The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:35 am


Chapter II. The State and the Sexes

We have seen that behind all religious, moral and artistic values a racially conditioned people stand and that, through unhindered race mixing, all true values are ultimately destroyed, while the individualities of the peoples vanish in a racial chaos, to vegetate away as an uncreative mass or become subservient, intellectually and materially subordinated, to a powerful new race will. However within these world spanning contrasts of races and souls of life there is another polarisation of peoples: the male and the female. If the deepest outward racial and spiritual features, the orientations and structures of values of man and woman in a type conditioned people are also identical, then nature has created a sexual polarity alongside the other polarities of physical and ideological kinds, in order to produce organic tension and creation as the preconditions of all creation. This fundamental insight has a twofold result, namely, that certain peculiarities of male and female—although on different planes and within a different typecast—are nevertheless similar according to the simple eternal laws of the physical structural planes of this world, and also that attempts at elimination of the sexually conditioned tensions must necessarily have a diminishing of creative powers as a consequence. This means that sexual collectivism, such as in the case of situations of miscegenation, will end in the debasement of the people. It also means that race mixing debases the offspring as well.

The opinion must be expressed that the recognition of the fact of sexual polarity as alone maintaining creation, producing and releasing tensions, must be an eternally unshakeable conviction because it has been substantiated a thousandfold. In fact, all truly profound thinkers have been of this opinion. These philosophers have a self evident maturity derived from their conclusions drawn from life. They believe in effect that man is superior to woman in all realms of research, invention, fabrication and creation. The value of woman rests upon the equally important mission of blood preservation and racial propagation.

In times of external catastrophes and inner disintegration, however, feminist man joins with emancipated woman to become the symbol of cultural decline and decay of the state. The speeches by Medea in Euripides’s plays are similar to the tirades of Fräulein The Myth of the 20th Century 107

Stocker or Miss Pankhurst, without—in spite of the woman’s freedom during the Renaissance, the era of the Sun King, Jacobinism and present day democracy—anything new being revealed other than what Aristoteles expressed in a few words:

Woman is woman by virtue of a certain lack of capability.

The ancient poets recognised this fact when they symbolised destiny as having been embedded in a cosmic law of female beings; the Teutons by the Norns and the Greeks by the Moirai. This lack of capability is the consequence of a nature directed at the vegetative and the subjective. The woman of all times and races lacks the strength of both intuitive and intellectual vision. Everywhere that a mythic shaping of the world, a great epic or drama, or a scientific hypothesis explaining the cosmos has appeared in world history, a man stands behind them as creator. To the ancient Aryan Indian it is the Prajapati, that is, the Master of Creatures, who formed this world, or the Purusha, the man and spirit who created. The Teutons formed heaven and earth from the giant Ymir; and it was the male spirit everywhere which gave birth to a world order against chaos.

Thus everywhere that something typical, and type forming, arises, the man is operative as the creative cause. Two of the greatest male acts of all time are called state and Marriage.

Present day Feminism—without the author wishing it—has found in Bachofen a glorification of its nature, and many unhealthy thinkers have taken his extravagant fantasies—irrespective of their interesting details—concerning matriarchy as true historical facts. However much he and all those related to him are right to claim hetairism as a form of government by women, it is nevertheless unjust to assume that state forms of this form ever existed. Bachofen did not shy away from assuming the existence of matriarchy in some places simply because women occupied high positions. He then expressed himself poetically about this. For example, he even presumes and asserts this for Sparta on grounds of the freedom enjoyed by women within this rough Dorian tribe. In fact, Sparta offered the example of a well disciplined state, and was devoid of any female influence. The kings and the ephors formed the absolute power, the essence of which was the maintenance and expansion of this power through the increase of the Dorian upper stratum with its disciplined outlook. For that sole purpose, women were also required to participate in gymnastic games. Generally, the wearing of golden jewellery was forbidden to them as were decorative hair styles. If woman enjoyed respect among the Teutons, then it was not because there were matriarchal conditions. On the contrary, it was because patriarchy was completely realised. That system alone provided consistency and, as a result of the racial typification of Nordic man, it was linked with the greatest respect for women. Accompanied by that magnanimity was a part of the eternally searching free nature which, in times of crises, can also become a great danger for the whole, as exemplified in the emancipation of the Jews. When that was approved, the idea of the political emancipation of women was recognised in the state legal domain.

The traditional view is that the family forms the cell of the state. This view has grown into a coercive dogma which, in the face of Marxist and Democratic attempts to disintegrate all ideas of the family, has constantly been reinforced. This argument not only clouds the stage for the study of the questions of women’s rights, but it inhibits judgement as a whole as it concerns the nature of the present movement for renewal and of the new state concept of our future.

The state has nowhere been the consequence of a common idea, but the result of an alliance of oriented men conscious of their goal and purpose. The family, having on occasions proved itself as the stronger, and on other occasions the weaker, supporter of state and folkish architectonics, has often even been placed in its service, conscious of its goal. But nowhere was it the most important pillar of a state, or, in other words, of a community based on political and social power.

The first purposeful association that arose anywhere in the world was the warrior clan, or tribe, or horde. It was formed for the purpose of creating a common security against a hostile alien environment. In the subjugation of one tribe by another, the defeated league of warriors was incorporated into the victorious one. Thus the first cell of the purposeful state association arose, existing unconsciously in the idea of a state.

Everything which we describe allegorically about Rome, Sparta, Athens and Potsdam begins with the alliance of warrior men. The bases of the state systems of China, Japan, India, Persia and Egypt also rest upon this primal ground which, under calmer external conditions, received a different kind of character. In its core, however, it always remained an allied league of men, even until the decline of one or the other culture. But decline signified the dissolution of the idea of a male system of training, of a male, type forming, norm.

Egypt passed relatively quickly from the league of men warriors into a technical association which for a long time bore the stamp of the learned scribe and the official. It was then pushed aside incrementally by the league of priests. Egypt has therefore aptly been called a state of officials or scribes. In each case a completely determined technical norm was recognised as the measuring rod of all action. It has had a type breeding effect over thousands of years. The first great cultural achievement of the Nile kingdom was making the land arable and utilising the changes in the soil which resulted from floods. Egypt did not use tribal names. It recognised neither leagues of the sexes nor blood revenge. The family played almost no role at all in the imposing structure of the Egyptian state. This Egyptian concept of the state, as controlled by learned officialdom, has persisted tenaciously over thousands of years. However, this type was trained by the purposeful league of Egyptian technicians, the learned ones, the scribes, who had to give advice concerning regulations of river, land irrigation, atmospheric effects, royal building plans, and so on, in order, through the league of priests, to give religious dedication to the entire activity.

See, there is no social rank which could not be ruled, only the scribe who rules himself

are the emphatic words in the Doctrine of Duaf. Thus the learned technician and the correct, but not incorruptible, clerk bred a state community.

We see something similar take place in China. Here, likewise, the league of warriors was transformed into a society of learned men. After Lao Tse and Confucius had established themselves as classics of the Chinese soul, their teachings on morals and life, in which Confucius completely predominated, became a measure and guiding line for the state life, religion and scientific activity of the Chinese people. For maintenance of the norm, the league of warriors transformed itself into a loosely linked society which found its dominant type in the learned Mandarin. This type ruled the life of China for centuries. There was no high official who had not passed his philosophical examination in the classical teachings of Confucius. This system of training held the Chinese Empire together during times The Myth of the 20th Century 108

when the purely political union was weakened through wars and revolutions, that is, the league of men, held together by an openly racially conditioned system, lasted through to the present. With China, the entire ancestral cult, naturally, must be considered. That cult cultivated an instinct of solidarity, of belonging together, at least in family belief. Its earthbound nature provided the most permanent way of cementing together ancient China and it still does so even today. The family, seen from the aspect of the wife’s influence, contributed little to nothing to Chinese society and to the nature of the state.

These two somewhat remotely connected examples are also to be found in the kingdoms undoubtedly founded by Aryans. The life style of ancient India was first conditioned by the warrior caste, called the Shatryas. In the ancient songs of the Veda, a courageous warlike spirit is breathed forth. It lasted until the time of post Christian decline. Indeed, even up to the present the Rajputs, the warrior families, were racially an alien, Aryan conditioned, body living in disintegrated India. However, gradually the direction of the people passed over to the Brahmans who finally brought all Indians under their intellectual rule. Secrets and magical rites were the elements, style forming, which were so powerfully implanted that, even today, Brahmanism represents the binding force to which hundreds of millions subordinate themselves. In this respect, it is characteristic that the Brahmans—in contrast, for example, to the Roman popes—have never striven for political power, and yet their authority was so great as to introduce the practice of the burning of widows. This was permitted by the forgery of an ancient text of the Veda. It is a measure which can only be traced back to an authoritarian male society. Nowhere has the power of a compelling, shaping, architectonic idea appeared stronger than in the type of the weaponless, yet ruling, Brahman. The strength, style forming, of its philosophy remained praiseworthy despite the fact that there was an unrestricted, widespread, race denying, doctrine of universal oneness that allowed mixing with the aborigines. Thus miscegenation was promoted, and dark mixed racial types attained high posts.

Another, clearly evident example which proves that men were germ cells of the state and backbone of a life type is offered us by Hellas in its political systems known by the names Sparta and Athens. One merely repeats elemental wisdom if he pauses to describe the power of the league of warriors over Spartan life. In Athens, it was not fundamentally different. Later, when, within men of more insight, the recognition of disintegration occurred during democratisation, one could always fall back on and rely on the male leagues. The members of these associations did not describe themselves as members of a family and clan, but described; themselves as brothers. In Greek life they represented a completely conscious retreat from the bonds of relationships based upon feelings. In Athens the league of youth, the Ephebia, took first place. It is no accident if Aristoteles begins the representation of the Constitution of Athens by mentioning this state youth league. This control by the state signified the attempt, carried out shortly before him by the disintegrating individualistic democracy, to reestablish the original and ancient Greek league of men warriors. In our understanding it signifies nothing other than the introduction of a universal military service for all young, free Athenians. In their 18th year they were put into barracks and identically uniformed. Gymnastic masters and educators strictly watched over the maintenance of discipline, guaranteeing strength and uniformity. This act of despair by the Greek democracy, knowing that the aristocratic Athenian had once arisen from among them, came too late. The strength of Athens decomposed through the subversion by demagogues, sophists, democrats, and women emancipated from femininity, and by race mixing. These things had to bow to a powerful new league of men, the warriors of Alexander the Great. If one looks even deeper, then he will also have to take into consideration the Athenian artist’s guilds, the philosophers’ schools, and, as a male league, one also must not overlook the great role played by the oracle goddesses in Greek life. The latter particularly represent the side, unable to form type, of pre Greek life with its emphasis upon superstition. These and the Dionysos cult are also unquestionably closely connected racially with the subordinated native stratum. The same is true of the later Bakchic cult which grew into a symbol of the late Greek era. Bacchic festivals, hetairai economy and democratic slave emancipation were the disintegrating powers which mitigated against the Greek folkhood, the Athenian state and the Hellenic culture in general.

We can observe a very interesting relationship among state, people, league of men, and family in Rome. The individual in Rome almost ceased to be a personality. His entire service and his whole life belonged to the community. The consciousness of the power and greatness of this community, however, represented in its after effect the pride, indeed, the personal property, of the citizen. If, from the aspect of the state, he was only a number, then individualism was legally unrestricted. Here the family also took its place. It has unquestionably been an enormously important stone in the building of the Roman state. But, as is known, this family was nothing other than a tool of the paterfamilias which disposed permanently over life and limb of all its members. Thus here also, merciless male discipline ruled. The grownup son could only withdraw from the tyranny of the head of the family by entry into the league of men, the Curia, the army. These forces mutually balanced each other, watched over the discipline of state citizens, and created that rigid Roman type which conquered the world. Its laws still determine the norm of western life even today. It must be said here at once that the crassly individualistic, private capitalistic Roman law created Roman strength but—released from its environment of intrinsic type—had a disintegrating effect on the Germanic essence. It must again be eliminated if we wish to recover our health.

The principles of collapsing Rome were taken over by a new league of men aiming at world rulership: the catholic church. Christianity entered into world history, carried by a great personality. At first it was only an emotional movement. Later, it infiltrated the state as a faceless mass movement, but when it had conquered the state the priests began, exactly as in Egypt and India, to control the architecture of thought, to represent themselves as the sole justified mediators between man and god, and to improve history according to its needs. This previously described system has proven to be an enormous disciplining power. It was shaped completely by an extremist league of men whose representatives practised celibacy. Women were, and still are, regarded up to today, only as serving elements. Through the introduction of the Isis Mary cult, account was also taken of the female maternal feeling. Through this concession to the emotional side—beginning with tolerant dedication and ending in religious hysteria, paired with complete exclusion of the female element from the structure of the church—the Roman church system of the league of men has based its capacity for resistance. In this respect, however, it must not be forgotten that the types of the Brahman and the Mandarin are even far older and stronger than the type of the Roman priest.

It is evident that the leaders of the male leagues have everywhere striven to prove that their rulership was willed by god. The Egyptian Pharaoh did this just as did the Brahman, who boldly declared of whoever knew the secrets of the Veda and mastered the The Myth of the 20th Century 109

sacrificial ceremony that the gods are in his hand.

The idea of divine grace was then taken over in the west by a male league completely different from the Roman priesthood: by the Germanic Knights Order which reached its peak under the Kaisers. The middle ages signifies the tortured attempt to equilibrate monks and knights—these two great types of the league of men—to one another, whereby each one made efforts to be serviceable to the other. In its essence, the Roman system was not Nordic, and the Knights Order of the middle ages was only one side of the struggle for release from it. The Germanic orders and guilds, the city leagues, the Hansa, and so on, appear as forces which made themselves free of the Roman ideas. Protestantism, as an anti Roman orientation of feeling, therefore corresponded to a disposition spread over the whole of Europe. It was, as even Görres admitted, the ethical conscience of Germanic man. However, the Reformation carried no strength, type forming, within it. Rather, it merely prepared the ground for the national ideas which have only begun to unfold their mythic strength in our times. The Roman system of training could only be pushed aside by another type breeding power. This was developed, at first, in the type of the Prussian officer, who, as was proved in 1914, became the type of the German soldier. The Prussian, then the German, army was one of the most splendid examples of the architectonic league of men corresponding to that of the Nordic, for it was built on honour and duty. Therefore, by necessity, it bore a hatred of others.

These observations can be extended at length by choice. The German order of Knights of the Sword, the Templars, the Freemasons’ League, the Jesuit order, the association of Rabbis, the English Club, the German student corporations, the German Freikorps after 1918, the S.A.—Storm Troopers—of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party—these are all eloquent examples of the insurmountable fact that a state, folkish, social or church type, however different their forms may be, go back almost exclusively to a league of men and its training. The woman and the family are added on or excluded. The woman’s capacity for sacrifice forces her into the service of a type. Only the power of another idea releases her from the system of training. Such an idea may use her as an element of disintegration—as in Hellenic democracy, as in late faceless Rome, as in the present day movement of Emancipation—or, in order to make their power of passionate dedication serviceable to a new, type forming, ideal after a revolutionary transition.

The demand for equal political rights for women was the natural consequence of the ideas of the French revolution. These rights were promoted by liberal, so called human rights, philosophies. The emancipation of the Jews followed from the preaching of the insane idea of human equality. So also was the case with the liberation of woman from male slavery. The demand for present day female emancipation was raised in the name of boundless individualism, not in the name of a new synthesis. In the sense of living to the full the movement was then interpreted accordingly by its adherents. As a reinforcement of this demand came the shaping of the social situation through world trade and overindustrialisation. Women were forced to assist their men in the factories in order to maintain the life of the family. The entry of women into the work force lowered the man’s wages. As a result, the period of bachelorhood was unnaturally lengthened. This increased the number of unmarried marriageable women. In turn, this led to the increase of prostitution.

Here, one of its most important tasks awaited the state. However, the state was not equal to the task. It could not cope with industrialisation and proletarianisation. Possibly, the democratic state never could be equal to this task. The workers’ movements were completely justified. They saw in woman a fellow sufferer and made her cause likewise a program point of their efforts.

In 1905, the League for the right of women to vote, founded in 1902, announced the following demands:

admission of women to all responsible community and state posts

admission of women to the practice of law

communal and political voting rights, and so on

This was the program, a deliberate reaching out for control of the state.

If we recall the facts represented at the outset, that in the entire course of world history, every lasting combination of state and social architectonics has been the consequence of the male will and masculine creative power, then it is clear that to concede a fundamental permanent influence of women in the state must be to represent the beginning of evident decay. In this connection it is not a question of good will or positive cooperation, nor of one or another competent—even great—female personality, but of the essence of woman, which, in the last analysis, approaches all questions lyrically or intellectually, never viewing things as a whole. Our feministically democratic humanity, which is so sympathetic to the individual criminal, but forgets the state, the people—in brief—the type, is thus really the breeding ground for all efforts which deny norms or only participate in them emotionally.

It is characteristic of the nature of the protagonists of a women’s state that their attack—in harmony with the entire Marxist and Democratic Jewish press—is directed instinctively against Prussian Militarism, that is, against the disciplining and type creating foundation of our state. This will be true as long as there are cultures, peoples and states. Thus, for example, England is generally praised because it does not experience Continental Militarism (Schirmacher). But up to 1832 the English granted women political, and up to 1835, communal, voting rights in full equality with men. But then, out of very pertinent reasons of experience, it abolished these again. These rights were reintroduced in 1929 under the renewed pressures of democracy. The emancipated are not accustomed to speaking well of Germany and its violations. None of our modern cultural nations is in a position to thank a victorious war fought scarcely a generation ago for its political existence. But every war, every emphasis on the furtherance of militarism, represents a diminishing of the cultural powers and influence of women. The emancipated have no eyes for understanding the fact that every culture for 8,000 years has arisen only under the protection of the sword. All have perished without salvation when the unconditional will to self assertion was no longer present. Just as the man infected with Marxism sees only his class and his fellow believers, so the emancipated see only the woman—not woman and man, sword and spirit, people and state, power and culture. And just as the Mythless and characterless 19th century stood helplessly in the face of Parliamentarianism, Marxism, and all the other disintegrating forces, so today we experience the fragmentising femininism of democratic politicians who see themselves thereby as especially liberal.

This liberality or rather, the weakness, of the male, type forming, power, has encouraged the women’s movement to express what the entire thing is directed at: the conquest of power. The exercise of power is sweet. The woman chases after it as much as the man. That female energies seek an outlet when men are tired is a phenomenon of natural necessity.

An entire literature came into being to provide a basis for this general claim to power. It attempted to prove the absolute equal rank The Myth of the 20th Century 110

of women. The fact that women gave birth was put forward with refreshing logic as the cause of this fundamental equality.

If one alludes to history as the chief witness for the absence of strength, type forming, in women, then they complain about the violent repression which has hindered them, without noticing that this concession alone is decisive. The greatest male geniuses have often been children of poverty and oppression, but nevertheless they have grown to become rulers and shapers of men. There is more falsehood than truth in the assertion that, historically, women have been oppressed. Even in the gloomy middle ages, noble women enjoyed a better education than the knights who rode out to battle and adventure. They also had leisure enough to study anatomy and astronomy at the household hearth. But never from the midst of these women has there emerged a Walther von der Vogelweide or a Wolfram. There was no Roger Bacon who was hunted through all of Europe by the church. No woman became one of the founders of our science. Woman could not create because she lacked the conceptualisation which is native only to man. There is no magic or power that permits creativity. It is simply a gift given only to man, never women.

Greece gave intellectual freedom to the hetairai, if not to the wife. Nevertheless, apart from the lyrically sexual Sappho, nothing noteworthy happened. This freedom of women was far more a clear sign of Hellenic decline. The Renaissance also gave women equal opportunities with men. Women such as Vittoria Colonna, Lucrezia Borgia, are known only to us, not because of their own deeds, but because of the way they were immortalised by men such as Michael Angelo. Woman has simply failed to produce or create lasting values of genius.

The intrusion of the woman’s movement into the collapsing world of the 19th century has taken place on a broad front. This female liberation program has, by natural necessity, entered into a mutually reinforcing alliance with all other forces of disintegration—with world trade, democracy, Marxism and Parliamentarianism. The enormous industry of woman in all domains has been given only a modest display when deeds and victories were counted. There are only a few significant women: Sonya Kowalewsky; Madame Curie, whose genius suddenly vanished when her husband was run over in a street accident; and a legendary inventress of the sewing machine. Otherwise, although there has been a succession of competent women physicians, art and crafts women, female secretaries, scholars and natural scientists, none has produced synthesis.

The science of emancipation declares that the so called female qualities have been merely called forth due to the thousand year old rule by men. When woman ruled, as had occurred at times, female qualities were formed in the man. Therefore only sex could be evaluated.

This logic is just as typical as it is widespread. Essentially, it springs from the dusty milieu theory, according to which man is nothing other than a product of his environment. This Darwinian white elephant must even today bear the burden of providing the ideological support and scientific backbone of the champions of women’s rights. Two incompatible sequences of thought run alongside one another. On the one side, it belongs to the art of propaganda to call upon male knightliness and sympathy to establish that women have been cheated of their freedom and culture by men. This has led them to demand an alteration in the future.

On the other side, efforts are today made to prove that men generally had mismanaged things, that the century of women approaches, and that in the past there were significant feminist states in which men played the role of obedient house pets. From this we should draw consolation in that the collapse of the male state would not bring chaos in its wake. But, on the contrary, a real culture and a real human state would commence. It is amusing to follow these new writers of history as they proceed. They report, for example, that a Kamshad woman cannot be moved, even by the greatest promises, to wash clothes, repair them or perform other household duties—from which presumably comes the high culture of Kamshadalia. Particular attention has been paid to Egypt. Diodoros and Strabon, as well as Herodotos, have been scoured for evidence to interpret signs of female worship as evidence that Egypt was ruled by women. This is said to be proven by the inscription over the sculptures of King Ramses and his wife on a gate. It is written there:

See what the goddess wife speaks, the royal mother, the mistress of the world.”

They alleged that this proves that the queen stood above the king. The words spoken about the mother are totally ignored. Further, they allege that the male Egyptian principally performed the household tasks while the women ruled. Let us, for a moment, agree. Simply stated, the doctrine fails because we can and have been trying to show that women founded no states. They have not created science. It is merely because they were oppressed?

But simultaneously, naturally, unwillingly, another thing is proved: that women with, or in spite of all, freedom have neither founded nor maintained a state. For Egypt was not a women’s state. From King Menes (approximately 3,400 B.C.) onward, the history of the Egyptian state is the history of men. The first king’s tomb is that of Chent, whose government created the foundation of Egyptian culture. The king is the incarnation of Horus; even after death he can take wives away from husbands, whence he wishes, if his heart is seized by the desire ..... The god, he is called, the great house—Pharaoh.

