, 214, 266
Once-returner, 100, 108, 177
Order of monks, 86, 90, 146, 165 ff.;
the five monks, 66, 50, 83, 84,
Ordination, 88, 90; service, 168
Ornaments pool, 51


Pabbajja, 88; sutta, 69, 273
Pacceka-buddha, 135, 214, 268, 273
Padaria, 18
Padhana-sutta, 71 ff., 250, 273
Padma, 70
Pakudha Kaccayana, 130
Pamita, 24, 26
Panca-sutta, 88
Pancalas, 13
Pandava hill, 68
Parayana, 14, 274, 275
Parileyyaka forest, 117
Parsva, 131, 231, 232
Pasenadi, Prasenajit, 20, 105, 110,
121, 138, 139, 189, 225, 242,
Patacara, 111
Pataligama, 14, 144
Pataliputta (Patna), 14, 144, 157
Path, four stages, 177; see Eightfold
Paticcasamuppada, see Chain
Patika, 99; sutta, 4, 259
Patimokkha, 168, 275
Paulinus a S, Bartholomaeo, xiv
Pava, 14, 149, 155, 260
Pavarana, 108
Pawapuri, 149
Peppe, W. C., 20, 160, 161
Perfections, 75, 95, 135, 223
Permanence, heresy, 196, 201
Peter walking on the sea, 241
Pessimism, 178
Phagguna, 98
Pilgrimages, 151
Pindola Bharadvaja, 113
Pinnacled Hall, 107
Pipphalivana, 156
Piprava (-kot), 19, 160, 226
Pischel, R., 43, 49, 91, 160, 161, 193,
Pitakas, 167, 249, 251, 255, 257; see
Piyadasi, see Asoka (Dhamma)
Pleasure in contemplation, 66, 181
Ploughing festival, 44
Pokkharasadi, 6, 125, 225
Polo, Marco, xiv
Polytheism, 208, 214, 215,
Potala, 16
Prajapati, creator, 4, 5, 25
Prajapati, see Mahapajapati
Prakrti, 194
Pravara ceremony, 22
Prayaga (Allahabad), 13
Prodigal, son, 244
Pubbarama, 106
Pukkusa, 150
Punna, 262, 270
Punna, 70
Punnavaddhana, 105
Purana Kassapa, 129, 130, 207
Puranas, xxi ff., 5, 12, 20, 27, 234
Pushkala, 20


Questions of Milinda, 190


Radhakrishnan, Prof., 191
Rahu, 53
Rahula, 20, 49, 53, 54, 58 ff., 100 ff.,
217, 264, 271, 277
Rahula, mother of, 33, 48 ff., 53, 54,
100, 229; ordained, 110; see
Raivata, 70
Rijagaha, 13, 14, 17, 21, 68 ff.,
80, 92 ff., 97, 103, 104, 107, 113,
136, 139 ff., 143, 159, 160, 168
Rajaka, 70
Rajayatana tree, 85
Rama of Ayodhyi, 5, 11, 12
Rama, of Benares, 9, 16
Ramagama, 16, 19, 155, 159, 160
Ramagama of the Nigas, 159
Ramayana, 10, 11, 12, 15
Rapti, 17
Ratanacankama shrine, 85
Ratana-ghara shrine, 85
Rays of light from Buddha, of six
colours, 223
Rebirth, see Transmigration
Rebirth-consciousness, 195, 197
Recollections, see Remembrances
Relics, 155, 156, 158 ff.
Remembrances, six, ten, 183, 208
Renunciation, Great, 21, 51 ff.
227, 228
Requisites, eight, 55
Retreat, 90
Revata, elder, 169
Ridgeway, Sir W., 234
Rig-veda, 125, 144
Rohini, river, 107
Rose-apple, miracle of, 44 ff., 66, 80
Rudraka, see Uddaka
Rummindei, 18
Rupasari, 94, 141


Sacrifice, 128, 175, 176
Sagaras, 14
Saheth (Seth) Maheth, 17
Sakadigami, see Once-returner
Saka-tree, 7
Saketa, 10, 11, 15 ff., 105, 226
Said, 70
Sakka, Sakra, 40, 46, 53, 55, 92, 101,
111, 141, 154, 160, 259, 263
Sakkodana, 24, 26
Sakya, king, 20
Sakyamuni, 1, 18, 138, 215
Sakyas, solar race, 5, 21, 23, 24, 57,
61, 93, 107, 155, 161, 174,
264; origin, 6, 7, 12, 217;
rajas, 10, 20, 99, 104, 228;
country, 16; clan, 22; destruction,
139, 140, 162; share of
relics, 140
Sal-tree, 7, 33
Samadhi, see Concentration
Samannaphala-sutta, 179 ff., 257
Samapatti, see Attainments
Samaritan woman, 241
Samavati, 116
Samaveda, 125
Samsara, see Transmigration
Samyutta-nikiya, 271
Sanchi, 221
Sandrocottos, see Candagutta
Sanghamitti, 171
Sanjaya, king, 20; ascetic, 93 ff.
Sanjaya Belatthaputta, 130, 201
Sankassa, 114
Sankhara, 193 ff., 202, 203
Sinkhya, 35, 193, 194, 201, 203, 208,
209, 229
Sariputta, 93 ff., 101, 111, 114, 118,
122, 132, 134, 189, 214, 256,
260 ff., 265, 268, 270, 271, 275;
lion-roar, 143, 144, 157, 259;
death, 140 ff.
Sarvarthasiddha, 1, 40, 41, 44
Sarvastivadins, 158, 209, 241, 255,
256; Canon, 278
Sattapani cave, 166
Sautrantikas, 255
Sivatthi, Sravasti, 10, 14 ff., 104 ff.,
110, 114, 119, 120, 122, 138,
141, 242
Schiefner, F, A, yon, xv, xxi, 97,
282, 283
Schools, eighteen, xviii, 137, 170,
252, 253
Scriptures, see Canon
Sects, list of nine, 137; see Heretics
Sela, 21, 266
Seleucus Nicator, xxii, 27, 170
Self-mortification, see Austerities
Senani, 64, 70, 230; -nigama, 64
Sena-nigama, 64, 230
Senapati-grama, 64, 230
Senart, E., on the Bodhi-tree, 68;
on the Chain of Causation, 194,
198; on the virgin birth, 237;
on the Lalita-vistara, xxiv
Sermon on Marks of Non-Soul,
Seven-years sutta, 73
Seydel, R., 238, 243 ff.
Shih-jl-ki-dheri, 163
Siddhattha, Siddhartha, 1, 20, 26, 44,
Siggava, 168
Siha, 129, 130
Sihahanu (Simha-) 24 ff.
Sikhin, 27
Silas, see Moralities
Simeon, 43, 238
Singalaka, exhortation to, 176, 260
Sirivaddha, 59
Sita, 11, 12
Sitavana, 104
Siva, 46
Six sects, see Heretics
Sixteen powers, 13, 14
Sixty-two doctrines, 199
Skanda, 46
Smith, V, A., 16 ff., 160
Solar race, xxi, S, 21
Sonadanda, 27, 224, 257; sutta, 21
Sonaka, 168
Sonuttara, 159
Sotapanna, see Entering the Stream
Sotthiya, Svastika, 71
Soul, 4, 35, 88; theories of, 200 ff.
Spells, charms, 242, 250, 260, 272
Spooner, Dr., 163
Strauss, D., 225
Strict rules, eight, for nuns, 108
Subhadda, arahat, 152, 155
Subhadda, unruly monk, 137, 155,
165, 166
Subhaddaka, 49
Subhuti, father of Maya, 25, 34
Sudatta, 104, see Anathapindika
Suddha, 24
Suddhodana, 20, 21, 24, 25 ff., 29,
36, 39 ff., 44, 52, 70, 80, 97 ff.,
100, 102, 104, 228; death, 107,
Sugata, 81, 147, 224
Suicide, 275; of Channa, 270; of
Godhika, 275
Sujata, 70, 71
Sukaramaddava, 149
Sukiti, Sukirti, 161, 162
Sukkhodana, 24
Sukkodana, 24, 26
Sukla, 24
Sumedha, 219
Sumsumaragiri, 115
Sun, god, 46; ancestor, xxi; myth,
217, 218, 226
Sundarananda, 100
Sundari, 111
Suppabuddha (Supra-), brother of
Maya, 26, 49, 131; death, 119
Suppatitthita, 71, 230
Suprabuddha, father of Maya, 25
Surasenas, 13
Susunaga, 169
Sutta, xix, 249, 257
Suttanipata, 14, 21, 38, 40
Suyama, 33
Svastika, 71