Royalty finds its rigid limitations in the ceremonial, in the typifying arrangement of law, in the observance of which its divinity is linked. Each of the kings built his own residence according to his capacity; his own sarcophagus, as a memorial. The rhythm of ordinary life was determined by the official, the chamberlain, the technician, or, in short, the scribe. After periods of unrest, Amenehet I struggled toward creative power. The classical period of Egypt had begun. The fact that the Egyptian male state allowed the greatest freedom for women shows that there can, in fact, be rule by women, but not a female state per se. This concept is a contradiction in itself, just as the term men’s state represents a tautology.

Things are not as simple as, nor are they solved by, establishing an equilibrium between a male and a female political system. The establishment of equal rights is not, despite claims to the contrary, a cultural goal worth striving for. A swing of the pendulum away from the formation of a male type does signify a time of degeneracy. The pendulum does not swing over to form a new type; rather it lands in a swamp. Rule by women is an example of absolutely nothing. For a European race—and not only for it—a time of rule by women is a time of decay in the structure of life. With further perpetuation, it signifies the decline of a culture, and of the race.

Even if women have become rulers during the course of European history, through dynastic succession, whether they have ruled well or badly, they did this within, and supported by the existing form of a male state. They have subordinated and adapted themselves to his type, in order after death to once again make room for a man. Ministers, generals and soldiers, represented by women—this would The Myth of the 20th Century 111

be the prerequisite for a Women’s state.

As monarchy ended in France, women were of necessity brought into positions of influence. The aristocratic lady possessed all the rights of the feudal lords. She could raise troops and collect taxes. Female landed property owners on a large scale had positions on, and voting rights in, the representative bodies of their class. Some, for example, as Madame de Sevigne did, indeed, become peers of France. In the self disintegrating guilds, the female masters could even determine the professional right to vote.

Some ideas of the French Revolution included the liberation of women. Its spokeswomen were the demi monde women, Olympe de Gouges and Theroigne de Mericourt. As long as the revolutionaries fought, women could not use the rights which they had possessed under the old regime. Later, they drew advantage from the Democratic victory. Napoleon was much hated by emancipated women on account of his antifeminist Code Napoleon.

The Americans, who granted women equal rights from the very beginning, are praised for this, but then, this was to be expected. If one studies the history of the United states, then he clearly notices two types of rule by women in American society, despite the fact that it has a male state. The American man still ruthlessly forces his will on society. The ceaseless hunt for the dollar almost exclusively governs his existence. His culture is represented by sport and technology. All paths of art, science and politics stand open to the emancipated woman. Her social position is undoubtedly superior to the male. The consequence of this rule by women in America is the strikingly low cultural level of the nation. A real cultural and vital type will come into existence in America only when the chase after the dollar has been tamed and when the contemporary technological man has begun to think about the nature and aim of existence. Emerson represented the first reflective moment in America. But unfortunately, this was only a moment. In spite of the social predominance of woman, the state is nevertheless, by necessity, masculine. If diplomacy and national defence were also female controlled, then America could not maintain its existence as a state.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:35 am


The essence of the state can be very different in content, but, from a formal aspect, it must always exercise power. Power is won and maintained in this world only through struggle, in the struggle for life and death. If we are to seriously regard the female demand for political power, then we must assume they can maintain that power with a female army. It is not necessary to discuss this absurdity or the organic impossibility of such a thing. Venereal diseases would rapidly increase in the Army and racial decay through miscegenation would be unavoidable. Even a mixed male female army would become but a huge brothel.

The present day state is accused of dual morality. The fact is, that in the first instance, it created and preserved the family, and not conversely. The fact is that it is the male state, which, for example, lays a duty upon the male party, whether guilty or not, in a divorce to maintain his divorced wife in a manner to which she is accustomed. But one never hears from women who call for equal rights that in the case of unfaithfulness by the wife, they wish to see an identical obligation laid upon her to care for the deceived husband. This would be a completely justified demand if no differences are to exist between the sexes. In actuality though, the campaigners for women’s rights want nothing in their deepest nature more than to be maintained at the expense of the man. In America, things have gone so far that the one sided law of divorce has become entrenched almost everywhere. Beyond this, efforts are made to place a legal obligation upon the man to hand over a fixed percentage of his income to his wife.

Just as the Jews everywhere call for equal rights and by this mean only their own privileges—so the emancipated woman must eventually face the fact she is really not demanding equal rights, but a parasitical life at the expense of male strength. Moreover, she wishes to have social and political privileges. The man of the 19th century infected with liberalism has simply not understood this. The chaos of the present is the revenging angel which punishes liberal man for such forgetfulness.

Today, the awakening individual sees that the god of the ballot paper is an empty scrap of rag without importance. The universal, identical, secret yet direct, voting right is not a magic wand but a tool of disintegration in the hands of folkish hostile demagogues. Is this universal right to vote then to be taken away from women? Yes! But also from men! A folkish state will not undertake to make major decisions through anonymous male and female voting masses. Such decisions will be made by responsible personalities.

Liberalism taught freedom of movement, free trade, parliamentarianism, emancipation of women, equality of men, human equality, equality of the sexes, and so on. In this, it sinned against a natural law that creation only arises through the release of polar conditioned tensions. That is, a high degree of energy is necessary to perform work of any kind. To create culture. Today, in the midst of the collapse of the feminised old world, the German idea demands strength, type forming, restriction, discipline, protection of racial character and a straightforward recognition of the eternal polarity of the sexes.

The cry for equal rights, or more correctly, for the female state, has a very characteristic undercurrent. The demand to be able to create freely in science, law and politics, shows Amazonlike features, that is, tendencies to be competitive with man in decidedly male domains; to appropriate his knowledge, ability and actions, and to imitate his diverse activities in life. But alongside this goes the demand for erotic freedom and the removal of sexual restraints.

The purely individualistic idea, the leading cause of all decadent social and political conditions, also dissolved the strict masculine form of discipline which is natural to all nations. If one were now of the opinion that woman should activate all her powers in order to protect her children from the consequences of dissolution, then what we see is emancipation doing exactly the opposite. Woman demands the right to enjoy erotic freedom within her female sex. Serious minded individual women have certainly opposed this impulsiveness. Nevertheless the erotic revolution has been extensively implanted through the efforts of the campaigners for women’s rights. Now, the liberated, type forming, woman appeared. She seeks the formative power to continue her species. Liberationist Anna Augspurg wrote, A woman who possesses self respect, cannot enter into a legal marriage. This can be regarded as the gospel of the erotic programme. Made bold by a violent emphasis on the value of personality and self determination, crazed women threw away the last protection of their sex and destroyed the last thing which offers them and their children security in life. The emancipated woman responded by demanding that the state assume sole responsibility for the care of her children. What state? Is the state then to become nothing but a welfare institution that will take care of the consequences of unbridled sexuality? Here, there is the denial of the idea of duty on one’s own part when irresponsible demands are made upon others. What we mean to say is that a truly emancipated state does not exist at all. For, without the concept of duty, the survival of a state is inconceivable over the long run. The campaigner for women’s The Myth of the 20th Century 112

rights curses marriage as legal prostitution, but, if in place of the man, it is the state which pays, how is anything altered in the whole affair?

If man only thought subjectively, that is without relationship to the community, then ultimately he could attempt to justify this. He could go from one woman to another, amusing himself according to his capabilities, with the woman left to foot the bill if she is left pregnant. The necessary consequences of the doctrine of emancipation are of great concern to us. Ruth Bra warned women against the liberated polygamous male who might hit upon the incredible idea of experimenting with a large number of free marriages. Free love would be at an end, and women would prescribe the necessary measure of love’s joys to men.

As is known, other emancipated women have found other ways out. They have experimented with abortion and contraception.

Already, the time draws enticingly near when scientists will succeed in discovering harmless ways to destroy the fetus. A gay outlook for all those who are not obsessed by the rage du nomber.

So wrote the Stocker woman in Mother protection. This longing outcry by a prophetess naturally also has a scientific underlay. As far as abortion is concerned, we offer the opinion that this is only an offence because the state is governed by men. Things would be completely different in a state run by women. Then women would automatically be granted permission to destroy the fetus. Abortions are permitted only as a female right tied to the physical freedom of woman. Liberationists note with pride, that the Swiss canton of Basle already permits abortion. These experts on the liberation of women time and again find themselves, along with their enthusiastic followers, in an agreeable, united front with Democracy and Marxism, all of which aim at the decomposition and destruction of our race. From the right to absolute personal freedom necessarily follows the denial of racial barriers. Our emancipated women lay claim to the right to have sexual intercourse with blacks, Jews, Chinese. Women, as the chosen preservers of the race, can also become the destroyers of all foundations of the folkhood, if permitted to complete their emancipation. These truly emancipated women have disregarded every moral restriction along with the concept of honour and duty. They recognise only the concepts and ideas of development, ratios of power, relayering. But the idea of degeneracy, the necessary counterpart to the idea of development, is almost completely disregarded. They therefore speak little about the fact that with an increasing drive toward a women’s state, female, as well as male, prostitution would proliferate. However, we need not fear greatly that such a thing will happen, but only because men are not psychologically disposed to allow such an abomination to occur.

A powerful group of emancipated women, including Ms. Elbertskirchen, Ms. Meisel Hess, and Ms. Augspurg, naturally opposes prostitution, but not on general moral grounds. Rather, they simply wish to insure lifelong security for other women. How dishonourable the struggle of this group is! This can be seen in the fact that although they will not recognise any marital bonds for themselves, they do lay claim to free love for life.

A preview of conditions in the hypothetical female state is provided in certain centres of our democratically controlled great cities. Delicately tripping dolls in lacquered shoes and lilac stockings, hung with bracelets, with fragile rings on their fingers, with blue eyelids and red lips—these are the types which would become universal in the coming female state. Emancipated women do not look upon all this as decline and decay. They see it as a swing of the pendulum away from the hated men’s state and toward the women’s paradise, as an allegedly necessary historical development. As a result, every difference in value is given up, every bastard, every cretin swollen with pride, can regard himself as a necessary member of human society and lay claim to the right of license and equal rights.

The abortion movement can be described as an act of despair in the face of present day social conditions. It is one thing to promote the decline of the people, and yet another to attack it with passionate will. A state power which sets as its goal the elimination of its children corrupts us all. This signifies total racial and cultural decline. This practice denies the possibility of salvation for women and men, for our entire people.

In the face of present conditions Nordic man is absolutely not to be taken under state protection. On the contrary, he is, in the first place, responsible for the crises in contemporary life. But his guilt lies in a completely different direction from where the emancipated woman seeks it! His crime is that of not having been any longer a complete man. For the same reason woman has frequently ceased to be a woman. The man became devoid of an outlook on the world, of a world view. He has allowed his former religious faith to collapse and his scientific conceptualisation to become shaky. He has also lost his type and style forming power in all domains. Therefore liberated woman reached out for the helm of state as an Amazon. She therefore demanded an erotic anarchy as proof of her emancipation. But she has not emancipated herself from the masculine state. She only betrayed the honour of her own sex and of nature.

With the Oriental peoples, religion linked with prostitution was quite customary. The priests nowhere allowed themselves to be deprived of this satisfaction. The same was likewise true of the pious Babylonian and Egyptian women. Initially they refused enforced prostitution, but eventually they gave in. The history of the goddess Ishtar is instructive. We see in the metamorphosis of this deity the decline of a people. At first she was the maidenly goddess of hunting, indeed, of war. During Hammurabi’s time she was still represented with a beard. Then she was held to be queen of heaven, goddess of love and fertility. Under Phoenician influences she became the protective spirit of religious prostitution. Later, as Astarte, she became the symbol of sexual anarchy. As a result, Babylon was dissolved as a state and as a type; it was finished.

Whoever wishes to avert European decline must release himself from the liberal, disintegrative of the state, view of the world and gather all forces, men and women, each in the allotted sphere, under the watchwords of racial protection, folkish strength and state discipline.

An evaluating judgement of woman has naturally not been made with the preceding observations. However, it represents a decisive insight for the cultivation of a future generation of Germanically conscious men and women that man proceeds in life by inventing, shaping and synthesising in the world; whereas woman proceeds lyrically. If the average man in ordinary life does not always reveal great intellectual architectonics, it remains a fact that great foundations of state, codes of law, organisations, type forming, of the political, military and churchly kind, comprehensive philosophical and creative systems, symphonies, dramas and sacred buildings have all been created by the synthesising masculine spirit. Opposed to this, the woman represents a world which in its beauty and originality, is not inferior to that of the man. It faces his in equal rank. The Amazonlike emancipated woman—as we have seen—is guilty of the The Myth of the 20th Century 113

crime of making women lose the high respect due her nature. It incorporated the values of the man into her own. This signifies a spiritual disturbance, a demagnetising of the female nature. Similarly, the modern, instead of concerning himself with the architectonics and synthetics of existence, began to worship the idols of humanity, love of mankind, pacifism, the liberation of slaves, and so on. It is also erroneous if one regards all of this as only stages, not as permanent. Despite the liberation of the emancipation movement, woman has not become architectonic but merely intellectual—as Amazon—or purely erotic—as representative of the sexual revolution. In both cases she has forfeited her innermost essence and has still not attained masculinity. The same also holds conversely, for the emancipated man.

From the standpoint of woman; state, code law, science and philosophy could be regarded as something external. What then is the purpose of the existence of forms, schemes or consciousness? Is the spontaneous flow of things, the unconscious in living experience of what is deepest not great and beautiful? Must one always have need of works in order to prove the existence of a soul? And are these forms and works of the man often not born out of an atmosphere of the lyrically feminine which would not have come into existence without the woman?

Life is being and becoming, consciousness and subconsciousness simultaneously. In his eternal becoming, the man seeks to create a being through the formation of ideas and works. These things form the world as an organically architectonic structure. Woman is the eternal guardian of the subconscious.

The Nordic Germanic myths represent the goddess Freya as the protectress of eternal youth and beauty. If one robbed the gods of her, then they would age and decline. Through her relationship to Loki, primeval mythic wisdom is revealed. Loki was a bastard of the gods. There was once a lengthy discussion concerning whether he should be recognised as being of equal rank to other gods in Valhalla. Finally, this was granted. This bastard Loki played the role of contractor when Odin’s fortress was to be rebuilt by giants. He then offered Freya as payment! When the gods heard of this agreement, they refused to honour it, whereupon Loki cheated the giants. Then Odin, the guardian of the law, himself fell into the pangs of guilt. His attempt to make expiation was the downfall of Valhalla. In this myth we find a deep perception which is awakening again only today. The bastard thoughtlessly handed over the symbol of racial immortality, of eternal youth, and thus pulled the noble into participation in his guilt. What may Odin indeed have whispered into the ears of dead Baldur when he accompanied him on his last journey? [this text taken from]

Translated into present day language, the Germanic Myth says: In the hand and in the nature of woman lies the preservation of our race. A people can still pull itself up out of political servitude, but never again from racial pollution. If the women of a nation give birth to black or Jewish bastards, if the muddy tide of black art passes unhindered over Europe as today, if the Jewish brothel literature comes into homes, if the Syrian of the Kurfürstendamm is also regarded as a folkish comrade and a marriageable man—then such conditions will ensure that Germany—and the whole of Europe—will be populated in its intellectual centres by bastards. With the teaching of erotic rebirth, the Jew of today reaches out—aided by the teachings of the emancipation of women—at the roots of our entire being. Just when an awakening Germany will reach the stage of carrying out a merciless cleansing with an iron broom and with ruthless discipline is uncertain. But, if anywhere, then in the preaching of remaining pure in race, lies the holiest and greatest task of woman today. This means the guarding and preserving of that unconscious, of that still unconcentrated, but particularly original, life. We speak here of the life upon which the substance of art, architectonics and of our racial culture are dependent. Those values which alone make us creative.

But instead of heeding this most important and greatest need of all, many women still listen to the decoying cry of the enemies of our race and folkhood, and are ready in all seriousness—for the sake of ballot paper and parliamentary seats—to declare war unto the death on men. Apparently, so that she will not remain a second class citizen of the state, woman has been incited to work for the right to vote, as if, under the present rule by money, our destiny is actually decided by elections!

Meanwhile, the instinct toward choosing a man is dirtied by open and secret soul and race polluting magazines and books. Woman today brings money into the Jewish stores from whose display windows the glittering decadence of a corrupt time shines forth, while present day liberal and lukewarm man is too weak to stem the entire current. The lyrical passion of woman which, in times of privation, can become just as heroic as the formative will of the man, seems to have been long buried. It is the task of the real woman to clear away this rubble. Emancipation of women from the emancipation of woman is the first demand of a female generation which wishes to save folk and race—the eternally unconscious, the foundation of all culture—from decline.

The age of Victorianism and the dreamy romantic girl’s life are naturally finished once and for all. Woman belongs deeply to the total life of the people. All educational opportunities must remain open to her. Through rhythmical exercises, gymnastics and sport the same care must be given to her physical training as is the case with a man. Nor should any difficulties be created for her in the vocational world under present day social conditions, in which respect the law for the protection of mothers should be more strongly implemented.

Doubtless, however, the efforts of those who would renew our folkdom after breaking up the folkish alien democratic Marxist system, must prepare the way for a social order which no longer forces young women—as is the case today—to stream in droves to the labour markets of life which consume the most important feminine energies. Hence all possibilities for the development of a woman’s energies should remain open to her. But we must be clear on one point: only men must be and remain judges, soldiers, and rulers of state. Today these professions demand more than ever an unlyrical, indeed, tough, attitude, recognising only what corresponds to a type and what is folkish. If we give up here we act forgetfully of our duty toward past and future. The hardest man must still be hard enough for the iron future. When the death penalty is fixed for mocking of race and folk, when the jail awaits those who pollute the race, then we will need nerves of steel and rugged formative powers until what is monstrous—to some—has at last become self evident.

Different souls must not be levelled, equilibrated, but must be regarded as to organic essence, cultivated in their peculiarities. The architectonic and lyricism of existence is a dual chord. Man and woman are the poles producing the electricity of life. The stronger every essence is for itself, the greater the effect of labour, the cultural value and life will of the entire people will be. Whoever arrogates to himself the power to undermine this law must find his decisive enemies in the real man and the real woman. If no one protects himself any longer against racial and sexual chaos, then decline has become irreversible. The Myth of the 20th Century 114

In the first book, the highest value of the Teutons has been extensively dealt with. This is served—in a different manner—by the German man and the German woman. But to cultivate it as a life type can and must be the task of the man, of a league of men. We stand in the midst of an enormous process of fermentation. Many personalities and bodies still struggle against the Medieval church and freemasonry but only in an instinctive, negative, defensive fight. They are still disunited because the type of the future must first be worked out and the supreme value of honour has not yet been unconditionally accepted. The great idea emanates from a few, but in order to form others into leaders, these few must tolerate in leading posts only personalities to whom the ideas of honour and duty have become the supreme values. All who give way—from whatever reasons—will ultimately have a harmful effect on the future. Power, soul and racial adjustment must coincide in order to help the coming type. To carry this out is the first and last task of a leader of the German future.

The German Reich, if it is to continue to exist after the revolution of 1933, will be the work of a league of men conscious of their goal. These men must be clear concerning what value is to be regarded as supreme in the coming life of the nation. This highest value, around which all remaining commandment of life must be grouped, must correspond to the innermost essence of the people. For only then will it tolerate the necessary tough discipline. This discipline will last decades. We must bear this discipline gladly. This one single innermost turning point must, however, be completed. From it everything else results.

Out of the dogma of the representation of god, the Papacy created its moral, theoretical and effective practical political power. This mythical based dogma alone determined—until the present day—the types and the history of peoples who number in the millions. Today, this dogma is consciously and ruthlessly rejected and combated. And, through a faith likewise growing to mythical power, it will be replaced by a belief in one’s own soul and race values. The idea of honour—national honour—not Christian love, not freemasonic humanity, not the Roman philosophy.

All the forces which formed our soul had their origins in great personalities. As thinkers, they had the effect of setting an aim; unveiling an essence as poets; type forming, as statesmen. They were all somehow typical dreamers of themselves and of their people.

Goethe did not cultivate a type. Far more he signified a universal enrichment of all existence. Many of his words brought bubbling forth the hidden spiritual sources which otherwise perhaps might have not broken through. This occurred in all domains of life. Goethe represented our essence in Faust. The eternal, which, after every recasting of our soul, is inherent in the new form. As a result, Goethe has become the guardian and the preserver of our disposition. He is a figure such as our people possessed at no previous time. When the times of bitter struggle are finally over, Goethe will once again begin to have a perceptible outward effect. However, in the coming decades he will pass into the background, because to him the power of a idea, type forming, was hateful. In life, as in composing poetry, he did not wish to recognise any dictatorship of an idea. Without such an idea a people never remains a people and will never create a true state. Just as Goethe forbade his son to participate in the German war of liberation and had to leave the smith’s hammer of destiny in the hands of Stein, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, so would he—if living among us today—not be a leader in the struggle for freedom and for the new shaping of our century. There exists no real greatness without the limitation of sacrifice. This man, infinitely rich of mind, could not concentrate and ruthlessly follow one course.

Jesus also is no former of a type but an enricher of souls. Gregorius the Great, Gregorius VII, Innocentius III, and Bonifacius VIII have allotted the personality of Jesus a place in the Roman league of priests. He became the servant of his slaves for exactly the opposite purpose than he had conceived. Similarly with saint Francis. On the other hand, Mohammed and Confucius were strong type creating powers. They stuck to one goal, outlined paths. Mohammed enforced the following of his teachings, while Confucius, with a more quiet effect, created and preserved Chinese folkhood. In a fundamentally similar way to Mohammed, Ignatius Loyola formed a type. He consciously trod under foot men’s feelings of honour, set a new goal for ideas, revealed exact means and ways and was thus a conscious cultivator of souls. Beyond this, the Jesuit spirit also created a physiognomically determined outward type, so to speak.

We experience a similar phenomenon in the art realm. Here there are personalities who are unique, who do not create a universal style and others, conversely, who live as type forming. A Michael Angelo, for example, has enriched art as only a few have done, but a continuation of his mode of working would lead to chaos. The same may hold of Rembrandt and Leonardo. Raphäel, on the other hand, has proven a great type power, similar to Titian and Greek art.

A related phenomenon is also offered by political life: Alexander gave birth to, and embodied the idea of, world empire. Rome seized upon this idea. The personal name of Caesar then grows into the monarchs’ title of Kaiser and Czar. A type of ruler who was favoured by god arose, linked with the Roman church. Napoleon signified an equally strong revolutionary power like Caesar, but, until the present, this type had only the effect of uprooting. It was not initially type creating. In another way, Luther shattered the alien crust over our life, but neither in a religious nor in the state aspect did he represent a type. He had to liberate our disposition to strike a blow against the rock, in order to free a passage for the spring of life to gush forth. That it took so long—until the great Prussian kings—before a man was found to force the latter into an organic river bed, signified the tragedy of later German history.

In face of the collapse of the German Reich after scarcely 44 years of existence, one final question—apart from those already dealt with at the beginning—now arises: Was a power, type forming, in the state operative in 1870 generally or not? Yes and no. I believe that Bismarck—as far as the consequences of his achievements and their driving force, but not his mode of operation are concerned—will one day be judged like Luther. He belongs among those natures who, gifted with a rarely seen will, can lay their stamp onto an entire epoch, yet create around themselves a desolation, sown with trodden personalities who had failed to unconditionally subordinate themselves. For decades, the complaint has been raised that Bismarck, out of a feeling of his own absolute superiority, regarded all ministries as mere private offices and the ministers as caretakers of his chancellery. However foolishly and unwisely Wilhelm II may have behaved towards Bismarck, and however mediocre his talents may appear from reading his Ereignisse und Gestalten(Happening and Form), a correct picture is nevertheless contained in them. Wilhelm compared Bismarck with an unexpected block of stone in an open field. If one rolled it away, then only worms were to be found under it. That is the symbol of our political history during the past fifty years. The imperial idea of 1871 was only a gazing back at the inwardly dead rule of Kaiserism by the grace of god. At the same time, it was linked in an unruly marriage with chaotic liberalism. Only a Bismarck was still successful in blowing a hot breath of life The Myth of the 20th Century 115

into this inorganic structure. In the feeling of his irreplaceability, his masterful consciousness of duty was enhanced to admit no successor of independent nature. Germany’s history would not have been essentially altered if Wilhelm I had left Bismarck still in office. Thus, the great man created and carpentered the Reich with one hand and, with the other, cast the firebrand into his own house. No other political power was at hand to avert the fortune.

But alongside Bismarck a personality was at work. We attribute the fact that Germany did not decline to this figure. This man, Moltke, must be thanked for making possible the four and a half years of heroic struggle in the world war. We take this point of reference from Spengler. This creator of the great general staff was the strongest, type forming, power since Frederick the Great. He was not the man to weld the soul of the people by verbal political argument, but it was he who helped to greatly cultivate existing personality values and to form the consciousness of individual responsibility into the prerequisite of all actions. The ratio carried through by Moltke between the responsible general and his chief of staff was the exact counterpart of what Bismarck did in diplomacy. Bismarck had made efforts to make his ministers financially dependent. The direct subordinate was obligated to represent his views with all acuteness, to provide a basis for them and, with opposite commands, to have them made into protocol. This principle, carried out from above to below, was furthered through definitions which all had the single aim of making the German soldier—in spite of the strictest discipline—into a self reliant, thinking and resolutely acting man and fighter. That was the secret of German successes in the world war. In spite of unavoidable human feelings, the type of the German soldier developing from the Prussian officer of Frederick the Great is eloquent proof of the fact that the methods of Graf Moltke are the only path to salvation for the rising Third Reich, if we wish to avoid collapse once again after a liberating revolution of intoxicating joy.

Moltke was a personality of merciless consequentiality. But his dynamism never poured itself out in terrifying outbreaks like that of Luther or Bismarck. He rarely withdrew into equally deep spiritual contrition like the souls of the other two. Nonetheless, Moltke had a compelling effect upon his environment; compelling, not depressing. Germany’s Second Reich was founded on the battlefield. It was created by Bismarck. But it was preserved by the personality and type creating power of Moltke’s genius. After Bismarck, loud nonentities with directionless flattering natures became chancellors of the Reich. These men fluctuated between his teachings and those of the liberalising forces. They led the German people into the net of hostile, goal conscious diplomats. But it also happened that a great number of outstanding generals and soldiers arose from the grey clad German army, such as all the rest of the world could not show. From 1914 to 1918 the real German Reich was not in Germany; it stood at the front on the Falkland Isles, at Tsingtau, in German East Africa, in the Indian Ocean and in the sky over England. Worms sat upon ministerial seats in Germany. They did not know what should be done with the most powerful state in the field.

It was not the fault of the system devised by Moltke, that if before the war the officer type became more and more alienated from the rest of the people, became a caste, and, finally, began to reveal the bad side of a divisiveness which was inorganic for Germany. An officer class based only on honour had to separate itself more and more from unscrupulous traders and stock exchange swindlers. But in order to carry through this separation, abrupt boundaries had to be drawn which seemed humanly unpleasant. They were quite necessary; for the purpose of slandering the Jewish press and selflessly defending Germany, these officers sacrificed themselves on the battlefields. They also shaped those who, from 1914 to 1918, put on the grey uniform of honour for the first time.

Bourgeois and Marxist Germany had become Mythless. It no longer had a supreme value in which it believed, for which it was ready to fight. It wished to conquer the world peacefully by means of trade and to fill its money bags. It had already sunk so low in its trading and usury that it was astonished when this did not please other peoples, when alliances were formed against the danger from German commercial travellers. In August, 1914, the supreme value of the army of Moltke became the highest value of the people. Everything which was still real and great threw aside the philosophy of the trader. It thanked the German soldier for protecting the national idea of honour. Moltke seemed to triumph. Then he was retired by the supreme commander. Instead of now—after many years of lack of concern for the supreme values of our people—seizing the opportunity and hanging upon the gallows that rabble which had spat upon him for years, the Kaiser reached his hand out to the Marxist leaders, rehabilitated those guilty of treason, and set up worms as masters in a state that was fighting for its existence. Later, together with his people, he received the thanks paid out to him by these worms on the 9th of November, 1918.

It is beyond question that it is the Moltke type, during the first period of a future Germany, which will form our league of men—let us call it the German Order. This group must step strongly into the foreground in order to save us in the present chaotic confusion. There is also a need for preachers with Lutherlike natures who hypnotise, and for writers who consciously demagnetise hearts. The Lutherlike leader in the coming Reich must, however, be clear about the fact that he must unconditionally abandon the system of Bismarck after victory. He must transfer the principles of Moltke to politics if he wishes not only to realise himself, but, also, beyond his death, to create a permanent Reich sworn to a highest value. Whatever shape things may take, whether eruptive, or powers creative of form, both must only be of the essence of the Nordic soul. Since the descendants of completely alien races have filtered into Europe, one cannot form a Germanic Reich German Nation. One then hands over the future to the free play of forces in the political realm such as were elevated into principles in the economic sphere after 1871. But then all sacrifices in spirit and blood will have been made in vain. After a short time, the same democracy will come to the helm, and the German war of liberation will be only an episode on the way to decline, not a symbol of a new, yet most passionately striven for, ascent.

A belief, a Myth, is only real when it had grasped the entire man. In the best interests of the future, all political, tactical and propagandist considerations must step back. Frederick The Great’s concept of honour, Moltke’s method of discipline and Bismarck’s sacred will—these are the three powers which, embodied in different personalities in varied mixture, serve only one thing: the honour of the German nation. It is the Myth which must determine the type of the future German. If one has recognised this, then it will have already begun to take shape in the present. The Myth of the 20th Century 116
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

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Chapter III. Folk and State

Folk, state, churches and army have stood in very different ratios of power to one another during the course of our history. The victory of Roman Christianity signified the abandonment of the organic Germanic ideas of the king as a measuring rod of worldly action. We have, in its stead, the ethereal idea of emperor which was arrogated by the church as the legacy of ancient Rome. A thousand years passed until—beginning with Henry the Lion or Heinrich der Löwe, and continued by Brandenburg—the Nordic kingdom renewed itself while the Roman Emperorship declined in the swamp of the House of Habsburg. Admittedly, the Staufers were also self sufficient enough to declare their IMPERIVM as German and independent of Rome. At the meeting at Besancon, for example, the Papal delegates, who described the IMPERIVM as a Papal endowment, were beaten half dead by the counts and dukes of Friedrich II. Nevertheless, this self consciousness was not built upon a doctrine firmly laid down in principle of the predominance of emperor over pope. Thus it was not a tradition or a perpetuated, type forming, force.

Rome had falsified its claim to power, beginning with the forgeries known as The Donation of Constantinus about 750. The fact that Constantinus was baptised as an Arianist, is suppressed. Pope Hadrianus I lied to Charlemagne when he asserted that this Decretal was to be found in the Vatican archives. The deluded king of the Franks accepted in principle the predominance of the Roman bishop, despite the fact that in the year 800 the pope had thrown himself on his knees before Charlemagne.

The subsequent popes, on the basis of these falsified documents, laid claim to their legal and traditionally established predominance. This happened despite the fact that these documents were proven forgeries. An entire literature was devoted to the establishment of the prime rights of the church over the crown. These claims were accepted until the high tide mark was reached in the Bull VNAM SANCTVM issued by Pope Bonifacius VIII. In this document Bonifacius declared that

It is a requirement of salvation that every creature be subject to the Roman pope.

This Bull was expressly described by the Jesuit General Werntz, who died in 1914, as a ‘definition of dogma which solemnly recorded the relationship between church and state for eternity. Other church teachers passed judgement in exactly the same way. As a result other pronouncements followed concerning oaths to the state. The Jesuit Lehmkuhl, counsellor of the German centre party, declared that it was clear that state civil oaths could never be binding as a duty if they were opposed to church law. Since, however, this right called for the subordination of the state to the church, then what Rome had demanded was that no oaths be recognised which are not sanctified by the church. The Jesuit Sanchez attributed to the church the power to declare oaths null and void, and the Jesuit Lehmkuhl openly defended military desertion. Indeed, he obligated catholics to do this in the event they were forced to participate in an unjust war—such as 1866 and 1870.

This unequivocal position of the Roman church toward the state represents a natural counterpiece seen from the standpoint of the idea of the German folkish state.

After the collapse of absolute monarchy in 1789, Democratic principles struggled with the National idea. Separated from the start, and later bringing both movements into rigidity, a new doctrine of power alien to the blood was formulated which reached its peak in Hegel. It was then taken over in renewed falsification by Karl Marx, who equated state with class rule. Today, we confront the problem. The state has delivered itself and the people to the dishonourable forces of trade. It has appeared to the broad masses more and more as a soulless tool of violence. The views of Hegel concerning the absolutist state in itself became predominant during recent years in Germany, and not only in Germany. The official moved more and more into a position of master, and forgot, thanks to the identical attitude of those ruling, that he was nothing other than a representative of the entire folk whose duty it is to fulfil the technical or political needs of the folk. The state and the state official thus became separated from the organic body of the people, and appeared as a special mechanical apparatus toward the latter, in order to lay claim to control over life. Millions took a hostile attitude against this development, but since no opponent dared to appear openly in the national camp, those who were discontented moved to the side of international social democracy, although they inwardly really were not Marxists.

The revolt of 1918 altered nothing in all this because the Marxists naturally had really nothing in common with the German people. They strove only for the establishment of fixed international principles, using the old technical apparatus, and the state in itself appeared again in active opposition to the enemies of the state. The roles were all exchanged and the soulless essence remained. But this essence had become far more distinct after 1918, because the state had earlier, on occasion, stood in the way of open enemies of the people; but now, in the person of its judges, the state was forced to imprison men whose lives and actions were devoted only to service and sacrifice for the people.

State and folk thus often confronted each other openly as enemies. From 1918 to 1933 they even appeared as deadly enemies. Our destiny will be shaped according to the manner in which this inner conflict is resolved.

Today, the state is no longer a separated idol before which we are all supposed to lie in the dust. The state does not even have a purpose unless it acts to preserve the concept of folk. The state is only one means to do this. Church, law, art and science must do likewise. State forms change and state laws pass away, but the folkish concept remains. It follows from this that the nation is the first and last consideration to which everything else is to be subordinated. And it also follows from this that there can be no state judges, only people’s judges. Unless this be true the entire legal foundation of life would alter. The only other possible result would be such degrading conditions as have been common during the last decade. One and the same state attorney had earlier to represent the Kaiser’s state, then the Republican. An independent judge was likewise dependent upon one basic system. Thus it is possible that, on the basis of Roman law,, the state attorney as servant of the state in the name of the people hindered the folkish guiding of the people. Abstract popular sovereignty of Democracy and the contemptuous words of Hegel—The people is that part of the state which does not know what it wants—have produced the same insubstantial scheme of so called state authority.

But the authority of the folkhood stands higher then this authority of state. Whoever does not regard this as so is an enemy of the people, even if it be the state itself. Such was the situation until 1933.

This was the view from one side, but it must be said concerning the content of the other, that an unconditional conformity is just as The Myth of the 20th Century 117

unfolkish as the old state law. The question of the monarchy—and of the monarch—is also a question of utility—in all events in the highest sense—and not a dogmatic one. Those who regard it as such do not differ essentially in their character structure from the Social Democrats who, in a certain sense, are conformist Republicans who have no consideration for what might otherwise happen to the entire people. Thus, the correct, awakening instinct of the German people shows everywhere today. Thus it will ultimately become evident. The Republic will need to become folkish or vanish. And a monarchy which, in advance, does not rid itself of certain old prejudices, could likewise not last, for it must necessarily perish from the same causes as the empire of Kaiser Wilhelm II.

The spirit of the future has today finally announced its demands. From the 30th of January, 1933 onward, its rule has begun.

In the 17th century the retreat of the pope began. The days of papal control over a world state were ended. In 1789, the dynasty, as an absolute value, made room for styleless liberalism. In 1871, the state began to make itself independent of the people; people which had actually first created it. Today, the people finally begins consciously to lay claim to the place rightfully befitting it.

The demand for freedom as well as the call for authority and type have almost everywhere been falsely posed and inorganically answered. Authority was demanded in Europe in the name of an abstract state principle or in the name of Liberal individualism and church universalism. In each case the claim was laid that all races and peoples had to subordinate themselves to this god given authority and its forms. The answer to this rigid dogma was the cry for unrestricted freedom—for anarchy. Rome and Jacobinism—in its old forms and in its later purest shaping in Babeuf and Lenin—actually condition one another inwardly.

The idea of freedom and the recognition of authority possess a completely different character within the present day racially spiritual outlook on the world. The idea of folkdom is certainly not only of one race. It is also characterised by factors of a historical and spatial kind. However, it is nowhere the consequence of a uniform mixture of elements of different races. A state is always characterised by the supreme value, art, culture and style of the dominant race. Adding other races for variety advances nothing and loses much. These racial dominants demand the creation of a type. Truly organic freedom is only possible within such a type. This limitation is racially conditioned. Race is the outward image of a definite soul.

With this, the circle is closed. Jewish internationalism of a Marxist or Democratic kind likewise lies outside this true Germanic organism. Judaism operates in the same way as Roman authority with its claim to international validity together with all church claims to power.

In the deepest innermost sense, the longing for personality and type is the same. A strong personality has an effect, style forming, but the type—regarded metaphysically—is already given before it. Thus, personality is only its purest outward imprint. This eternal longing takes on another form in every epoch.

Around the turn of the 19th century we experienced the appearance of a great number of personalities who, with the blossoming of our entire culture, marked that era with an unforgettable stamp. For a long time the era of the machine destroyed personality ideals as well as powers, type forming. The milieu, the factory, became master. A concept of mixed causality triumphed over true science and philosophy. Marxist sociology—through its mass delusion, quantity doctrine—strangled the concept of quality in research. The stock exchange became the idol of the materialistic sickness of the times.

Nietzsche embodied the despairing cry of millions against the latter. His wild exclamations about the Superman were a violent extension of his subjected personal life which had been strangled by the material pressure of the times. Now, at least one man suddenly destroyed all values in fanatical rebellion. He raged wildly. A feeling of relief passed through the souls of all searching Europeans. That Nietzsche became insane, is symbolic. An enormous blocked up will to creation forged a path like a storm flood. The same will, inwardly broken long before, could no longer attain shape. An era, enslaved for generations, understood in its powerlessness only the subjective side of the great will and vital experience of Friedrich Nietzsche. It falsified the deepest struggle for personality into a cry for the unleashing of all instincts.

The Red standards then joined the banner of Nietzsche, and the nomadic wandering Marxist preachers—the sort of men whose doctrine scarcely anyone else had unmasked with such derision as Nietzsche himself. In his name, racial pollution through Syrians and Blacks was sanctified, although Nietzsche, in fact, strove for selective racial breeding. Nietzsche has fallen to the dreams of overheated political whores, which is worse than falling into the hands of robbers. The German people heard only of a release from all bonds, subjectivism, personality, and nothing about discipline and inward building up. Hear Nietzsche’s beautiful words:

From the future come winds with secret beat of wings, and to sensitive ears comes good news.

These words represented an apprehension filled with longing in the midst of an insane world in which he, alongside Lagarde and Wagner, lived as almost the only ones with foresight.

This epoch of insanity now is finally dying. The strongest personality today no longer calls for personality, but for type: the folkish, earth rooted lifestyle. A new type of German man, rectangular in body and soul, arises. The shaping of this man is the task of the 20th century. The true personality of today seeks to shape those features in their best form and to proclaim loudly those ideas which are a part of the new, and yet primordial, German type of man; a man who will become free, not from, but for, something!

type, like subjective personality, is not a schema. type is the time bound plastic form of an eternal racially spiritual content. It is a life commandment, not a mechanical law. Such are eternal truths. The will to type is also the will to accept strict formative state discipline. Our generation has become rigidly undisciplined and conventional, and it must accept, or be subject to, rigid discipline.

With the vital experience of the type, that is, with the birth of the recognition of the Myth of our entire history, we witness the birth of the Nordic race soul and the inward recognition of its supreme values as the guiding star of our entire existence.

We would like to observe and affirm that the intangible idea of folkish honour has its roots in the strongest grounds of all, in the most material of all reality; in the farmland of a nation, in its living space.

The idea of honour is inseparable from the idea of freedom. Although one encounters versions of this idea, what is metaphysically deepest is undoubtedly the German creed founded by Eckehart, Luther, Goethe and Chamberlain. Their ideas shine so brilliantly for our times. In admitting that natural law and freedom are parallel ideas, coexisting necessarily in the human being, we come to the conclusion that this puzzle is incapable of solution or explanation. When our exterior is subjected to causal agents, we respond just like other The Myth of the 20th Century 118

organic essences. When stimulations and motives are inside us, when our vision is linked with the will, our being remains untouched and untouchable. This is true, however much it may be hindered purely mechanically by outward effects. For this reason alone men dispute this inward freedom, but this proves that the will and freedom are present in men.

The greatest catastrophe of our intellectual life consisted in a sinful shift in the interpretation of the concept of freedom in German life, brought about by blood poisoning. This view came increasingly in vogue, as if freedom was synonymous with economic individualism. True freedom of research, thought and creativity was destroyed. Vision and will become more and more the servants of speculation and impulse. This movement of the new freedom into organic processes necessarily revealed an alienation from nature. Abstract and schematic economic and political doctrines no longer listened to the laws of nature, but followed its impulse to isolate the individual. Thus a seemingly small perceptively critical displacement has brought enormous material misfortune all over the world. Day after day, a merciless nature takes its revenge until it will climax in the coming catastrophe. Then the so called world trade together with its artificial, unnatural substructure, will collapse in a world catastrophe. If an external pressure does not need to break a strong personality it will at least destroy it mechanically. Such an attitude and pressure can poison a people. This was perpetrated against the German people when our leaders failed to provide adequate living space. In the 19th century our arable area became smaller and smaller. This was a crime against the still earth linked farmers. The number of landless, propertyless Germans grew. Closely pressed, millions pushed into the world cities, and the human flood ever increased. Our directionless leaders called for industrialisation, for export and world trade. In their need, they fell under the influence of Syrian conspirators who wished to turn the millions of the propertyless not into men hungry for living space, but into the Marxist Jewish revolutionary proletariat. It sought also to incorporate those who still owned property. These parasites sought to exploit them through an unattainable will o’ the wisp international world peace movement. With the theft of the idea of living space, the poisoning of our soul was achieved. The idea of folkish honour suddenly appeared as an insubstantial phantom. The prophets of the struggle for space were stamped as imperialist enemies of the people. Our just struggle for freedom was falsified, misled by Marxists, in order to end despairingly in the swamp of international communism.

The truly creative idea of freedom can only fully blossom within the totality of the folk, when our race has air to breathe and land for farming. An effective vital honour will therefore only be seen at work in a nation which has sufficient living space at its disposal. Where the idea of national honour is elevated, the demand for space will be deeper. For this reason neither Jewry, alien to the soil, nor Rome, equally alien to the soil, recognises the idea of honour. More precisely, they do not recognise this idea because there is no longing active within them for farmland. It is farmland upon which a strong and happy race scatters its fruit bringing seed. Today, all the enemies of Germany attack our honour, and they have also stolen Germany’s living space. For these reasons, in the final analysis, the metaphysical struggle revolves around the innermost values of character. It signifies a struggle for living space. One strengthens and reinforces the other. With sword and plough! For honour and freedom! So runs the battlecry of a generation which wishes to erect a new Reich and which seeks standards of value by which it can judge its actions and its fruitful strivings. This battlecry is nationalistic. And socialistic!

Socialism generally describes an ideology which demands the subordination of the individual to the will of a collective, be this class, church, state or people. But this fixed idea is completely devoid of content and allows free play to all arbitrary connotations since the essential content of the word is ignored. If social activity signifies private enterprise for the purpose of individual salvation from spiritual and material collapse, then socialism signifies the safeguarding of the individual essence carried through by a collective, or in entire communities, from every exploitation of their work.

Not every submission of the individual to the command of a collective is socialism, any more than every socialisation signifies state control or nationalising. One could regard monopoly as a kind of socialism which is what Marxism does in practice. Through its antilife doctrine, Marxism helps socialism to increase so that it concentrates power in a few hands. Such a concentration of power places the so called dictatorship of the proletariat in control in the place of rule by the great world exploiters. Fundamentally, this signifies no alteration of circumstances. It is only world capitalism under other symbols. For this reason Marxism everywhere marches with democratic plutocracy. In the short run capitalism is the stronger.