Takakusu, J., 256
Taittiriyas, 125
Taking to the temple, 46, 239
Takkasila (Taxila), 15, 164
Tanha (trsna), see Craving
Tapussa, 85
Taranatha, 255, 256, 283
Tarukkha, 125
Tathagata, 1, 40, 188 ff., 201, 216
Taxila, 15, 164
Temptation by Mara, 54, 68, 71 ff.,
90, 217, 230 ff.
Ten points of the Vesali monks, 169
Tevijja-sutta, 125 ff., 258
Theravada, xix, 223, 252, 253, 255,
256; Canon, 257 ff.
Thomas, F, W., 160, 161
Three palaces, 47, 48, 52, 56
Tibetan Scriptures, xv, xxiii, 278,
Tilaura Kot, 19
Tipitaka, 249; see Canon
Tissa Moggaliputta, 168, 171, 255
Tissa of Siivatthi, 121
Tooth of Buddha at Kandy, 163
Trances, 45, 63 ff., 142, 153, 181 tf.,
Transfiguration, ISO, 245, 246
Transmigration, 35, 174, 175, 191,
204 ff.
Tree of Enlightenment, see Bodhi-
Truths, see Four
Turnour, G., xvi
Tusita heaven, 28, 30, 31, 36, 53, 99
Tutelary gods, 144


Ucchedavada, see Annihilation
Udayabhadda, 168
Udayin, 199
Uddaka Ramaputta, 63, 69, 70, SO,
82, 184, 216, 229
Udena, king, 115, 116
Udyana, 140
Uggasena, 113
Ujjeni, 14, 171
Ukkacela, 142
Ukkula, 85
Undetermined questions, 188, 201
Unhisa, 221
Universal king, 20, 21, 32, 36,
39, 40, 43, 101, 217 ff., 259, 260
Unna, 222, 223
Upadana-sutta, 188
Upadi, 190
Upaka, 83, 88
Upali, 103, 168
Upanishads, 125, 195, 199
Upasampada, 88, 119
Upatissa, 94, see Sariputta
Upavana, 151
Uposatha, 108, 134, 168, 169, 171;
vows, 31, 36
Uruvela, 64, 70, 83, 90, 91
Uttarasalha, 32, 34, 55
Uttarasena, 140


Vaibhashikas, 255
Vaisalo, see Vesali
Vaisravana, 46
Vajji monks, 137, 169, 170
Vajjis, 13, 15, 20, 138, 143, 144
Vamsas (Vatsas), 13, 15
Vanga, 14
Vanganta, 95
Vappa, 88
Vasabhakhattiya, 139
Vasettha, 125; gotra, 22
Vasiliev, V, P., xvi, 284
Vasishtha, rishi, 22; hermit, 69
Vassa, see Retreat
Vasudeva, 217
Vattagamani, 251
Vatthugatha, 14, 39, 273, 274
Vebhara, 166
Vedanta, 201, 203, 208
Vedas, xviii 41, 144, 254, 258;
three, 115, 125 ff., 265
Vedehiputta, 132
Vedic religion, 35; period, 218
Veluvana, 92, 142
Veranja, brahmin, 117, 118
Veranja, 117, 263
Vesali (Basar), 13 ff., 69, 80, 107,
108, 113, 134, 138, 141 ff., 145 ff.,
155, 169
Vessabhu, Visvabhu, 27
Vessantara, 75, 99
Vethadipa, 155
Vetulyakas, 215
Vibhajjavadins, 171
Videha, 11, 132
Vidudabha, 139, 162
Vinaya, xvii, xix, 165 ff., 249, 254;
heads of, 168; pitaka, 275 ff.
Vindhyas, 14, 41, 45
Vipassin (Vipascit), 27 ff., 47, 55,
185, 186, 220, 258
Virgin birth, 36, 237, 238
Visakha, Vaisakha, month, 34, 92,
Visakha, 105 ff.
Vishnu, 20, 57; three steps, 217
Vissakamma, 53
Visvamitra, 46
Vyagghapajja, 9, 25


Wesak, feast, 34
Wheel of the Doctrine, 40, 83, 88,
151, 220
Wheel of Universal king, 219, 220
Widow's mite, 240
Wilson, H, H., xvi
Windisch, E., 25, 43, 73, 229
Winternitz, M., xx, 234
Wisdom, see Insight
Women, first Jay disciples, 90;
admitted to the Order, 107 ff.,
166; saluted the Lord's body
first, 109, 166; see Nuns


Yajur-Veda, 125
Yamaka, 189; book, 277
Yamaka-patihariya, see Miracle of
the pairs
Yasa, 47, 89, 90
Yasa, at the second Council, 169
Yasodhara, sister of Sihahanu, 24,
Yasodhara, wife of Buddha, 49, 50,
Yasovati, 50
Yoga philosophy, 184, 185, 193
Yoga-sutras, 127
Yojana, 17
Yonas, 14


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