If a measure is socialistic, it can be designed to be a preventive or revolutionary—disruptive—kind. What is determinative is collective, in whose name it establishes socially economic instruction. The bourgeois parliamentary state legislates thousands of socialistic encroachments. It inflicts tragedy by favouring reparations on all enterprises through compulsory mortgages. It regulates tolls, loan interest and division of labour. In spite of this it is a class state, whose ruling parties do not pass socialistic measures. Rather, it lays its burden upon the entire people. Just as little can Marxism, which carries on its class struggle from below, lay claim to power for itself. The millions of people standing under Marxism’s triumph are not treated as a totality. To a great degree they are mere objects, exploited by the Marxist oriented members of the community. The work state was erroneously used under heretofore existing political conditions. The state stands neither in service of the bourgeoisie nor of the Marxist class struggle. Thus, it does not exist at all, however much its substitute demands worship. However much confessionalism and this double sided class struggle may strive, neither of them can pass and carry out a truly socialistic measure. This can only be done by the representative of a system which is able to grasp the people as an organism, which regards the state as a means to their external security and inner peace, to whom the totality nation is thus the measuring rod for the individual and smaller collective restricting actions. Out of this thought process, for which the world has finally become ripe, we are witnessing the great struggle between nationalism and socialism.

The old nationalism was manifoldly not sincere. It was a mere cover for large agrarian and industrial, and later, finance capitalist, private interests. For this reason, the words, Patriotism is the last refuge of great scoundrels (Doctor Samuel Johnson) could frequently be justified. Moreover, Marxism in the guise of social democracy was openly the adherent of plutocracy. The communistic folkish destructive ravings against the property values of all nations are making real socialism possible. The result was not a struggle, but an equation of real nationalism with real socialism, a synopsis with foundations. Germany has to thank Hitler for fabricating this synthesis.

A model socialistic measure was the transfer to state ownership of the German Reich Railways (Reichsbahn). As a result, these facilities were withdrawn from arbitrary private control. In operational safety this act represented a folkish preserving prerequisite which The Myth of the 20th Century 119

was for the good of every German. Another real socialistic measure was the communalising of the electricity works and of the city water supplies, whose services are available to all without difference of class and religious creeds. Socialistic institutions are city mass transport, the police, the public libraries, and so on. It is a matter of complete indifference whether these institutions were developed in a monarchy or a republic. The monarchy, as the examples of the German Reich railways and the Reichsbank show, was fundamentally more socialistic than the Weimar republic which, after the signing of the Dawes dictate and other documented subjugations, brought much—bank and the railroad included—completely under the control of private—even foreign—financiers.

The struggle for existence and private welfare—often, a clever symbiosis—determine human public life. The first is a process of natural selection. The second is a purely human one established through deep, noble Christian good will toward one’s neighbour. Both factors left on their own would signify the death of every culture, of every real folkish state. Therefore, there exists no natural, and just as little no Christian, idea of state. The real state of Germanic conception consists in that struggle for influence which is linked to definite prerequisites, allowing it to develop only under the rule of character values. Modern economic individualism as a principle of state therefore signifies the equating of a successful swindler with a man of honour. And so, after 1918, the usurper triumphed everywhere. Caritas for its part—as the alms of a dictator to oppressed millions, or as a personal act of good will—heals no wounds. It merely covers pustulent sores. It is the counterpiece to unrestricted exploitation. Occasionally, the greatest swindler even builds hospitals for his victims whom he has plundered over decades. He then has himself celebrated as a philanthropist by his newspapers.

Thus whoever wishes to be a nationalist today, must also be a socialist. The socialist of the field grey front of 1914-1918 wishes to have his life in the state. Without the state, Marxism will never be overcome and international capitalism will also never be made harmless. For these reasons it is understandable that a real socialistic measure—to be interpreted as such from its consequences—will be neutral toward the idea of private property. It will recognise it where it ensures a security for the whole, and will restrict it where it conceals dangers. For this reason, for example, the demand for state ownership of the railways and for personal real estate are both socialistic and nationalistic demands. Both serve the economically oppressed, in order to provide them with the prerequisite for cultural and state creations.

Therefore, from this standpoint, a completely different kind of light will shine upon many expressions of life which will benefit broad layers of the folk.

We can directly follow the connection on the one hand between individualism and economic universalism during the past 100 years in the political domain and, on the other hand, in the democratic and Marxist movements. The latter started out to establish the happiness of the individual and, at the same time, it proclaimed a culture of mankind which aimed at a pan Europe. In the final analysis it seeks a world republic, whether it be a republic of the men of the stock exchange or a dictatorship of the proletariat. The latter would become a protective form of dictatorship headed by the world bourse. The Dawes Plan and the Young Plan are both symbols of this combination of universalism with bloodless individualism. The result is that only reciprocal actions are recognised as organic between ego (individual) and society, between individual and nation. In this concept of society, of a humanly organised one, the organically, blood linked bond is included for us through character values and ideals. Out of this fundamental outlook has grown an entire new system of ideas and state based on the recognition that it is not an abstract individualism, abstract universalism or abstract socialism falling down out of the clouds, so to speak, which forms people, but conversely, that healthy, blood conditioned peoples do not recognise individualism or universalism as a measuring rod. Individualism and universalism are, regarded fundamentally and historically, the world outlooks of decadence; in the best cases they create an unfortunate man who is split apart by certain circumstances and who flees to a last rigid dogma in order to escape from an internal collapse.

From this entire experience of a new birth, from the recognition of primal eternal values and from the new version of the organic contrasts, there suddenly emerges for us a radiant bright light. We find this if we survey the development of the last historical epochs. We see, if this important point is singled out again, two great movements—nationalism and socialism—struggling with one another through the entire 19th century into the 20th.

The fact is that at the basis of both of them there is an organically healthy core. This organically healthy drive, which necessarily lies, completely irrespective of what men and system may have gained, in the mastery of these forces, will end the dispositions of thought during the course of time. We see the old German Nationalism after its upsurge in the Wars of Liberation—after its deepest foundation through Fichte, and its explosive appearance through Blucher, Freiherrn von Stein and Ernest Moritz Arndt, and embodied in its military power by Scharnhorst and Gneisenau—pass over into the hands of an inwardly outlived but organisationally still strong generation such as was represented most acutely of all by the Metternich system. The flourishing, upward surge of nationalism thus passed immediately after its origin into a fateful bond with dynasticism.

The value of the king or Kaiser as an institution had stood higher than the entire people. We see a court economy become great which would earlier had to have collapsed if the powerful strength of Bismarck had not undertaken to weld together monarchy and nation into a block under a dynastic leadership. But while King Frederick the Great embodied this unity even in the gravest days of destiny, his successor, Kaiser Wilhelm II, had already lost this faith when he declared that he wished to spare his people a civil war and crossed over the frontier. As a result, he released the dynastic concept from the folkish totality and, on November 9th, 1918, the dynastic ideas of state collapsed. Soon all conscious German Nationalist circles came to realise the days of kingship were over.

German Nationalism of the 19th century was also closely linked with liberal democracy. The strength of that system increased with the growth of industrial trusts, more world trade, the wholesalers and the world banks. The economic interests of these trusts were frequently represented as national interests. Thus, for example, the German Bank and its profits in Turkey were falsely presented as folkish interests of the German Reich. During the war we concluded that the war effort of the nation, which had been spearheaded by the cry that the ground and soil which had been conquered by the German folkish army should now become German possession, had been betrayed. For many years there had been talk about the ore mines of Briey and Longwy. The interests of industry and profit were places above the interests of the entire nation. Today, German Nationalism dies from this unnatural union. It had stood order and rank on its head. Only a new vitality can create a new nationalism. It must link itself consciously and unconsciously with all previous Germanic The Myth of the 20th Century 120

struggles for freedom, and, above all, with the unconditional greatness of those men who, in 1813, led Germany out of the depths.

In exactly the same way as the nationalism of the 19th century was poisoned by Marxist Liberal forces, so has this also been the case with socialism. We established, in the preceding passages, that socialism is a measure of state carried through for the protection of the entire people from all exploitation, and further, it offers a measure of state protection of the individual from private lust for profit. However, here it is not only a matter of a formal action in itself. An act becomes socialistic only in relation to its outward effect. For this reason it is possible that a socialistic action does not bring with it, as was likewise established, a formal state nationalisation, as it can, on the contrary, even signify a personification, a liberation of individual forces if this liberation brings with it a strengthening of the totality.

When Bismarck was attacked from the conservative side as a socialist, he declared that the concept of socialism did not terrify him in certain circumstances. He socialised the railways and he recalled the act of emancipation of the peasants by Reichsfreiherr von Stein, which likewise represented a socialistic measure. Here, our own view is in the deepest accord with that of Bismarck. The act of the Reichsfreiherr von Stein signified the liberation of hundreds of thousands of peasants from a monstrously oppressive rule. Through this liberation of the creative forces, the welfare and character of the people were elevated. This act by the Reichsfreiherr von Stein remains until today one of the greatest milestones in the history of German socialist freedom.

Our new idea places folk and race higher than the existing state and its forms. It declares protection of the people to be more important than protection of a religious creed, a class, of the monarchy or the republic. It sees in betrayal of the people a greater betrayal than high treason. As a result, the German renewal movement lays claim to the same freedom as Rome when confronting the formal state. It sees the opponent of the state who, suffering for his people and their honour, goes to prison and jail, not as a criminal but as a nobleman. It recognises no inner obligation toward a structure. No struggle is illegal for us if it proceeds against the members of a doctrine politically falsifying true religion, which could proclaim betrayal of the country as its fundamental faith. An unjust struggle is a struggle against folk comrades. Deadly enemies of a German people and of a coming German state are therefore those forces which make religious creed or class into a declaration of war on fellow members of the German people.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:36 am


A retreat from or a struggle against the state in itself can, occasionally, bear a justified antinational stamp when it is in fact led by masterful racially conscious characters and not by slavish natures under whom the rights to ownership of the soil has been preempted. We witnessed this for 14 years, when the moneyed democratic rabble, after the expropriation of mobile property, also stretched out its hand against immovable property and indirectly robbed farmers and estate owners through mortgages, market anarchy, and so on. Bismarck once said that a state which took away his property from him was no longer his Fatherland. This was the assertion of a master. Motivated by similar feelings, Germans, robbed of soil, migrated to all parts of the world to acquire property. The ultimate turning away from the ancient homeland which occurred rested on the new bond with property acquired by struggle. But the cry property is theft was the battle cry of an uncreative slavish nature. It was no wonder that the Syrian Marx took up this cry and placed it at the head of his desolate teaching. However, everywhere that Marxism became dominant, it was unmasked as false. The greed for property has appeared particularly with its extremists. Therefore, in face of the earlier theft from the people, the battle cry for all proletarians ran: Creation of new property, struggle for new living space.

The new Reich requires from each German in public life not an oath to a state form, but an oath to recognise German national honour according to his power and capacity. This honour must become the supreme value for each German. If an official cannot provide such an oath, then he necessarily loses all rights to occupy a public post. This right of citizenship, which hitherto everyone received as a gift upon his 21st birthday, must be acquired by effort in a new state—an idea which the National Socialist program already represents. Citizenship can be acquired through blameless conduct in educational institutions and in practical life. A German who offends the honour of the nation abandons his claim to receive rights of any kind from this people. Men who for reasons of conflict of conscience are unable to make an oath to the German people will not be persecuted by the state. But it is self evident that, as a result, they must lose any claim to the rights of state citizenship. Therefore, they may not become teachers, preachers, judges, soldiers, and so on.

The liberal ideology—as a consequence of its folkish hostile absence of barriers—introduced the idea that by the doctrine of freedom of mind and the doctrine of equal rights for all, activity of a political and instructive nature was interpreted completely without any relation to a shaping centre. Therefore equal rights were allowed not only to a fighter against the state form but, beyond this, to an agitator against the folkdom. The latter had the same rights as one who had risked his life a hundred times in the trenches. The intellectualising liberal bastard even regarded it as particularly humane to cultivate international world ideas while arrogantly deriding every expression of the rights of his own people. It is self evident that chaos must follow.

It is also self evident that there will always be and must exist very different personalities and groups within a people. A people of brothers is utopian and not at all beautiful. Complete brotherhood signifies the levelling out of all grades of value, of all tensions, of all dynamics of life. Struggle remains the life producing spark. But all these ideals should be reflected within one ideal. They must be tested as to their value on a measure of value, namely, to ascertain if the ideas preached and the measures demanded are suited to ennoble and to strengthen the German folkhood, to strengthen the race, to elevate the consciousness of the nation’s honour. Political parties, which base their activity upon international class solidarity or international church interests, can be strengthened, but they have no justification in a German state. The activity of such folkish hostile parties in the past as well as in the present has eaten away at and lacerated the soul of Germans. On the one side, the adherents of Marxism and of the centre still remained German, while on the other, they had to recognise values found outside of Germany as their highest values. The problem of the coming Reich as fulfilment of a German longing thus consists in preaching a new world view to these tormented, falsely led millions, to present to them—on the basis of this new Myth—a new supreme value.

The new world view will purify the value of the folkhood and national honour which have slept within the dross of centuries. The new idea will accept the whole of life in its symbol. Only when this has occurred can a German Reich arise. Otherwise, all promises are empty.

The state apparatus can only carry through its work of typifying of the people in an imperfect manner. State laws can only be of a rounding off or restricting, not of a vital, nature. The state can and must, for example, suppress a Bolshevist Fatherlandless party. But it The Myth of the 20th Century 121

can only do that in the long run if a strong life renewing will and creative social labour stand behind it. A consciously built up league of men will have to carry through this work.

Since 1933 we have known with what aid of what forces the unstate of November, 1918 has been replaced by a German one. We have known for years the man who would raise high a new banner on the towers of German cities. We know, and today finally experience, the powers of the race soul awaken from deep sleep, which this man had to carry by necessity. It is the task of this founder of the new state to shape a league of men, let us say, a German Order, which is composed of personalities who have had a leading participation in the renewal of the German people.

The members of this German Order will be appointed by the first head of state after the foundation of the new Reich, from all strata of the people. A precondition of this are achievements in the service of the folkdom, irrespective of domain. The council of the appointed German Order will, in this manner, be replenished by new appointments upon the death of a member. The supreme head of the state—President, Kaiser or King (we say the Leader) determines his successor for the ruling council of the German Order. In this technical aspect a pattern is provided by the organisation of the Roman church as a continuation of the ancient Nordic Roman Senate. As a result, on the one side, the folkish serving forces of the council of the German Order rise from all strata of the nation, upward by way of city and district associations, in each case conditioned through outstanding personal achievements. The connection between folk and leadership thus remains preserved. A castelike apartness, such as appeared after 1871, will be avoided. On the other side, however, the boundless democracy and demagoguery which are always linked with it will be removed and replaced by the Council of the best.

Admittedly, a hereditary monarchy occasions the wearer of the crown to balance, even out of self interest, the interests of the people to his home policy. Nevertheless, the danger of the decay of a dynasty remains in every generation. As a result, a kind of Byzantinism would appear, without the office of king being represented in a dignified way. As a consequence of these conditions there ensues the opposite of consistency in state life. This, of course, was always the goal of a hereditary monarchy. The degeneration of the monarchy brings unrest and revolution.

Today the people can only rarely see a great man directly. To achieve this, catastrophes are necessary. Following a crisis, one breaks out of a shell and struggles forth. Therefore in ordinary life, the choice of President or King, as chosen directly by 70 million, is only determined by money bags. It follows from this that in 99 out of 100 cases no real folkish Leader arrives at the head. Therefore, in the coming first German folkish state, there must finally be a break with this deceitful democratic demand. Democracy spawns only as a tool of capitalism and the moneyed classes.

It also follows that a true parliamentary government may come into existence through the intoxication of the masses. Such is the case in the immoral Democratic parliamentary systems. Beyond the borders of the village community, of the medium sized town, the average man loses sight of any measuring rod for his judgements. It is self evident that he is then able to evaluate a personality as to its value only if he is in a position to judge the latter’s effect on the spot. This is impossible where party groups influence the elections of mostly unknown men. It therefore follows that in democracies, party lists, not personalities, are decisive in the elections.

For this reason in a German Reich of the kind we long for, the present form of election must gradually give way to the principle of appointment of responsible leaders through the Leader by folk and state. Those appointed to the highest posts will then appoint those in the lesser posts. As a result every group will be considered in relationship to the whole in the manner appropriate to it. In this respect, freely creative activity can appear and be provided for without divisive separatist outbreaks.

The Wehrmacht must be given special consideration in this total structure. It must admittedly hold itself aloof from all party political conflicts, but its political alienation, such as capitalist and democratic journalists strove for, must cease once and for all in the coming Reich. The army is not there merely to be pushed wordlessly into the battlefield. Also it was not created so that it could be betrayed and disarmed by cowardly Pacifist Democrats who operate in name of the state. The frightful experiences of the world war stand before us here as an admonishing example for all times. They must never be repeated again. This has been ensured through the successful personal union of Leader, Reich Chancellor and Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht.

Bismarck described the secret ballot as un Germanic. So it is. Through this anonymity the cowardice of the individual is recognised as a mode of thought. Among other things, the feeling of responsibility is deliberately undermined. Applied to an entire people, it signifies the cultivation of spiritual vagabondage. Human feelings, however, will be unavoidable even in the best state. A rejected candidate will only too easily hold as an enemy anyone who rejects him out of purely objective reasons. Such would be unsuitable and bring about many undesirable difficulties as a consequence. It is something different when it is not a matter of the usual elections but of great questions of destiny affecting every German. Here there will not be an appeal to impossible judgements in individual technical matters, but to the instincts, to the folkish character itself. In such cases the Leader has, after 1933, already frequently called up this now awakened will to self preservation. These pronouncements have also given him further strength.

The future Germany must reveal in what form this grave problem of the connection between authority and the will of the folk can henceforth be handled. See, in this connection, my address, The German state order, in Blood and honour (München, 1934).

Under the sign of the old parliamentarianism every individual member was less responsible for his actions and behaviour than an absolute monarch. A parliamentary cabinet referred in its decisions to the celebrated principle of majority government. If a political program is successful, then the parliamentary minister is a great man. If it fails, then the minister concerned, at least in the most extreme cases, withdraws without having to be held responsible. This fact encourages the most unscrupulous parliamentarians in accordance with their nature to recommend themselves anew as ministers. This would not be the case if any real responsibility existed, as is presupposed as self evident with an army leader. The parliamentary minority cultivated through this honourless system naturally describes this condition as an expression of the familiar progressive spirit. In reality, it is a shabby, bestial product of the cowardice of the majority which wishes to insolently sit in judgement over each and all, but which crawls irresponsibly behind the mass of parliamentary members. The parliamentarian is not even to be called to give an account before his electors. He is elected by the entire people, as the language of the democratic Marxist swindler runs. Thus, a firmly outlined circle of electors is not legally established. These things would change if the ministers at fault could be called to account by the head of the Reich before a political court in the same way as a The Myth of the 20th Century 122

defeated general before a court martial. Then ministerial rivalry would become significantly rarer, and only really responsible men would strive for those positions. Under the democracy of 1918 even the most ordinary subjects could squint with the fullest prospects of success and nonpunishments for failures and betrayals.

These thought processes have as a goal the conquest of a dogma. Such dogma is today worshipped by all like a golden calf. This dogma is the unrestricted freedom of movement. Today, one sees a folkish murdering stream flowing away from the land and the rural areas to the great cities. The latter swell in size, unnerve the folkdom, destroy the threads which link men with Nature, entice adventurers and business speculators of all shades, and promote racial chaos. From the city, as the centre of a civilisation, a system of advanced posts for Bolshevist decline has grown within the world cities. Unnatural, witless, cowardly intellectuality links itself with the brutal, typeless rebellious fury of bastardised slaves. The enslaved who are still of good race and folkish strata fight on false fronts—led by Marxism—for their freedom.

Spengler prophesied cities with 20 million inhabitants and an impoverished countryside. Such was to be our fate. Rathenau described stony deserts and the wretched inhabitants of German cities as the future, who would provide mercenary services for powerful foreign countries. The motivations of these men were certainly different. But together they inculcate into the German people the idea of the impossibility of change. Subject to destiny, this is the name of the new expression for weakness of will or cowardice; but it has even become the words of solution from those political criminals who wish to manoeuvre our people into the misery of a Fellahinlike final condition! This is ensured according to plan by the press of international Marxism. These Reds unite a willless herd of millions behind them as the faithful retinue, as a mass ready for revolution. Weak willed philosophers thus provide the enemies of the people with the ideological foundation, in order to perfect a long prepared work of destruction. That Spengler, in spite of this, preached power, power, power, merely shows a lack of logic.

At bottom of all these oracular cries about the irreversibility of development lies the un German, coercive dogma of unrestricted freedom of movement as a guarantee of personal freedom. But this apparently unshakeable doctrine is a problem of will. The rejection in principle of the right to freedom of movement signifies a prerequisite for our entire future life. It must therefore be established even if such a claim to power is felt by millions at first to be a grave damaging of personality. There remains only one choice. One must perish miserably on the asphalt, or he must seek to regain health on the land or in a medium sized city. This choice has already been made in the sense of elimination of freedom of movement. At first there will be considerable resistance in the hearts of many.

All joint stock companies, cartels, and so on, need not be concentrated in two or three cities. They need not take over the entire apparatus of government. It is not true that more and more new factories must arise in Berlin in order to tie new hundreds of thousands there. It is false that supply and demand, as is often said, must rule life. The task of a real folkish state consists in directing the values and establishing an order of forces that are today controlled by others.

The capital city with its glitter, its cinemas and stores, its stock exchange, and its night cafes, hypnotises the land. Under the sign of freedom of movement, the best blood streams unhindered into the blood poisoning capital city. Our farmers seek work. They found businesses. They earn cash beyond their dreams. The mania of immigration reinforces anew. This disastrous cycle can only be solved by a strictly handled blocking of increases in population.

Salvation does not lie in the building of dwellings in the capital city for which there is so great a call. This actually promotes decline. We find salvation in the elimination of the liberal folkish destructive freedom of movement. Immigration without approval into cities of over a hundred thousand inhabitants must be unconditionally banned in the future. Money for new dwellings can only be approved in urgent cases for such cities. This money is best distributed instead among the smaller towns. New factories may then be erected in cities of approximately a hundred thousand inhabitants if the object of exploitation lies on the spot, for example, newly discovered coal stocks, salt deposits, and so on. Present day transport possibilities shape the distribution of forces. Decentralisation must occur in the whole of economic life. Not only will it not damage our economy but it will strengthen it. This can be accomplished through our racial strength and folkish health alone. We can succeed by applying our most important capital which we possess generally.

In the United states, the concentration of capital has proceeded at a most rapid tempo. Giant grain mills and mammoth slaughter houses to which raw materials stream from over the whole land overburden the railway network. Freight costs increase the price of ready made goods. These problems could have been avoided by the erection of fewer large centres from the start.

Ford, for example, rightly demanded that cotton mills should not be built in the capital cities, but laid out in the neighbourhood of the cotton fields themselves. An unrestricted development of human freedom of movement and of storage of goods defeats in its own object. The protests increase which, without yet risking change to the insane dogma of freedom of movement, nevertheless soberly recognise the natural necessity of decentralisation. Out of purely economic reflections they arrived at the same conclusions that I do from the idea of racial protection.

The farmer, who is still the greatest producer today, is not simultaneously the greatest purchaser. He is dependent on those intermediary stages which process his products before they arrive on the market. He cannot change them on the spot into ready goods, but must burden the transport system with raw materials. This fateful development attempts to uproot the farmer stock, the strongest support of every people, a stock that never dies (Chamberlain). This trend has been consciously protected by democracy and by Marxism in order to enlarge in this way the proletarian host. A true folkish policy must proceed in exactly the opposite way. The deproletarianisation of our nation—and of every other—is conceivable only through the conscious demolition of our great cities and the foundation of new centres. To speak of bringing a sedentary life and nationalisation in the midst of giant heaps of stone, is insanity.

An unusual American idea, salvation with the aid of the automobile, has been attempted in the United states of America. It manages only to squander power and lose time. The millions who daily travel into New York from outside and who are spewed out again in the evening, overload transport and make the whole of life more expensive than would have been the case through a strict damming up and guiding of the human flood. In place of perhaps a hundred large folkish poisoning centres, ten thousand culture promoting ones could be created if strong willed heads had determined our destiny instead of Marxism and Liberalism.

In terms of draughtsmanship, our life proceeds today upon only one line: backward and forward. In the future it must rotate around The Myth of the 20th Century 123

organically established centre points. If the number of inhabitants of a city approaches the figure of a hundred thousand, then an outlet must be looked for. New settlers must be directed to smaller places or settled upon the land. They must not be permitted to live in the cellars of our cities, as democracy encourages.

It must not be assumed that we are still left with choices. One needs only to look at the troubles of New York, which touch upon the very vital nerves, to know at once that all is at stake. In order to control the ever increasing traffic a giant staff of architects and technicians are working day and night. Things have now gone so far that the erection of multilevel streets has been proposed. Roads for cars have to be laid under the houses and pedestrian stairways arranged above these in passages. Bridges must span one side of the street to another. An entire complex of stairs, passageways and permanently artificially lighted thoroughfares, is planned. The new American three zone law allows a higher development of houses. New designs surpass anything known before, as we see in the work of architects like H. Ferris, R. Hood, M. Rusell and Crosell. The aim of all these technical efforts, which reveal perfect freedom of movement as the foundation of their world view, is a heap of mammoth stone pyramids in which all human life must become desolate, rigid, and must finally perish. Such a foundation for a world view must be cleared away. Only then will the path be clear for the surpassing of technology through technology itself. The great city created ease of transport. It must die from this ease of movement if we do not wish to perish racially and spiritually. The Polis created Greek culture. The small town, the middle sized city made every folkish civilisation in Europe. The expanding vision of the former individual peasant grasped the idea of a state, without losing itself into infinity. In this alone could an organic cultural structure arise.

The ease of communication, the press (if decently directed), the radio, and personal observation, make possible to every grownup today the judgement of the things of a city, provided that the number of inhabitants does not go much beyond a hundred thousand. The citizen is in a position to correct reports coming from outside through his own observations. The activity of communal politicians in relation to the good of the state must correspond to the daily concerns of the industrial worker and to the worker in all professions. The way also stands open for the real judgement of achievements. In such communal elections we create the possibility of a preliminary election. Broad masses of the people can choose among personalities and need not rely upon lists. Candidates will be proposed by guilds, associations and by the German Order through its local representatives. As a result, the electors of parliament will rest upon a broad folkish foundation, not upon a nameless mass. The voting rights of women will also remain in communal elections. A folkish will, adapted to visible personalities and coming from below, will thus meet the ruling will from above. Absolute monarchy knew only the direction from above to below. Chaotic democracy only knew mass stagnation from below. The German city of the future, realised through the act of power of individuals, will not subject the type creating personalities to any election mood and moneyed deceit. It will maintain them under the state director in power, and it will renew them again and again through education, bringing them German order. Through the election process outlined, an unhindered method of advancement will be offered to creative personalities. The coming Reich is thus, as elaborated, Nationalist and Socialist. This means that it is not founded on mere votes, but on type welding passion and racially linked mankind. Nationalism in the most passionate form is the prerequisite and final goal of action. Socialism is state safeguarding of the individual under the mark of recognition of his individual honour and in favour of racial protection.

Restrictions have to be made in order to overcome the folkish murdering capital city. Simultaneously, efforts must be made to abolish the city in itself, in order to divide up Germany into small cities and towns. There are those who would have no cities larger than 12,000 inhabitants. Those who hold for such an enticing view are poor students of history. This is a visionless, if principled, position. In order to become a totality, eighty million people need nodal points of life, large enough to provide many strong personalities with sufficient intellectual air to breathe, but also sufficiently restricted in shaping as not to perish in the chaos of the many millions who are concentrated together and yet splintered. Culture only forms itself in the town; only the town can provide a focal point of conscious national life, collect existing energies, adapting to the whole and making that political world vision possible, which Germany in particular, open as a state to so many directions, needs more than all others. Several centres up to 500,000 and many up to 100,000 are thus a spiritual necessity. It is quite possible to go too far in pursuit of reasonable decentralisation.

Completely apart from the conscious renunciation of liberal freedom, it is the compulsive military political situation itself which compels us to abandon the large cities. Future wars will be strongly determined by air fleets. The aim of gas and fire bombs will always be the great cities. The more scattered factories and cities are, the less the danger of damage from air attacks. Destiny compels today, as in earlier times, that the entire people must take part in battle, or its existence. Earlier, the lord in his castle built a wall around his citizens’ houses and the inhabitants, which as a totality had to participate in all battles. The liberal epoch trained professional armies. The burghers were defended by the soldiers, although, at the same time, they arrogantly cursed militarism. This false idyll is over. Technology which had once drawn a steel wall around an entire state, has broken through again and restored the age old organic relationship between people and war. As a result, world view and destiny commend in common the demolition of the great cities and the erection of towns and roads according to strategic viewpoints. If in the past castles were defiantly built upon mountain heights, today everything important must be concealed under the earth in concrete casements. An entire city of skyscrapers becomes insanity. This recognition will also compel definite state architectural conclusions.

Those are some basic outlines of the new state political systems, as they result of themselves from the supreme values of our people. Other measures which are beyond the scope of this book and which are of a purely technical nature are dictated by these considerations.

Future generations will consider it insane that the state could be regarded as an arena for unplanned movement of peoples. By the same token, we will just as all others regard the demands of political liberalism as insane.

None of us knows if the coming Reich will adorn itself in the garb of Kaiserism, of kingship, or of a republic. We cannot sense in advance all the individual features of this future form. The old Imperial crowns have rolled in the dust. The Republic arose from actions of which Germans will be ashamed for a thousand years. Only the ancient Germanic idea of kingship has—so it appears—preserved its mythic glitter through to the present. It formed the organic backbone at a time when the Roman Emperorship expanded boundlessly all over the world. It formed the basis of the new Reich founded in 1871. Kindred feeling still cultivates its idea even today. The 23 dynasties have fallen; they cannot return unless Germany is to fall anew into fearful internal discord. The Länder (states) must close The Myth of the 20th Century 124

their own state parliaments (Landtage), and each one broaden its honourable ideas of dynastic royalty. The idea of IMPERIVM adheres to the old Imperial concept. Pomp and power are its sole content. The idea of a king is more inward, earth linked. The simple Bavarian thinks of his king in just as lively a manner as the true Prussian. The Kaiser was for the people an abstraction who held office by god’s grace. We are more than sick of the operettalike behaviour of the times prior to 1914; but we are really disgusted at the spiritual impoverishment, linked with the fawning upstarts of democracy. In fact, we wish to see in a German king a man like ourselves who is also the embodiment of an heroic Myth. Just as in place of the glittering spiked helmet, the grey steel helmet appeared in the storm of battles, so will the future also find the form of a German National Socialist folkish leadership through the birth of a state based upon order of rank as the embodied longing of the present generation for the coming Reich, as fulfilment of the sacrifice of those two millions who gave their lives for Germany.

From the one demand to place the folkish honour and racial protection into the centre of organic state life, a world picture results which differs from the chaos of the 19th century, like day from night. From the dishonourable trader ideal arose the blood red world war, world revolts, followed by the vilest bloodsucking of the peoples. The 19th century gave birth to Bolshevism as its fullest fruit, the most devastating pestilence of Oriental spirit since the Inquisition spread its poisonous clouds over Europe. From the one inner transformation the dream vision of a new state arises clearly drawn in all its great outlines. Already millions today experience a new longing for type and law, earth linked and borne by honour. The way is clear. To draw a clear track is the task of eternal pulsating, progressive life. Meister Eckehart said:

It is the deepest wells which carry the highest water.

In 1918 the German people through its own guilt fell into the deepest abysses, and for the length of fifteen years was punished and tortured by its internal and external enemies in a most undignified manner. Nevertheless forces have been rediscovered which arrived from the depths of life. Newly discovered here, the eternal primal wellsprings of the German peoples find strength. And now, ready for battle, they carry these experiences and perceptions through the misery of the time. What the 19th century in bourgeois avariciousness, criminal Marxist insanity, and broadest lack of ideas violated, the present 20th century has to make good again in the midst of a hostile world, such as Germany has never before faced in such concentrated power.

Therefore the new teaching of life is no soft sermon, but a hard and austere demand, for we know that the doctrine of humanity attempted to counteract the natural process of selection, and that Nature, as a result, avenged herself, so that it will one day smash to pieces all these democratic and other attempts. The essence of German renewal therefore consists in fitting oneself into the eternal, natural, aristocratic laws of the blood and not in the promotion of the selection of the weak. On the contrary, through the practice of conscious selection guided by the strength of will, we can produce what is creative. We can do this without looking back at what remains behind.

Today we seek, in looking over the German past—for example, if we walk through Dinkelsbuhl or Rothenburg—a self contained picture of Germanic culture which appears before us. It is a picture of unequalled creative strength and defensive capacity. We know that the Thirty Years War destroyed a feeling of life forever. The 17th and 18th centuries lie in between like deep abysses. Only with the strengthening of the Prussian state has a completely new life begun to arrive again. In the wars of liberation of 1813 and in its men we saw the concept arise of a new German who shaped life. We men of today link ourselves to the leaders of this war of liberation, to the first founders of a new idea of state and to a new feeling of life.

We think of the great Freiherrn von Stein, who recognised only one Fatherland whose name was Germany. It was he who declared:

At this moment of great development, we are completely indifferent to dynasties. They are merely tools. It is my wish that Germany become great and strong, in order to again obtain its independence and nationality and to assert both of these in its position between France and Russia. Old, collapsed and rotten forms cannot be preserved on the way.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:37 am


Chapter IV. Nordic German Law

With the falsification of the honour conscious Nordic idea of law by Roman Syrian influences, we find one of the greatest causes of world discord. The purely private capitalistic Roman idea, sanctified in the hands of unrestricted state idolatry, irrespective of whether embodied through monarchy or republic, is the crusade of robbery by a small human group. These men were skilled in slipping through the meshes of a purely formal conformity to a code of law. Intellectual desolation was a result necessarily highly cultivated and the law protected it. A sullen protest from oppressed millions was falsified through Marxism. However, it was more than justified because of the existing disregard for all German concepts of law. For this the state and church bore equal guilt. Because it possessed absolute power, the state passed so called social laws. However, this was not done in the name of folkish honour, of justice and duty, it was given as a gift from above, from renowned Christian love, grace, from pity and mercy. This was neither good nor just. However, many who blissfully gaze back at prewartimes wish to assert this to us. It was, in fact, far more the continued rejection of our folkdom. Such was the basic principle of all varieties of Liberalism.

What the liberalising monarchs had begun was completed by Marxism in all its shades. Despite its apparent struggles against capitalist democracy, Marxism nevertheless originated from the same materialistic outlook on the world as Liberalism. Never before has such a dishonourable law reigned in such a way as when money in itself became an unrestricted ruler. Law arose, disregarding its metaphysical anchoring, everywhere from self help. At first it emerged as a naked struggle for possibilities of existence. Then it appeared as a preservation of outward freedom. Then it became a source of fixed character values. The attack on the honour of the individual became the starting point of a legally recognised, personal defence. This self help was then extended to the preservation of the interests and honour of the clan. Only gradually did greater unions appear such as church and state. Self help was placed in the service of the community as embodied in bishops or kings in universal courts. According to its Germanic interpretation, this intervention into individual life only has justification in so far as it represents a protection of honour. The church has rejected this primal idea of the Nordic west or only recognised it partially and unwillingly. Today, our valid laws recognise only the so called preservation of justified The Myth of the 20th Century 125

interests. It is a matter of indifference whether these interests are of an honourable or disreputable kind. A natural step from the protection of the honour of the individual to protection of the clan would have been the announcement of the protection of the honour of the people. But here we stand before a truly frightful allegory of decay of character. It began long ago but only today has it become so openly public. In the whole of German law there was not a single rule among thousands which made insults to our honour a punishable offence. Thus the name and respect of the German people could be insulted by all who wish to do so. Berlin Jews called the Germania—the symbol of Germany—a whore, the entire folk the eternal Boche, and all of us a nation of official corpses, voting cattle and murderers ..... No state attorney before 1933 lifted so much as a little finger to prosecute these people. On the contrary, men who expose these Jews as scoundrels were ruthlessly punished on account of the insult to the Jews.

From this state of affairs emerged everything that was grotesque and insane. These are the characteristics in which our time is so rich. Notorious traitors were not punished with severe jail sentences, not even with imprisonment. At the worst, they were given honorary detention. The pacifist mentality was openly cited by German courts as a grounds for clemency. Meanwhile men, who were covered with a hundred wounds and who had endured times of hard battles, were condemned to death as Feme murderers or given lifelong imprisonment. The destroyer of the folk was thus granted all honour and the fighter for the folk was hunted to be robbed of all honour. A soulless Justice can arrive at such fearful results because it lacks every measuring rod in relation to the interest and honour of the people.

A Germanic interpretation of law has granted every member of the people the right to express with word and deed the honour of the nation. We also permit self help action if circumstances do not allow for the operation of the courts. To favour national traitors of pacifist outlook as grounds for clemency means to declare the coward to have equal rights with the brave man. It is therefore only too justified to make the following demand:

Every German and non German living in Germany who through word, writing and action makes himself guilty of insulting the German people will, depending upon the gravity of the case, be punished with imprisonment, jail, or death.

A German who commits the aforementioned offence outside the Reich boundaries shall, in the event that he does not place himself before the German court, be declared to be without honour. He shall lose all rights of state citizenship. He will be expelled from the country forever and declared under banishment. His property will be confiscated in favour of the state.

In the treatment of an idea of law lies perhaps the strongest type forming, but also type destroying, power. If outlooks of a philosophical or religious nature are often remote from life, then daily existence demands continuous practical cultivation of the regulating law. The civic conduct and the style of thinking will be determined, formed or disintegrated always according to a supreme value of a people, a state or of another representation of law. The idea of honour and loyalty was the basic feature of Germanic Nordic law which has also always been operative outside Germany as folkish and state building. The idea of Roman law safeguarded the character of capitalistic times. It was adapted to what was personal. The honourless character of Jewry, embodied in the Talmud and the Schulchan Aruch, always formed the disintegrating element wherever the Jew could become a legal representative. The fact remains that, among our lawyers, an enormous number of Jews was at work. In fact, they operated successfully, and that alone proves to every deep thinking person that we had been robbed of German law.

I have alluded from the beginning to the knightly concept of honour. It confronts us in all legal documents of Germanic men through all times as the eternal Myth of the Nordic race soul. The capacity to sacrifice his life for the idea of honour is regarded by the Icelandic Sagas as the essence of the Nordic man. This spiritual property was protected despite the sacrifice of all other possessions. At first honour was held by each personally. Then it was embodied in the community as embodied in the judge, and this likewise was grounded in the concept of honour. It is better to protect freedom with weapons, than to stain it through payment of taxes, reported Paulus Deaconus, concerning the views of Langobardic kings. The dignified Sachsenspiegel (Saxony Mirror) declared:

Good without honour cannot be regarded as a good; and a body without honour, one is rightly accustomed to hold for dead.

According to Germanic concepts, only that man possessing law has unassailable honour. After 1918 the man who possessed most money had law even if he was a scoundrel. Other folk, which take goods for honour, were regarded as unfit for civic offices according to the city law of saint Polten. Guilds must be as pure as if they were chosen by doves, asserted craftsmen from the German past. Thus all honour comes from loyalty, so says the Sachsenspiegel (Saxony Mirror). We listen also to Schiller’s words about the unworthiness of a nation which does not stake its all upon its honour. These are but identical expressions. The same soul had a creative influence upon our life for thousands of years until when an alien, still not reshaped, religion came on us. The alien ideas of the Roman state and its alien law also destroyed this life.

The Imperial folkish alien doctors transplanted alien law and dishonourable ideas into the Germanic tribes. They operated as mere bailiffs for the powers of the ruling church and the Roman state. Geyler von Kaisersberg complained about the tongues of tittle tattlers who, with their gossip, were completely harmful to the common good, and who were concerned only with their own advantages. In the year 1513 a poem appeared, the Marriage with a Foreigner, which completely consciously attributes the loss of German freedom to the Roman law. Ulrich van Hutten alludes in his conversation in Die Rauber to the Lower Saxons who made their way in their law without the new Doctors. Things had gone better in Germany, he said, when the law resided in weapons, not in books. Thus the first and only German social revolution was fully justified according to its essence. This was the peasant revolt at the beginning of the 16th century against Roman slavery in its threefold form as church, state, and manipulation of law. Today, at the beginning of the 20th century, the spiritually intellectual revolution has continued, until the final victory.

The falsification of ancient Germanic law in favour of the legal church and worldly tyrants was the cause of the social violence of the 15th century. The peasants, who made claim to their ancient rights, were sent back home. The claim by the Shoe Makers’ Guild that this servitude was not in accordance with the will of god bore as little fruit among the Roman prelates as among the Roman Doctors who were employed by the princes. So from the year 1432 the peasant revolt against Junkers and bishops began. It was also directed against the usurious money lending Jews who fled into the cities under the protection of the Episcopal crozier. 1462 the archbishop of Salzburg instituted enormous taxes, and when the tormented people arose against him, Duke Ludwig von Bayern hurried to his aid to suppress the The Myth of the 20th Century 126

peasants. In 1476 the first Socialist, Joann Behm, appeared and demanded expropriation of the Princes and Prelates. Behm wanted to assemble with a great host before Niklashausen. Before this could happen he was arrested, abducted and burnt in Würzburg. It is remarkable that, parallel to these social battles, the mystical movement of the Begardes appeared. It had once been active in union with Meister Eckehart. Everywhere suppressed strata of our people rebelled against alien thought forms, religious impoverishment and degenerate manipulation of law. The Shoe Makers’ Guild and the Arme Konrad, in part led by the best knights including Florian Geyer, moved through the German lands. But the violence of the long withheld torrent was not to be controlled. Burning and plundering, the wild hosts trod underfoot everything which came in their path. Luther, in order to keep his Reformation free of social struggles, placed himself on the side of princes in armour, and as a result took away from the peasant movement its driving force for good. Thus the German peasant revolt, rolling along without great leaders, was suppressed. It had been moderate and was borne by the highest moral principles. It demanded much in its twelve principles which the present day program of renewal must also again demand. However, the manipulators of church and state listened just as little as they did in the 19th century, when a dishonourable world economy justifiedly enslaved millions.

Once the idea of social cooperation had a stronger effect than that of the Roman state. The Knights’ Order stood at the head of this social shaping power in the early middle ages. The trading society formed by these knights represented, put into our contemporary language, the first German trade union. It was this trade union which held the entire Reich together, not the Roman church. History has been deliberately falsified to show the contrary. After the Leagues of Knights followed the League of Cities, then the guilds, the town and legal leagues, and the leagues of Marches. This was the full blooded German system of law. The first sign of the ossification of our life was when the church law, the CORPVS IVRIS CANONICI, began to operate from the 13th century onward. It was renewed in particular during the world war, in 1917, and was declared to be fundamentally unalterable. This so called divine right cannot be altered by any usage and any circumstances. Along with divine unalterable right there is alterable lower law. This is also approved by the church. The folk is a participant in this. The people prays, serves, expiates. divine right is the unrestricted rule of the people, the sanctified power of the Bishops and the Sacraments. Rome also sucks the last drop of honey out of the myth of the representation of god.

If one recalls how fruitful and life contributing ancient Germanic law once was, then one sees in the degeneration of the legal creative powers of the German people just how great our fall has been.

In 643 the law of King Rotharis appeared and produced a number of flourishing colleges of law with their centre in Pavid (Padua). The codes of law of the later city leagues of Lombardy and in Germany go back to this creation by the Lombards. The Franks, Alemanns, and the rest, also carried on their wanderings their own racial versions of law. This law then displaced the ancient Roman law. The later disappearance of Frankish and Bavarian blood promoted the late Roman law. The great French revolution signified the destruction of the Germanic constituents and interpretations of law. Since then France, that is, the land of the Franks, has been Jewish Roman in its determination. England was created by Saxon law. Norman law shaped the foundation of the ancient Russian state. Germanic law created life and customs in the eastern settlements of the Knights Order, later the Hanseatic League. German cities’ codices formed the communal system even in the Ukraine. Lübeck law ruled and cultivated Reval, Riga, Novgorod. Magdeburger law created the substructure of the Polish state; it was the binding link which continued to be a effect, type forming, when the Polish state disintegrated through the counterreformation, approaching its decline.

For many centuries we have debated whether the law is to be placed above politics or politics above law, that is, whether morality or power ought to predominate. As long as generations in action have existed, power politics rulership has always triumphed over unrestricted principles. But if in place of a shaping generation, one of drones and aesthetes guided an epoch, then the battle cry was always the rights of peoples and moral principles. Behind these principles, however, nothing but extreme cowardice crawled. Even where this has not been the case, as with Kant, the priority order for law and politics has been falsely placed. Hitherto these two concepts have been regarded as two self existent, almost absolute, unities, and then always according to character and temperament judgements given concerning the desirable relationship between the two. On the other hand, we often forget that law and politics are not absolutes. They are only fixed by the actions of men of purposeful nature. Both ideas also refer, according to folkish standards, to a principle that stands above both. This principle has to direct men inward as well as external affairs of state in life structures, in the service of something higher.

An ancient Indian principle of law from prehistoric Nordic times runs:

Law and Unlaw do not walk around and say: We are this. Law is what Aryan men discover to be right.

This is an allusion to a primordial wisdom forgotten in the present day that law is a blood related scheme. It is a system of religion and art. It is linked for eternity to a certain blood with which it appears and with which it passes away. Politics, in the best sense of what is really statesmanlike, signified external security for the purpose of strengthening of a folkdom. The Law nowhere opposes this as it is understood in the right sense as our Law. It must serve the ruling part within the entire structure of a folkdom. As our humanists of art looked at Hellas as at something which represented an artistic model entirely on its own, and not as organically shaped, so our Humanists also looked to Rome for a model of Law. They overlooked the fact that Roman Law was a product of the Roman people and could not be imitated by us because it related to supreme value other than our own. The social and military prototype of Rome gave birth as a counterpart to a purely individualistic interpretation of law. The paterfamilias who presided over the life and death of members of his kindred is an allegory of Roman objectivity and impartiality. Thus the concept of property taken to its ultimate conclusion. The Roman interpretation of law simultaneously declared holy the concept of individual capitalism. Economic man became the supreme value. It may defend its justified interests with all possible means, without anyone asking if the honour of the people has suffered harm in establishing this economic egoism. One may certainly not hold ancient Roman Law, which set its unwritten boundaries through the presiding prototypes, responsible for the late Roman bastard phenomena, which at all events possessed some racially identical Langobardic wefts which the Roman state and the Roman church presented us. This was done in order to legally complete the enslavement of free peoples. We have today attempted to take over the capitalist principle of law, although we cannot take over the whole of ancient Roman life. It can never really become alive again. It was torn from the beam supporting it as an organic state The Myth of the 20th Century 127

structure. It received another function and became even more an absolute measuring rod from a function. The subjective absence of control became a law. This fact has been veiled until today by formalities.

The Romans would have never increased the legacy of mankind by the idea of a law independent of and equal to the state, if they had not with powerful one sidedness put into reality the opposite of the IVS SINGVLORVM and of the IVS POPVLI. Here the sovereignty of the one and indivisible state authority, there the sovereignty of the individual; these were powerful levers of Roman legal history.

Die soziale Aufgave des Privatrechts, Berlin, 1889, page 6.

Thus R. Gierke described the form of Roman polarity of life. Unbridled economic individualism conceives and applies the law without reference to race and folk, since folkish honour is not the determining centre. The paths to an economic goal are only judged from a formal juristic aspect, not from the aspect of Nordic German consciousness of honour.

Many who are horrified at these things which have today become openly evident now attempt to find salvation by calling for independence of the law from party, money, and other forces. But in so doing they overlook that this so called freedom is without relation to a shaping centre, and is to be held responsible for the present condition of lawlessness. This is because politics, as presently elaborated, was regarded as the method of carrying out so called purely formal state authority. It is not regarded as an achievement to be used in the service of the people and its supreme value.

The Law and the state lay over us like other crusts, like the religion, the arts and the sciences. Their hollow expression of power has called forth revolutionary forces. At first the forces of the desperate were repressed. As a result, today, the revolution of the Nordic Germanic race soul is no longer robbed of its highest value.

That is the essential fact which has been clouded by legal compromises, such as, for example, the German civic law code. Only a few features of the ancient Germanic consciousness of law have remained.

If we link the conclusions from these admissions with what was elaborated at the beginning, then it results as seen at first from an internal state aspect that law and politics represent only two different expressions of the same will which stands in the service of our highest racial value. It is the first duty of a judge to protect the folkish honour through his pronouncements from every attack, and politics has the duty to carry through such a pronouncement ruthlessly. Conversely, politics—as law giving and executive power—has the duty to pass only such laws which in a social, religious and generally moral forming aspect serve the highest value of our people. Here the judge has the counselling voice.

The idols of the 19th century were trade and profit. All laws were related to this principle, all property became wares, and all art goods for trading. Religion in the colonies and in the missions to heathens were tools for opium dealers, diamond racketeers and plantation owners. In vain the national idea struggled against the dissipation of our racially intrinsic life. It was too weak, because it was not an all embracing Myth, but was only held to be one value among others. For a long time there were no supreme values, only convenient aids to exploitation. Thus law also became the whore of economy, that is, the profit seeking of money which determined politics. The German democracy of November, 1918 signified the victory of the dirtiest racketeering idea which the world had ever seen. Therefore, if today we represent a law as it was sketched at the beginning, then this signifies a deliberate attack upon the essence of all present day democracies and their Marxist forerunners. It signifies the destruction of the idea of honour in favour of the dishonourable concept of capitalism. We demand the complete rule of what is folkish over every form of internationalism. This idea must be uniformly served by everything which strives for predominance today: religion, politics, law, art, schools and social doctrine. From the demand for protection of the honour of the folk there follows, as a most important measure, the protection of folk and race.

This characterisation of the highest spiritual value coincides exactly with the essence of the various transcriptions of the German concept of law. As Gierke says:

We cannot break with the great Germanic idea of the unity of law without abandoning our future.

Bott Bodenhausen asks whether one agrees with replacing the concept of being with the concept of effect, and the corporations with the functional and the dynamic. Everything nevertheless runs to placing the inner bonds between law and duty above goods and money. Against a rational method of individualisation, this type of creation of law is a willed, morally binding activity. The German does not attribute unhindered legal right to an object, that is, a property to the owner. Rather, he thinks of the relation of the person to his property. Being rooted in an organic totality, the idea of duty, the vital reference, is that all this characterises the German concept of law, and all this springs from a centre of will. It keeps pure the idea of the protection of honour.

No people of Europe is racially homogeneous, not even Germany. According to the latest research, we accept five races all of which reveal perceptibly different types. But it is beyond question that the true culture bearer for Europe has been in the first place the Nordic race. Great heroes, artists and founders of states have grown from this blood. It built the massive fortresses and sacred cathedrals. Nordic blood composed and created those works of music which we revere as our greatest revelations. Nordic blood shaped German life before all else. It is revealed in some circles only in small, but very definite, type forming, ways. Germany is Nordic, and the Nordic element has had an effect, type forming, also upon the western, Dinaric and east Baltic races. This singling out of the Nordic race does not signify any sowing of race hatred in Germany. On the contrary, we have a conscious recognition of a full blooded binding material within our folkhood. Without this binding material, as it has formed our history, Germany would never have become a German Reich. Germanic poetry would never have appeared. The idea of honour would never have dominated and ennobled law and life. On any day, if the Nordic blood were to vanish without a trace, Germany would fall to pieces and undergo a characterless chaos. That many forces deliberately work for this has been extensively discussed. These forces find support in the Alpine type, which, without any value of its own, has remained fundamentally superstitious and slavish in disposition despite Germanisation. The external bonds of the old Reich idea collapsed. This blood stirred together with other bastard phenomena. It placed itself in the service of a magical belief or in the service of the unconditional democratic chaos. It finds its protagonist in parasitical but instinctively strong Jewry.

If a German renewal attempts to realise the values of our soul in a vital sense, then it must also preserve and strengthen the physical prerequisites of these values. Race protection, race breeding, and race hygiene are thus unavoidable requirements of a new time. Racial The Myth of the 20th Century 128

breeding signifies, above all, the protection of the Nordic racial component of our people in the sense of our deepest research. A German state has as its first duty the creation of laws. These must correspond to our basic requirements.

The Vatican has again made itself known as the bitterest enemy of the improved breeding of the biologically valuable, and as the protector of the preservation and propagation of the inferior. Even to serious catholic eugenicists, Pope Pius declared—at the beginning of 1931 in his encyclical Concerning Christian Marriage—that it was not lawful to restrict men who were capable of entering into a marriage, but could only give life to inferior offspring; to in any way prevent propagation because of the inviolability of the body. The individual man has the right to use his own limbs. He must use them corresponding to their natural purpose. This was revealed by reason and by the catholic Christian moral doctrine, and the worldly authority never has the right to go beyond this. To set up unrestricted propagation of idiots, the children of syphilitics, alcoholics and the insane as a Christian moral doctrine is undoubtedly the height of a thinking that is hostile to nature and folk. This has today been declared to be impossible by us. In reality, it represents nothing other than the necessary outflow of that racially chaotic system that Syrian African Roman dogma has forged. Therefore, every European who would like to see his people physically and spiritually healthy, and who takes the stand that idiots and the incurably sick infect his nation, will have to permit himself to be represented, according to Roman teaching, as anticatholic, as an enemy of the Christian moral doctrine. And he will have to choose if he is the anti Christ, or if the Founder of Christianity can really have himself conceived—as a dogma—the unrestricted breeding of all kinds of inferior types. This is what His representative boldly demands. Therefore, whoever wishes for a healthy and spiritually strong Germany must passionately reject this encyclical. Such is the work of a pope who aims at the breeding of subhumanity. We thus reject Roman thought as antinatural and hostile to life.

Immigration into Germany, which was earlier restricted along religious lines, was later unrestricted. No feelings of or for Jewish humanity must in the future be carried out because of our Nordic racial and hygienic views. For example, nothing will stand in the way of granting citizenship to Nordic Scandinavians, but insuperable difficulties must be placed in the way of migration of mulattoid elements from the south or east. Persons who are afflicted with hereditary diseases must be refused permanent residence, or their capacity for reproduction must be restricted by medical intervention. The same must occur with habitual criminals. Marriages between Germans and Jews must be forbidden, at least as long as Jews generally remain upon German soil. That the Jews lose their rights of citizenship and must be subject to a new law appropriate to them, is self evident. Sexual intercourse, rape, and so on, between Germans and Jews must be, according to the gravity of the case, punished by confiscation of property, expulsion, jail and death. The rights of citizenship must not be a gift at birth, but must be acquired by labour. Only the fulfilment of duty and service for the honour of the people can award this right. Consequently, we must make a ceremony out of the award of citizenship to take the place of confirmation. Only when sacrifices have been made for something, is one also ready to fight for it.

This last measure will also automatically push those racial elements into the foreground which are organically most of all capable of serving the supreme value of our people. One needs only to allow a few companies of our Wehrmacht or the S.A. to march by, in order to see these heroic forces coming out from the subconscious. But in order to protect them from another stab in the back, we must insure that they are kept pure.

At a Viennese court a judge suggested leniency be exercised for an accused criminal because he had spent much of his time in a mercantile environment. Therefore was his crime to be evaluated, and his responsibility diminished. This was even stated openly.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:37 am


The Nordic idea of earlier times, that of strictly separating dishonourable actions from other offences, has likewise vanished in democratic, raceless, legal life as in a faceless politics and trade. The last fragments admittedly still survive and a few live in honour for a certain duration or even for a lifetime. These value saving fragments are still the last forces, type forming and folkish preserving, which, however, are almost exhausted.

Under the sign of democracy even those ministers who accepted bribes were treated as men of honour. Indeed, men were severely punished for describing them as scoundrels. This occurred under the name of protection of the state. We can determine what kind of state we have according to the concept of honour. A new German law will therefore restore the scale of values between the honourable and dishonourable, and increase the punishment for dishonourable behaviour. Only in this way can a German type of man once again arise.

Punishment is not in the first instance a means of education as our humanitarians wish to persuade us. Punishment is also not revenge. Punishment is, and here we are discussing punishment for dishonourable behaviour, simply the singling out of types and natures alien to our type. A punishment for dishonourable crimes must therefore automatically bring with it loss of rights of citizenship, and, in grave cases, lifelong expulsion and confiscation of property. A man who does not regard the folkdom and folkish honour as the highest values, has abandoned the right to be protected by this people. That for folk and national betrayal prison—or the death penalty—must be fixed, is self evident.

The German possesses, as has already been observed, a fateful peculiarity as a legacy of humanism and liberalism. He handles most problems, not in relation to blood and soil, but in a purely abstract way, as if definitions were something in themselves, and as if it were a matter of elevating a more or less flexible value into the program of the most furious struggle. One such, an abstract philosopher of the democratic kind of law, was Karl Christian Planck. During the French Prussian war he carried on an investigation to ascertain if Germany possessed the right to assert itself to obtain its necessities of life. In lengthy philosophic discussions, he came to the conclusion that Germany must abandon the nationalist idea, because it had a provocative effect upon her neighbours. But it did not enter the heads of the law philosopher Planck—and all his successors up to Schucking and Driedrich Wilhem Forster—that the nationalistic wave in the neighbouring states necessarily called forth a justified defensive will in Germany. But in fact, what happened was that from this bloodless discrimination the German people had its vital rights cut short to the benefit of the national will of other peoples.

What gained political validity was completed in the same manner in internal politics. Rights were allotted to immigrant eastern Jews because of that abstraction of the law. It had nothing in common with the real rights of the German people, but ran contrary to these. And thus things necessarily reached the stage, where, on the basis of abstract law, a legal favouritism toward the Jews, as opposed to Germans, came into existence. The Myth of the 20th Century 129

In the same manner that the democratic pseudothinkers fought for the Law, the convinced Social Democrat fought against capital. Once again a bloodless concept or, more correctly, a mere word, became the object of dispute between millions. At the same time it was clear that, between one kind of capital and another, fundamental differences extended. It is undeniable that capital is necessary to every enterprise. The only question that remains is: In whose hands is this capital to be found, and what are the principles by which it is to be governed, directed or supervised? This is what is decisive. The outcry against capital has become a tool where with demagogues have led us astray. These demagogues used the concept of folkish hostile capital overlaid with productive material to rob us of natural treasures, while allowing liquid international loan capital to vanish from Germany’s sight.

If the conscious German Social Democrat had been clear about this from the start, that it was simply a matter of binding this fluid finance capital, which could easily be transferred from one state to another, then the state and folk, by a seizure of power, could protect our national capital. Then the entire struggle against the domination of money, and thus the struggle against the real destructive capitalism, could be conducted in the correct form. But the Social Democrat trotted, clouded by phrases, behind the Jewish demagogues. He thus permitted the destruction of soil linked capital and allowed himself to be made into a protagonist for folkish destroying finance capital. The reason for this tragic catastrophe lay once again in the fact that the German only too easily took general, empty concepts for facts, and was ready to shed his blood for phantoms.

Even in folkish circles we have not remained completely free of bloodless antitheses. Many writers think in the following manner. They declare that today capital and property rule over labour. Consequently, in the sense of an eternal justice, the striving of everyone who is folkish minded, and everyone who is patriotic must be directed towards breaking the rule by property over labour. We must elevate labour as a value above property. In this abstract interpretation the antithesis is just an untenable as abstract philosophic investigations about law or the social democratic struggle against abstract capital. Here it is also necessary to distinguish between one kind of property and another. In the true sense property, personal property, is nothing other than congealed labour. For every really creative performance of labour, irrespective of realm, is nothing other than the process of the formation of property. Only the mysterious genius who is not measurable at all reaches beyond this. Ineradicably immersed within the human soul is the drive to enhance the satisfaction of daily existence beyond the yield of labour in such a way that, after silencing momentary impulses, a property remains behind. And in the same way that a man, driven by an inexplicable urge, wishes to survive through his children, so he also attempts to pass on property to the future, to his descendants. If this urge were not indwelling in man, he would not be an inventor and discoverer. He would never have become a creator. This feeling of personal property thus extends exactly to works of art and scientific works which spring from a superfluity of shaping powers and represent nothing other than property, acquired on the basis of surplus labour power and surplus labour capacity. To fight against property as a concept in itself, is thus at least thoughtless, but, in its practical carrying out, such a struggle would have to aim at exactly the same results as the Social Democratic struggle against capital.

There is also another kind of property which does not represent the consequence of creative labour but is a utilisation of this labour through speculation or a deceitful political news service. Here there results a completely practical criterion for judgement of the origin of a property. It is thus not a question of conducting a struggle against property as such but of a sharpening of the conscience; of the consciousness of honour and the concept of duty in accordance with the values of the German character.

As far as labour is concerned, it is self evident that each and every position, insofar as these fit into the structure of the German totality, is of equal value and honour. Adolf Hitler has in this respect created the sole measuring rod for a working man in the following manner. The measure of the irreplaceability of a man within the entire folk is determined by an assessment of the value of his work. However, it is self evident that an order of rank results here. But it follows from this that work in itself cannot be set up in contrast to a property in itself. The antithesis consists far more in the distinction between one kind of property and another, and between one kind of work and another. We have to ensure that property which is obtained dishonestly or by speculation is confiscated by the state. But personal property that is the fruit of labour is unconditionally recognised as an eternally driving cultural factor. In the differentiation between kinds of labour, an impelling momentum must be created so that, by viewing the standard of value in favour of the entire people, everyone will make efforts to extend the successes of individual labour. This then appears as the basic adjustment from which a future German can approach the problems of labour, property, speculation and capitalism. Everywhere the blood and what is folkish linked must be regarded as the impelling element, not as a word and not as an empty concept.

Exactly the same holds in observation of the trade conflicts within the folkish totality. Strike and lockout can condition one another. If one is permitted, then the other must also be permitted. If an industrialist may refuse the possibility of work, then the worker has the same right to withdraw his labour power from the owner of an enterprise. And in fact in an organised manner, since then the parties only confront each other one on one.

Strikes and lockouts in their present form are products of the liberal idea. The first has nothing to do with socialism, while the second, nothing to do with national economy. Both parts emanate from the egoism of a class and its class interests, without regard to the folkish totality. The office of arbitration under the former socialist minister was an abortion. It showed only how hopelessly devoid of ideas the state apparatus was. It was even afraid to proceed in a dictatorial manner because that would have conditioned the tangible responsibility of a Democratic Reich Labour Minister. But this would then have showed the extent of our betrayal into the hands of world capital without any attempt at disguise. There was no possibility of shifting the guilt onto other shoulders. But the financial Marxists feared this for very understandable reasons.

The creative German nation was the victim of three factors: industry, exploited manual workers and the helpless ministry of a democratic social stamp. Those responsible for the great crisis were our earlier Reich governments and thus the entire Reichstag.

Employers and workers are not individualities in themselves but parts of an organic whole, without which they all would not signify anything. For this reason the freedom of action both of the employer and the labourer was necessarily restricted as the interests of the folkish demand. However, this can only occur when the government acting here has not itself emanated from purely group interests. It further follows from this that the parliamentary mingling of commercial individualism and party politics was the cancerous illness of our accursed existence up to 1933. Therefore the social question can never be solved by social democracy and even less by communism. The The Myth of the 20th Century 130

latter would like to turn the whole of life upside down by declaring the part to be the whole. Even less could the crisis be solved by national trading capacities which had already failed by 1917. Today these corporations stand more helplessly than ever. I have never occupied myself with the social question. The principal thing was that the chimneys smoked, said Hugo Stinnes in 1918 to H. von Siemen. Even today a section of German heavy industry thinks like this, and has likewise cultivated a class struggle, from above.

Thus, seen even from this side of practical life, the old pseudonationalism and the old pseudosocialism die under our eyes accompanied by violent convulsions. Both were and are coupled unnaturally with cartel democracy. Both were poisoned through it and can be rid of the poison only through the new nationalism and socialism. Only in this way can we establish a readiness for a new state idea of racial organic life.

The philosophy from which this mode of observation originates directly opposes both the bourgeois liberal and the Marxist. It is the very old German feeling for law which is today shattered. Roman law emphasised only the formal aspects of property. It singled it out as a thing in itself without developing a reference point. The German version of law does not recognise this viewpoint at all. It knows and recognises only relationships which are of an obligatory kind between private property and the community. These give character to property which means only justified property. It is here that the deepest poisoning of the socialist idea occurs. Alongside are those vast desolations brought about by Marxism. The first is the doctrine of internationalism, which disintegrates the folkish basis of all thought and feeling through the class struggle, which is designed to destroy the nation. This class struggle kills the living organism by stirring up one part of the nation to revolt against the other. Marxism also spawns pacifism which is intended to complete this work of destruction through the emasculation of foreign policy. There is another force that produces the deepest undertaking and the total destruction of the very concept of property. It is linked in the most inward way to the general Germanic idea of personality. Once Marxism seized on Proudhon’s remark, property is theft, it used this as the watchword in its struggle against capitalism and as an attack on private property. This is a thoroughly specious formula. The concept of theft is meaningless if no idea of property exists. It has raised Marxist demagogues to leadership and eliminated from it all honourable men. Thus, necessarily, under Marxist rule since 1918, it was not property which was declared to be theft but, conversely, the greatest thefts were legitimised in the name of equalisation of property.

Suddenly it becomes blindingly clear to what the concept of property refers. A bourgeoisie devoid of ideas accuses the German Renaissance movement of hostility to property because it provides for the possibility, if necessary, of undertaking confiscations in the name of the national state. Even the bourgeoisie, robbed by inflation, clings timidly to an outmoded idea of property. It prefers to feel conjoined with the greatest enemies of the people rather than to rethink its old ideas. But it is only a matter of precisely where the line between theft and justified property is to be drawn. For the true German, who always links the ideas of law and of honour, legal property cannot be easily defined. On the other hand, with the democratic concept of property, men who really ought to be sitting in jail or hanging in the gallows travel in elegant frock coats to international trade conferences as representatives of free democracy. The new version of law which cannot accept tainted property as a personal possession is, as a result, the strongest guardian and protector of the truly German concept of property. This idea stands throughout in harmony with the ancient Germanic feeling for law.

And here we see a significant fact which leads us back to what was previously said: Socialism is for us not only the deliberate inauguration of folkish protective measures, nor just an economic or social political scheme. It stems from innate values, that is to say, from the will. From the will and its values originate the ideas of duty and the law. Since the blood is one with that will, the words socialism and nationalism are not opposites but, in the deepest essence, one and the same in the same philosophic terms. It is a fact that both expressions of our life originate in a common primal will which evaluates that life in a particular way.

Only if one reflects upon and experiences the struggles of our times will he understand those prerequisites which give all other individual demands their colour, unity and content. But if one tests each German with all vital questions from the viewpoint of the supreme value of blood conditioned folk, then, although he may occasionally err, he will always quickly become conscious of his error and be able to correct it.

On the basis of the state and legal viewpoints described, our entire present day economic system appears to us as inwardly rotten and hollow in spite of its enormous extent. The international cartels have celebrated dishonourable triumphs at the great economic conferences since 1919. Never before did the world witness a more shameless rule of money over all other values than when the millions of citizens in all nations were sacrificed on bloody battlefields in the belief that they fought for freedom, honour and Fatherland. The shamelessness of international stock market piracy after its victory let slip all masks of freemasonic humanity and demonstrated with terrifying clarity not only democratic decadence but also the disintegration of the old nationalism which, with sword in hand, slavishly fought for the interests of the stock exchange. Trade is our destiny, proudly declared Walter Rathenau, that hero of the international financial spirit. To carry on trade for the sake of trade was the ideal of that soulless era. The concept of honour was absent in the entire economic world of the nineteenth century, whether trade was conducted by nationalists or internationalists. For this reason it established the rule of scoundrels over men of honour. In all colleges, professors taught the so called laws of trade to which we were to submit ourselves. But they forgot that every legal effect has a point of departure, a prerequisite from which the necessary course of events ensues. The gold mania, artificially injected into us for example, is the prerequisite for the international gold currency which is held to be according to natural law, but which, when the delusion is exposed, vanishes like the witch mania of the inquisitorial middle ages after the successful Enlightenment.

The racial chaos of the capital cities is the natural law consequent of the freedom of movement. The dictatorship of the stock market is the necessary consequence of the worship of trade and profit. It will vanish when a new idea, borne by new men, becomes the basis of economic life. Here also it is the Nordic concept of honour which will one day create a new law through its representatives. Once a bankruptcy, even if undeserved, was regarded as dishonourable. Insolvency brought not only the bankrupt person himself, but others, to the abyss. But in the present world even international bankruptcy is good business, and the racketeer is seen as a useful member of democratic society. The law of the coming Reich will sweep here with an iron broom. It will fulfil the words of Lagarde concerning Jews. He said that one cannot convert plague bacilli, but must render them harmless as quickly as possible. Millions groan today under a terrible injustice. They clamour for a solution through wage increases and monetary revaluations, and so on. They do not comprehend The Myth of the 20th Century 131

that their misery is the outcome of the universal elevation of trade to the position of supreme value. But they will at once understand what has taken place in the last hundred years when once the rope and the gallows begin the necessary cleansing. It will be remarkable how quickly the entire spectre will collapse when the energetic hand of a strong man seizes by the neck the strutting frock coated rabble and renders them impotent by the legal means of a new justice. Law is for us only that which serves German honour. A true economy is therefore only that which is based on this principle as once were the noble craft guilds. So even today is the way of the Hanseatic League.

There will be differences of opinion concerning technical measures. These cannot be dealt with here because other conditions may make means necessary which cannot be accurately assessed today. One cannot lay down in detail the laws of a spiritual revolution. It is only necessary to recognise our starting point and then to strive passionately for our ultimate goal.

In our view the economy is integrated into the system of type creating powers, as are law and politics. All serve but one end. A future German state will need to fit two additional important measures into the core of its legal structure, and these correspond to the organic selection processes of nature: banishment and outlawry. If a German has been guilty of grave violations of his national duties by conduct which goes beyond what is pardonable personal blemish, then there is no reason any longer for the folkish community to tolerate and nourish this harmful unit in its midst. Through its courts, therefore, it will pronounce either temporary or permanent banishment. In serious cases of flight to escape German jurisdiction, the criminal must be outlawed. No German anywhere in the world will then be permitted to have any personal or professional contact with him. All political and economic means must be brought to bear to ensure the implementation of this declaration of outlawry. As for the criminal’s family, decisions must vary from case to case and, in any event, it must be a consideration.

By pampering criminals, the democratic state promotes a process of negative selection detrimental to the stock, and compels the creative folk to support a great percentage of criminals and to care for their similarly afflicted offspring. Denial of citizenship rights, banishment and outlawry would soon bring about a very noticeable purification of modern life, enhancement of all creative forces, and consequently a strengthening of self confidence. This is the first prerequisite of a vigorous foreign policy.

Today, the matter of illegitimate children is treated with a repulsive hypocrisy. The churches heap disgrace, contempt and social ostracism upon fallen women, while the organic enemies of the nation call for the demolition of all standards and demand racial chaos, sexual collectivism and unrestricted abortion.

From the racial viewpoint, all this is seen in a different light. Certainly monogamy is to be protected and retained as the organic cell of the Germanic folk, but Professor Wieth Knudsen has already correctly argued that without periodical polygamy the Germanic current of peoples during earlier centuries would never have arisen, and consequently all bases for the culture of the west would have been lacking (Professor Dr. K. A. Wieth Knudsen, Frauenfragen und Feminismus (Women’s Question and Feminism), Stuttgart, 1926). This is certainly the best work which has been written on this topic to date. The author says:

I also accept monogamy, but this does not influence my understanding of the fact that the periodical polygamy of our ancestors is the reason that the White men, emerging from the impoverished area of northwest Europe, are still, in spite of all setbacks, so numerously represented today, while the struggle of Christianity against polygamy simultaneously promoted a decline of the military political development of our race—a logical connection which till now has not been recognised or evaluated.

This truth elevates the historical fact above all moralising. There were later periods in which women far outnumbered men. Such is the case again today. Should these millions of women be regarded with a pitying smile as old maids who have been robbed of their vital right? Should a hypocritical, sexually satisfied society pass contemptuous judgement upon them? The coming Reich will reject both these attitudes. While retaining monogamy, it will show to mothers of German children, including those whose children are born out of wedlock, the same respect and equal social and legal status. Obviously such a policy will be attacked by the churches and by the female presidents of all social and moral associations. It is such as they who find acceptable a marriage between a catholic German and a catholic mulatto, while applying social and religious pressure against the marriage of a German catholic and a German protestant. They take the view that racial pollution is wholly moral and Christian, but they raise a hypocritical howl if we advocate consideration of biological and spiritual factors in order to preserve the race and strengthen the Germanic folk. The excess of births over deaths in Germany in 1874 was 13.4 per thousand; in 1904, it was 14.5, but in 1927 only 6.4! The somewhat lower mortality rate exacerbates these figures by disguising the deficit of women of childbearing age. According to Lenz, Germany needs 1,366,000 live births in order to stabilise its population at 78,000,000, but in 1927 only 1,160,000 were born. That is, from the necessary minimum figure for the maintenance of the stock, there is already a 15% deficiency. The present excess of births cannot therefore be of long duration. In a few decades, the generation which is now middle aged will have reached old age, and then, with the consequent mortality, a population deficiency will be seen. One should add that the peoples of the east continue to increase in numbers. Russia, in spite of all her miseries, gains annually about three million. Thus the question for the German people is whether it will perish. If, therefore, in the face of many childless marriages, notwithstanding the great excess of women, healthy unmarried Germans bring children into the world, then that constitutes a strengthening of the German people. We are approaching the time of great battles for survival itself. Some reject our views. These are the sexually satisfied moralists and the presidents of female organisations which knit sweaters for negroes or eagerly donate to missions of the Zulus. These are the ones who campaign against immorality if anyone urges the preservation of our endangered substance. But we know that these ideas are absurd. All else is secondary to that which will produce healthy German stock. A genuine morality and the maintenance of national freedom are inconceivable without this prerequisite. Standards which are good in orderly and peaceful eras can become fatal in times of a struggle for destiny, and bring about decline. The future German Reich will evaluate this entire question from a new viewpoint and create corresponding life forms. This consideration is also involved in evaluating racial mixing. If a German voluntarily miscegenates with negroes, Orientals, half breeds or Jews, then he is in no case entitled to legal protection—not even for his legitimate or illegitimate children who, in turn, shall not be entitled to German citizenship. Rape by someone of alien race will be punished by flogging, jail, confiscation of property and lifelong banishment form the German Reich. Spiritually, politically and militarily, the foundation will have been laid for the emergence of a new aristocracy. It will be seen that by an The Myth of the 20th Century 132

inner necessity such men are, by physical appearance, 80 % Nordic. The fulfilment of these values is directly linked with the highest values of the blood. With some others, the genetic picture predominates over the individual appearance and is revealed only through deeds. It would be superficial to go to work with foot rules and cephalic indices in order to evaluate the individual. But confirmation of a life devoted to the service of the nation is of the greatest concern. However, with an upbreeding of the race, a Nordic ideal of beauty will emerge.

The new aristocracy will be an aristocracy of both blood and achievement. It will descend from fathers to sons, but it will be extinguished if the son commits offences which are dishonourable. Nor will it necessarily be renewed in the fourth generation if the third reveals inferior traits. The German aristocratic order will need to be, in the first place, built of farmers and warriors, because in such professions sheer physical health is most securely preserved. In this the basis for the breeding of healthy descendants is most likely to be established. More caution will have to be observed in the matter of ennobling artists, scholars or politicians, however great may be their honourable achievements. The old democracy rewarded only with money, but the new Germany will reward its great leaders with honours.

Since 1918, the old titles of nobility have become merely nominal instead of being legally based in the structure of the community. The coming Reich will not restore the old social nobility, but will make confirmation of noble titles dependent upon proven worth in the struggle for Germany. Without such confirmation the old noble name will become merely a common civic one.

Nobility, which was awarded on the grounds of personal conduct in the Great War, will require no further confirmation. In this way, nobility would no longer be a feature of a caste constituting a horizontal social layer, but would pass vertically through all the ranks of the folk. It would spur on all healthy, strong, creative forces to the highest achievements. We will not do this in the democratic sense of granting license to the talented even if they are otherwise corrupt. All personal achievements must begin with a concept of both personal and national honour.

It will be necessary to go further. The idea of racial law is an adjunct to the recognition of concrete natural law. That law was once regarded as something holy. The gods at first were embodiments of natural forces. Later they became the bearers of a moral idea. A folk which fails to understand natural law will be unable to grasp the nature of the moral law. A world view which sees creation merely as an arbitrary god, recognises no inner worth of man. The creation of the world from nothing requires a fundamental corollary belief in a Creator who later intrudes—or can intrude—in the world whenever it pleases him to do so. This denies the inner law of natural causation. Such is the world view of the Semites, the Jews and of Rome. The magic of the medicine man is a part of the proclamation of the Almighty who interferes in the world from the outside. Such systems of belief recognise no organic laws. It sees only the tyrannical rule of their god or of his Vicar who would wish to impose his CORPVS IVRIS CANONICI upon the entire world in the name of ecumenicalism.

Nordic western man recognises an eternal law of nature and is able, thanks to this perception, to create a genuine cosmic science. Once with Odin we had produced the first great allegory of the moral idea of god. Odin, the highest god, was the guardian of law and of contracts. The law was sacred like the oath. The whole race of gods perished because Odin himself had sinned against the sacred nature of a contract—even though it was unwittingly, and as a result of being tricked by the bastard Loki. Only his death was expiation. Here we see the idea of honour as the ultimate measuring rod of the Nordic man. Its violation must be expiated other than through a drama.

A spiritually conditioned conformity to nature is also at work. This is something our scholars unsuspectingly pass by. Our present decline recapitulates the myth of the Edda, which, given present world events, attains a mystical, superhuman greatness. When honour, and law and strength of will disintegrate, the gods perish. A world epoch collapsed in a terrible blood red conflagration in 1914. It is the task of the future to meld together once more these three great entities under the aegis of the German folkish state.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:38 am


Chapter V. Church and School

A German peoples’ church is today the longing of millions. The confirmation of this fact means that we must demand the profoundest responsibility from those who give expression to this longing. Today there has been enough loud talk. Indeed, there has been more than enough! We talk about the insufficiency of the form and of the content of our churches. The deep underlying roots of this feeling of dissatisfaction have been discussed in this work, whilst showing respect towards religious thought. This theology has been ennobled by the faith, life and death of many generations. But the truth demands the immediate admission that this new longing has nowhere yet appeared as vital action, as an allegory of life.

In no German region has a religious genius appeared. No one has come forth to reveal through his life a new religious type to replace the existing ones. This fact is decisive insofar as no German conscious of responsibility may direct a demand to leave the churches at those who still cling to them in faith. If one did so it could possibly make the masses uncertain and disintegrate them spiritually. Before we destroy what the people presently have, we must be prepared to offer a substitute.

The liberal epoch brought enormous desolation in the church domain. This was precipitated by its many pseudoscientific beliefs such as evolution. Religion as such seemed to be. These intellectual pygmies overlooked the fact that understanding and reason represent only one means of drawing up a world picture. Religion is fundamentally something else. Art is a third means of understanding. Science is a system. Religion relates to the will. Art is symbolic. Every domain has its own inner law. Science could only destroy the churches when the latter falsely risked entering the former’s domain. This occurred in a thousand cases. Real science can never destroy real religion because the latter is only a symbol for organic values of will. If a religion is to be restructured, newly born, or replaced through another, then the supreme values must be overthrown or transvaluated.

The tragic thing about the spiritual history of the last hundred years is that the churches have made the liberal materialistic outlook their own. They then defended their position in the field of science instead of operating in their own sphere of values. And it is even more tragic that they had to do this since they were developed historically. They had proclaimed old testament tales to be true. The later materialistic legends were the fundamental constituent of their totality. Thus the Darwinian era was able to create enormous confusion. It The Myth of the 20th Century 133

is instructive to compare the initial representation of the link between rationalism and magic. Simultaneously, science and religion were to free the way for occult sects: theosophy, anthroposophy, and a large number of other secret doctrines and charlatan hoaxes. A frightful confusion of spirit, for which dogmatism and liberalism bear the same guilt, is the sign of the times. Even under the rule of the Christian Social party in Austria, over 200,000 persons in Vienna alone have left the catholic church in the course of not less than ten years. These conversions came under the influence of new religious values, but as a consequence of a Marxist, egocentric activity which destroyed communal values which were directed against a still rigid, coercive, materialistic dogma.

Between the mass hosts of Marxist chaos and the faithful of the churches, millions wander around upon false paths. These people are completely destroyed inwardly. They have been delivered up to confusing doctrines and false prophets who seek only personal gain. In the large, however, they were driven by a powerful longing for new values and new forms.

It must be stated over and again that we must have a new genius who will reveal the new Myth to us. That saviour has still not been granted to us. This recognition still does not remove us from the duty of performing those preliminary works which have always had to be done when a new vital feeling struggles for expression, producing spiritual tensions. Soon the time will come for the great man who will teach and live what, hitherto, millions have only been able to stammer.

As the introduction to this work says, our message is not directed at the present day generation who still believe in the church. We will not hinder them from pursuing their established, chosen course of life. It is directed at all those who have already broken inwardly with church belief, but have still not found their way to another Myth. These persons must at least be snatched away from despairing nihilism through a revitalisation, through a new feeling of belonging. We seek the rebirth of very old yet eternally young values. It will be the task of a later genius to elevate to real forms of religion. Presently, many can search for probable representations. This is the duty of each individual today. Every individual must search since religious societies without religious geniuses only grow rigid. They turn into ordinary associations and small sects, which have no lasting influence over others. To occupy oneself with religion is therefore not a matter of any particular existing ethical, social or political association. Conversely, these can not be made responsible for the personal religious creed of their members.

From the newly blossoming nationalist Myth grow spiritual powers in all directions. Each of these organisations can only be guided by great personalities. It is naturally possible that one of them embodies a concentration of many powers of will. However, such a claim should be raised only by a completely great man devoid of any fault in character and soul.

Thus we wait for the poet of the world war, for the great dramatist of our life, for the great architects and sculptors. Thus we struggle for the Leader of the new Reich. We try to outline the limits of will which apply to the coming German folkish church. Its essential character seems to be clearly outlined even today. On the one side, we reject the materialistic magical which, as revealed by liberalism, was so closely linked with church dogmatism. On the other we must cultivate the values of honour, pride, inward freedom, aristocracy of soul, and faith in the indestructibility of the soul of man.

All Christian, or, more correctly, Pauline, churches have recognised certain supernatural doctrines as dogmas. They have become the prerequisites of church membership. From a universal community of sentiment grew rigid, dogmatic equality. This idea increasingly was out of touch with the Nordic community. The declaring as true of metaphysical and religious assertions and historical and legendary events were assumed without evidence to be true. Such ideas were conditioned by Judaism. The Syrian Jewish idea had advanced by using fire and sword. Today, this has given way compulsively to a more tolerant standpoint, although it is ready at every opportunity to fan new dogmatic battles.

A real German statesman and thinker will therefore approach the religious question from another perspective. He will give unhindered place to every religious conviction. He will allow moral doctrines of diverse form to be free preached, providing only that they do not stand in the path of assertion of national honour. That is, they must strengthen the willed centres of soul. Where the support of definite organisations is concerned, the German will on the contrary have to assess the conduct of these organisations toward the national state. From this perspective the question is self evident concerning the relationship of state, religion and church. A real German state can approve the church communities that exist at a particular time. The state will proceed with complete tolerance toward these sects. We will permit state political and financial support depending upon the extent to which their teachings and practical activity are adjusted to the furtherance of the strengthening of souls. It will therefore also need to protect new reforms as well as old creeds. The new demands, however, already have been announced in an extraordinary way.

Accordingly, the so called old testament must be abolished once and for all as a book of religion. By this, the unsuccessful attempt of the last one and a half thousand years to make us spiritually into Jews will be eliminated. This is an attempt for which we, among other things, had to thank our terrible materialistic Jewish rulers.

Viewed from the perspective of the struggling man and not of the state politicians, the movement is to be strengthened further by the removal of open distorted and superstitious reports from the new testament. The necessary fifth Gospel cannot naturally be added by a synod. It will be the creation of a man who experiences the longing for purification very deeply. He probably will have studied the theology of the new testament.

From the description of Jesus one can select very different features. His personality often makes its appearance as soft and pitying, then, again, bluff and rough. But it is always supported by inward fire. It was in the interest of the Roman church, with its lust for power, to represent subservient humility as the essence of Christ in order to create as many servants as possible for this motivated ideal. To correct this representation is a further ineradicable requirement of the German movement for renewal. Jesus appears to us today as self conscious master in the best and highest sense of the word. It is his life which possesses significance for Germanic man, not his tortured death. The success of that idea was the work of the Alpine and Mediterranean people. The powerful preacher and the angry man in the temple, the man who impelled others along with him and whom they all followed, not the sacrificial lamb of Jewish prophecy, not the crucified, is today the formative ideal which shines forth to us from the Gospels. And if it cannot shine forth, then the Gospels are dead.

The scientific criticism of the text has made such rapid progress that all technical prerequisites for a comprehensive new creation are present. The Gospel of Mark probably contains, even if with additions, the real core of the message of the child of god. This stands in The Myth of the 20th Century 134

opposition to the Semitic doctrine of the slave of god. The Gospel of John was the first gentile interpretation. We find here the eternal polarity of good and evil in contrast to the old testament delusion that Jehovah created good and evil out of nothing. Simultaneously he said of his world that it was very good, in order to then himself become the instigator of lies, deceit and murderous deeds. Mark still knew nothing of Jesus other than as the fulfiller of the Jewish idea of the Messiah. Thus, Matthew and Paul have provided us with the misfortune of the entire western cultural world. Still more: When the gossip Peter says of Jesus: You are the messiah (Mark VIII, 29), Jesus threatened Peter and forbade his disciples to utter similar words. Our Pauline churches are therefore, in essentials, not Christian. They are the product of the Jewish Syrian leanings of the apostles. These ideas were introduced by the Jerusalem author of the Matthew Gospel. Later, Paul completed the subversion of Christianity independently of Mark.

From the Pharisee Paul slips out unconsciously a universal Jewish admission: What kind of advantage have the Jews, or of what use is circumcision? In truth, very much. First, to them is confided what god has spoken. But that many do not believe in this, what does it matter? Should their lack of faith cancel god’s faith? Nothing could be further from the truth. (Romans III.)

Then follows the typical Jewish arrogance and intolerance, But I make it known to you, dear brothers, that the Gospel which is preached by me, is not human. For I have received it from no man nor learnt it, but through the revelation of Jesus Christ. But since it pleased god, who has separated me from my mother’s body and called me through his mercy, that he revealed his son in me, that I should make him known through the Gospel among the heathens, then I talked at once no longer with flesh and blood, also did not go up to Jerusalem to them who are apostles before me, but moved to Arabia and then came back again to Damascus. (Galatians I.)

Simultaneously, the mollusklike soliciting: For albeit I am free of everyone, still have I made myself into the servant of everyone, so that I may win many of them. To the Jews I have come as a Jew, so that I win the Jews. To those who are under the law, I have become as under the law, so that I gain those who are under the law. To those who are without laws, I have become as without law. Nevertheless I am not without law before god, but I am the law of Christ, so that I win those who are without law. To the weak I have become like a weak man, so that I win the weak. I am all things to all men, so that I everywhere make some blessed.

And then the brazen statement of shameless pride: It were better for me, that I die, then that anyone should make my fame into nothing for me! (I Corinthians IX.) Paul has deliberately gathered around him all those rejected by the state and the spiritually leprous in the lands of his earthly domain, in order to unleash an uprising by the inferior. The first chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians is a sole song of praise to the foolish in the eyes of the world. Simultaneously the assertion is made that god has chosen the ignoble and those despised by the world, in order to then promise that the Christians shall rule as judges. So shall now the world be judged by you, are you then not good enough to judge small matters? How much more over temporal goods (VI:2). In Ephesians (I:21) Paul attributes to Jesus all power and force and princedom of this world and the future world.

It cannot even be disputed that he wished for a world upheaval with the help of the declassed of all states and peoples, with the aim of a theocracy. His false humility was coupled with a desire for world dominion. He displayed an overheated religious longing as with all Orientals. He desired to march at the head of the rebels. Such was the Pauline falsification of the great figure of Christ.

John has interpreted Jesus in a genial way. He recognised that here one was dealing with an anti Jewish spirit hostile to the old testament. But this has been covered over by a Jewish tradition which was linked with the spiritual waste products of the Hellenic world shaped anew in the Roman church.

Europe has tried to renew, in vain, this Oriental church. Europe’s reverence of its Christianity has condemned all attempts to failure. But the Christian churches are a monstrous, deliberate and unconscious falsification of the simple happy message of the kingdom of heaven within us. They are a falsification of the child of god, and of service for the good, and of passionate defence against evil. In the Gospel of Mark we admittedly find the legendary features of the possessed which we can likewise trace back to popular tales. These are embellishments and additions to fact, like, for instance, Frederick the Great and saint Francis. The latter is said to have even preached to the birds. But the original Gospel of Mark is completely remote from ecstatic rapture in which parts of the Sermon on the Mount exceed themselves. But to resist not evil and to turn the other cheek when the right one is struck are feminist additions which are not to be found in Mark. These are falsified additions by other persons. Jesus’s entire existence was a fiery rebellion. Therefore he had to die. Only inwardly bastardised men have laid value on a doctrine of cowardice, such as, for instance, Tolstoy, who used this passage as the foundation for his desolate outlook on the world.

There is no proof for the often made claim that Jesus was a Jew. Indeed, there is much to show the contrary. Jesus possibly was Aryan, or partially so, showing the Nordic type strongly. Let us look at Die historische Personlichkeit Jesu (Munich, 1924). It reports that, according to the Syrian Christian preacher Ephraem (fourth century A.D.), Jesus had a Danaite woman, that is, someone born in Dan, for a mother, and a Latin as father. Ephraem sees nothing dishonourable in this, adding: Jesus thus derived his ancestry from two of the greatest and most famous nations—namely, from the Syrians on the maternal side and from the Romans on the paternal. Ephraem presupposes the universal acknowledgement of this fact.

The religion of Jesus was, without doubt, centred in the preaching of love. All theology is, in fact, principally spiritual excitement which will always be closely related to love. No one will disregard this feeling. It creates a spiritual flow from man to man. When a German religious movement wishes to develop into a folkish church, it will need to explain the ideal of love of one’s neighbour. Such love must be unconditionally subordinated to national honour. No action by a German church will be permitted which does not, in first place, serve the security of the folkhood. As a result we lay down indissoluble opposition to an outlook which openly declares that bonds to the church stand higher than those to the nation.

Such an attitude, cultivated for centuries, can, however, be overcome neither by bans nor commands. The state has solely to ensure with its means, that political power intrusions on the part of Rome and its servants do not succeed. The Roman priest must give an oath upon his appointment to an office, which signifies nothing other than a conscious incitement to interdenominational and class hatred. Beyond even this he veritably signifies the recognition of activity treasonable to the nation, if the state is not serviceable to Roman interests. This oath reads as follows:

The false teachers, separated from the apostolic chair, the rebels against our Lord and his successors, I will persecute and fight The Myth of the 20th Century 135

according to my powers.

The new German state must ban such an oath. It must lay upon all clergy an oath aimed at the preservation of the honour of the nation. This oath must be similar to the oath given to the monarch or, in some states, to the constitution. As for the rest, it will be the chief task of the awakening Germany to make efforts in service of the Myth of the nation to create a German folkish church. We will work until a second Meister Eckehart one day releases the tension and embodies, lives and shapes this German community of souls.

Party political activity is forbidden in all states to a member of the army. We justify this in order to keep political power in hand. It must be the instrument of the whole. It must not be eaten away by political conflict. The same must also hold for priests of all denominations. Their domain is the care of souls, that is, spiritual welfare. The emergence of the politically active parliamentary military man and pastor is a highly unrefreshing phenomenon of political liberalism. The Italian Fascist state already realised this. Under the Concordat of 1929, political activity was refused to the catholic priesthood. The catholic boy scout leagues were dissolved, so as not to allow a state within a state to arise. Since the Vatican has approved this for Italy, it can no longer object in principle to the implementation of identical measures in other neighbouring states.

If the distinction provided by Jesus’s words: Give unto god, what is god’s, and unto Caesar what is Caesar’s! is carried through, then other necessary intrusions by the national state into the domain of church creeds can be completely avoided. Such a statesman will never operate on some kind of metaphysical principles of belief or occasion religious persecutions. The conflict around these worlds of ideas and values will therefore have to be played out from man to man, from form to form within the entire folkish organism, without political means of power being able to lay claims on anything.

A differentiation must be made with all these considerations of religious reform between the spiritual adviser and the director of the political state. If the first uncovers the inner direction of a new search, and, in so doing, in accordance with its nature, fights against the old concepts and forms in the construction of a soul spirit body, then the spiritual adviser has no right to demand the political, judicial and military protection of the state. It was fatal for real fervour of faith that the Roman church, with help from political organisations, strove everywhere to secure a worldly arm, As a result it has today acquired an enormously strong position of power. However, it has also, in many cases, thanks to donations from the states, become dependent upon these states. An embargo on money could easily cause the giant organisational apparatus to collapse in many places. But the position of political power has, and this is an old complaint of spiritual guardians for centuries, rubbed out conscience and reflection. The same thing has done great damage to protestantism. This religious movement believed it could not stand behind and thus behaved likewise. After the separation of the state and the organisations of the various churches, this monetary feature will still long continue. A German church must therefore, from the first, reject being made financially dependent upon the state. It must only claim freedom for growth, so that its believers are not harmed by the ways of the old churches. It will be given space and buildings according to the number of believers it has attracted. The same measure must then also be applied to other denominations. The catholics and protestants must secure their church through voluntary contributions. They must raise their funds through pledges, not by threats. Thus, religion will be supported according to its acceptance, not according to its political power. Through such a measure can a statesman alone be just on all sides. He will separate the religious struggle of the individual and of the groups of the population from the political struggle of the whole.

A German church cannot preach dogmatic principles in which everyone is compelled to believe or face loss of eternal bliss. It will encompass communities which hold firm to beautiful catholic customs, many of which are often old Nordic in origin. Those who favour the Lutheran forms of religious service and those who perhaps prefer another form of religious worship will also be protected. The German church, however, will also grant equal rights to those who have broken with Syrian Roman Christianity generally, and have found themselves in a new community. Some of these will be under the sign of Meister Eckehart’s spiritual power. The prerequisites made at the beginning are valid for all members.

Thus, in the foundation of a German national church, it is a matter not of disputing any kind of metaphysical assertions or of promoting the credence of legendary tales. It is a matter of the creation of a high feeling of value, that is, of the selection of those men, who, despite all diversity of religious and philosophic convictions, regained deep inward confidence in their own type and gained a heroic view of life by struggle. This reversion of spirit and soul appears to me to be particularly revolutionary, since, as a result, the principal object of former religious struggles—metaphysical dogmas—are recognised as inessential. Their representation becomes an affair of the individual, not of a totality. The conflicts concerning the relationship of man and god in Jesus, the conflict concerning love and grace, concerning the immortality or mortality of the soul, fall away from the angle of vision of a Germanic German religious renewal, as a measure for membership of the new community appears the recognition of those values which have been created in Germanic dramatic art. These are included and revealed greatest of all in the mysticism of Meister Eckehart. But a community must be the aim, even if the recognition so pervades us today that we can no longer experience it. Despite all strength, even a strong individual cannot always maintain the height of his heroic moments. But the community consciousness will be able to elevate him still higher and draw the weaker with it. It will fit in more firmly into the new religious style of the future, as once the German army of 1914 made millions of simple men perform heroic sacrifices and deeds.

After the dishonourable Vatican Council, honourable catholic men, misunderstanding the nature of a thousand year old dogmatism, made efforts to bring to life the so called old catholicism. Many of these believers tolerated the very worst persecutions because they would not allow their honour to be trampled under foot. Bismarck had not then seized the opportunity to protect these free handed men. But the movement alone was too weak to run its head against the tradition of centuries. Bismarck’s conduct had bitterly avenged itself. The old catholic communities became impoverished because of the violent Roman technique of strangulation. This the Vatican did with the world political means of power at its disposal. This power in its German form created the pliable Centre party as the guard of His Holiness. Long live the church Inquisition! cried the Jesuit Wenis in 1875. There must be no interdenominational peace! answered the Schildwacht (Shield Watch) on 16th May 1924, after its triumph. Thus the first real stimulus to allow a new birth to emerge from the womb of catholicism remained fruitless. But it is beyond question that thousands of splendid Germans now work as priests within the Roman church, and in their deepest heart strive for nothing with more longing than the purification of Christianity from Syrian The Myth of the 20th Century 136

superstition. They work for the deepening of religious life through separation of state moneys and incitements to political power. They all know that the German sermons which they are able to utter to their fellow citizens today have been bought with streams of the blood of those heretics, who, once, at Rome’s command, had to ascend the stake or were tortured to death in subterranean cellars. They will be joyful when they are able to once more hold the purified worship of god in the sacred mother tongue. This would serve our proud racial values. The time has still not come when German priests can stand in the midst of the Roman dominated upper caste and demand a reshaping of soul, head and limbs. But it will come. There will have to be martyrs as in the past. But a German state has the duty to protect these men from persecution. Some will be initiated into the German folkish church.

The same holds for those who have recognised that protestantism has ceased to protest against Rome. Today it is zealously opposed, in short sighted bedazzlement, against the new arising vital life. Former protestant rebels appeared to fight against their church in the name of religion. They supported the Second Reich in the name of Liberalism. They fought for renewal in the Berliner Tageblatt. This signified the bankruptcy of soul and church in the nineteenth century, such as appeared in all domains. Out of fear at this sign of open decline, a younger generation fled back once more to strict churchliness. It now ossifies without hope in the general superintendent posts. Today the Lutheran church is also stirring again. Naturally the alarm bells are sounded against the awakening innovators here. The Lutheran literates and Pharisees today summon, out of an instinct of self preservation, a congress in the same way as Rome has its councils. But this time they do not see facing them a liberalising phenomenon of disintegration, but a full blooded Myth of substantial content. It possess a centre, around which everything takes form and shape. In the whole of Germany today germination cells of this new awakening exist. This new German Reich will also need to grant them its state protection in the course of coming persecutions.

The German Faith Communities have hitherto not passed into a stage beyond a theoretical beginning. The practical attempts have not been encouraging. But in whatever manner these develop, the research carried out by these bodies in the realm of Nordic religious history will nevertheless form the yeast which will permeate the former catholic and the former Lutheran components of the German church. In place of the old testament pimps and cattle dealer stories, the Nordic sagas and legends will appear, at first simply told, and later represented through symbols. It is not the dream of hatred and murderous messiahism, but the dream of honour and freedom which must be kindled through Nordic, Germanic sagas—from Odin by way of the old folkish tales up to Eckehart and Walther von der Vogelweide. It will be reserved for a genial hand to select from the spiritual sediment of millennia the hitherto neglected pearls of the German spirit and to bind them together organically. What is temporal, Roman and Jewishly conditioned appears clearer than ever today. But all the more distinctly the real heartbeat of our folkish tales resounds. We hear tales of Eckehart and Luther in our ears. For more mature pupils a vivid picture of religious searching from Iran, India, indeed also from Hellas, will unroll, alien and yet simultaneously closely related. The longing to give the Nordic race soul its form as German church under the sign of the folkish Myth, that is for me the greatest task of our century. Just as the Roman Myth of the representation of god by the pope comprised very different peoples and opposing directions and bound them, so will the Myth of the blood, once grasped, bind like a magnet all personalities and religious communities, irrespective of their diversities, in a clear structure bearing relationship to a centre. Thus, we have a life creating arrangement transformed into the folkish totality. The coming life will then clarify and determine individual details of its structure. No one can foresee them today.

These parts of the folkish church must be protected by all means by the state from persecution. Otherwise it must rely upon its own resources. It must form a crystallisation point. The churches will have money placed at their disposal according to their size and importance. Their communities will provide the possibility of direct teaching activity, and without any kind of violent intrusion into protestantism or into the Roman church. A spiritual revolution will be completed which will take effect like a deep drawing of breath. The heavy crust of Syrian Roman domination can no longer oppress those who long for honour and freedom. The Roman whore and the old testament superintendent will gradually lose their power over individual personalities, and, consequently, also over political activities. The first prerequisites for a religious, but, then, also, for a cultural and state lifestyle will be created.

The new German racial church will make changes in the Roman ritual. It will abandon sermons about slaves and scapegoats and the lamb of god. It will forget about claiming that Peter founded the Roman church. There will be no more talk of the fulfilment of the old testament, of Indulgences or of miraculous powers. A corresponding alteration of external rites will also have to result. We will work hand in hand with the great literature of enlightenment, which is to be spread by the spiritual heads of the German church within their existing communities. From this new inward attitude toward the image of Jesus, however, there also results an unconditionally necessary if seemingly only outward alteration: the replacement of the crucifixes representing the tortured crucifixion in churches and on the village streets. The crucifix is the allegory of the teaching of the sacrificial lamb, an image which brings before our mind the collapse of all powers. Through this horrid representation of pain the church produces inward oppression and makes us humble. This serves the church well in its search for power. Admittedly the representations of Germanic knights and gods have been preserved in saint George, saint Martin, saint Oswald, but thus far they lead only a subordinated existence. The church in northern Europe has not been reduced as yet to kissing the bloody, suppurating wounds of the crucified Christ figure. The Roman church encourages this practice among many of the South American faithful. Without question the figure of the sorrowful crucified Christ has become the means by which Rome rules the souls of its adherents.

In the churches allotted to it, a German church will gradually represent the hero in the highest sense, with a fiery instructive spirit taking the place of the crucifixion. Almost all painters of Europe have divested the face and the figure of Jesus of all Jewish racial characteristics. However, distorted by teachings of the lamb of god, it had to paint Jesus as the Saviour of all men. All great artists of the Nordic west showed Jesus as Aryan, and represented him as a slim, tall, blond, high browed and long headed man. Even the great artists of the south have not shown any understanding for a hooked nosed, flat footed saviour. Even in The resurrection, by Matthias Grünewald, Jesus is blond and slim. From the breast of the Sistine Madonna the blond Jesus looks veritably heroically at the world in an identical manner to the heads of blue eyed angels from the clouds. Our awakening feeling of life does not recognise the ideal of flagellation. A real crucifixion can, as already elaborated, be today neither painted nor sculptured nor versified nor set to music. The entire German artistic community which today makes efforts with vegetable still lifes have only recently been appointed the guardians of The Myth of the 20th Century 137

the German soul. The churches and communities of the German church will ensure that at old sacred places of pilgrimage the bastard art products of the Baroque period bearing Jesuit approval are replaced with paintings and statues appropriate to our church. We will show an Aryan Jesus as the bringer of life who appears alongside the god with the spear. There will be other pictures; some depicting the sayings of Meister Eckehart and other German preachers. From the naves and from the altars of the German folkish church our own style will show. The tin plate haloes, the plaster garlands, and all that Jesuitically inspired junk of the Baroque and Rococo style will be discarded. Tasks will here await the German architect. Thousands long for true architecture. These people are tired of building merchant buildings and bank palaces. They look for direction. Our music allows itself to be used most easily. In Bach and Glück, in Mozart, Handel and Beethoven, the heroic character was set. It can again emerge from church versification. Music today is aimless and vacuous. Here, again, there is much work to be done. First, the church songbooks will be cleansed of songs to Jehovah.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:38 am


The future of our life will thus depend on inner withdrawal from things that are religious and metaphysical. From one centre a flow of current will pour out over everything which allows the soul of the preacher and of the statesman to be equally as fruitful as the fantasy of the present day centreless, therefore almost insane, artist and philosopher.

If one travels today through German towns and cities, then one can confirm with joy that everywhere memorial stones and heroic statues have been erected. The German front soldier in steel helmet reveals the type. Inscriptions on the sockets give the names of heroes. Flowers and wreaths give proof of the love which envelops the memory of the dead. We have ourselves still experienced everything. Millions still know those who sacrificed themselves in the world war personally and remember them with compassion. This knowledge of the humanness of the individual personalities who perished will vanish more and more. What is typical of the most terrible and yet significant time of 1914 to 1918 will become stronger and more violent. The coming generation will see in a war memorial of the world war a holy symbol for the martyrdom of a new faith. This is a development which follows a similar path in all states of Europe. The grave of the unknown soldier in France, Italy and England, has often become a mere parade piece. Nevertheless they have simultaneously become for millions a mystical centre analogous to the German war memorials to the undefeated German soldiers. An entire host of French clerical newspapers, for example, call this new worship, which they observe with concern, un Christian. They fear not without justice that the unknown soldier could replace the saints. The infallible church once burnt Jean d’Arc and then made her into a saint. It will soon lay claims to the unknown soldier and make him catholic. With consecrated water the church will falsify the meaning of a spiritual revolution which it senses today in just the same way as every other really folkish manifestation. It already did this in 1870-1871 when a worship of the heroic also set in. If Germany will really awaken, and on Sundays the village assemble, not around pillars of Mary, but around statues of the German field grey soldiers, then a crusade against this new pagan practice is certain as today the cross on the church tower.

The church has given every murdered missionary the stamp of a martyrdom and named him a saint. Even when Emmeram, represented by Christian tradition as a Jew, violated the daughter of the Bavarian duke and was therefore killed, the infallible church declared this disgraceful end as dying for the faith. Today Emmeram is a saint to whom prayers are uttered in pious Regensburg. But it is the duty of a coming German generation to mention with great respect only the names of those who in storm and wrack fought for the greatness and honour of the German people. We will honour them for what they are: martyrs of the folkish faith. Here, in this corner of our soul, lives the hope that the peoples of Europe will one day recognise the nature of the present frightful catastrophe. We hope that they will recognise the folkish Leader who is coming soon. We hope they will recognise what is most precious; the human blood of their nation. We hope they will become everywhere conscious that an application of the latter principle can be the only final solution. It is not found in heeding the call of any kind of Christianity or of liberal pacifism. It is true that these today form a strong power to control souls. Far more does the spirit.

Today the words prevail of the Roman legate Alexander:

We Romans will ensure that you Nordics slay each other and suffocate in your own blood.

This was over 400 years ago. Luther has lost the war, said Benedict XV, proudly, to the Jewish historian Emil Ludwig. Freemasonic humanity, with its deceitful shopkeeper pacifism, cannot provide the foundations of a real will. It cannot bring peace, since capitalism motivates its actions. Only the recognition of honour in both friend and foe, in the unknown soldier outside, and in the dead undefeated field grey soldiers at home, is that germinal seed which is common today to the best elements of all still viable peoples. It has begun to sprout everywhere. Whether it will grow is the concern of the future. But one thing is already clear today. The inner man of honour will only mature when he has freed himself from the weeds which insolently proliferate today around him. All the degenerate forces are at work with all their power to prevent these martyrs for folkish honour from becoming the symbol of life for a more beautiful German future. In the name of world peace and of so called Christian humility they sow discord. Through deceitful pacifism they attempt to kill the real honour conscious love of peace.

It lies within the life feeling of a past epoch that it is a sin if a catholic raised his hand against another catholic. Later times regarded it as natural that monarchs had to stand together against republicans. The 19th century demanded that millions of workers not bear arms in the name of the state against the class comrades of another people. Reverence for the soldier who fought for the honour of his people is new. This feeling is in step with a new epoch. This new religion of folkish honour can make Nordic European consciousness awaken. It will not be awakened by common trade interests, after which the bastard pan Europeans go hawking today. One day it will stand in front of a confrontation, with the black south and the Syrian parasites on a common front. Here the German must reach back to his magnificent heritage of mysticism so he can conquer and experience again the greatness of soul of a Meister Eckehart, and so that this man and the field grey hero under the steel helmet become for us one and the same experience and Myth. Then is the way open for the creation of a German folkish religion of the future for a real German church, and for a united German folkish culture.

Against this background we must evaluate the meaning and work of love. As we concluded in the first book, love does not signify a type creating strength. One can only love the individual, said Goethe. It stands in the service of another value, humanism. The beneficiaries of this debilitating idea of love and humanism are the Roman church and high finance, although they attempt to deny this fact. These powers are directed at subjugation of soul. We will confront these values with truthfulness. We will consciously place love The Myth of the 20th Century 138

beneath the type creating power of honour. As a result love particularly subverts the character of upright, real and strong men. In place of the love which subjugates men we will formulate the new love of honour. Now comes what is most important. A German folkish church will be voluntarily built on the idea of national and personal honour. It will automatically attach itself to only those persons who, irrespective of what church they belong to, are outwardly predominantly Nordically conditioned. The same can be observed today with religious rebirth. A sacrificed love would, in this case, be an aid to the cultivated aristocracy of soul, but it would also stand in the service of a rearrangement of the German people which would otherwise never be attained.

Now we may certainly also say that the love of Jesus Christ has been the love of one who is conscious of his aristocracy of soul and of his strong personality. Jesus sacrificed himself as a master, not as a servant. From the nobility of soul his great imitator, Meister Eckehart, also began. His love was given in the service of this value. It was likewise strong, conscious and thoroughly unsentimental. This love did not serve in stuttering fear, as Ignatius demanded. It did not serve a system of soul slavery and racial destruction. It served solely honour conscious freedom. And Meister Eckehart knew only too well, what he said, when shortly before his death he wrote (Against the papacy donated by the devil in Rome, 1645):

These three words, free Christian German, are to the pope and the Roman court nothing but mere poison, death, devil and hell. They can neither suffer, see nor hear them. Nothing else will come of it, that is certain.

We can say something about the essence of the Teuton by analysing his loyalty. Naturally we are not speaking of the corpselike loyalty of Loyola, the loyalty to the self chosen of the Lord. In fact in history many Teutons have chosen foreign masters and served them loyally as soldiers, philosophers, church teachers. Today we will describe these men not as loyal but as deserters. Only he is loyal who remains loyal to his own freedom. Many have been able to do this within the still not ossified church, even if almost all great men among them were threatened with prison, poison and dagger. Since the rule of Jesuitism, no Nordic man can be consciously Germanic and simultaneously a follower of Loyola. This above all: to your own self be true (Shakespeare, Hamlet), is alone valid if an inward and outward German rebirth is to take place. The respect for ourselves, such as Goethe demanded, and to be one with oneself, as Meister Eckehart taught and lived—these are ideas of honour and freedom, loyalty and confirmation. Honour expresses itself in loyalty to oneself and one’s race.

I believe that I know exactly which religious struggles will be incorporated as central ideas of a German national church. One thing I likewise believe I know. Hundreds of thousands have searched for decades for an announcement of the awakening of a really new feeling of life. Many men are tired of the old, flat mysticism, and wish to go beyond individual experience to a community. Old forms have never been renewed in world history by moving the content and form of the one essence into another already existing phenomenon. Both must be bridged by a visible synthesis.

One is indebted to the last work of Houston Stewart Chamberlain. This book, Man and god, grasps clearly what is taking place. It is a search for a direct way to express the personality of Christ. Herder once demanded that the religion dedicated to Jesus should become a religion of Jesus. This was what Chamberlain strove for. A completely free man who disposed inwardly over the entire culture of our times, he has shown the deepest sensitivity for the superhuman simplicity of Christ. He represented Jesus as what he had once appeared to be: a mediator between man and god.

In order to find one’s way back to him, a great spiritual struggle must be fought. We do not wish to suffocate from untruths and thus perish miserably. We must cast aside alien prophets. We must seize those human hands which have given service to the elevation of the most beautiful qualities of the Germanic soul. The Myth of the Roman Representative of god must be overcome as so also we must overcome the Myth of literal sacredness in protestantism. In the Myth of the folkish soul and honour lies a new binding and shaping midpoint. To serve it is the duty of our generation. Only a later generation will found the new saving community.

If a statesman of the German future is to be able to face the religious stirrings of his people, without regard to his personal creed, he will have to use the greatest caution. If possible he must avoid every personal intrusion into these disputes. The schools also demand a completely different, positively demarcated, clear aimed and very representative approach. The first task of education is not the mediation of technical knowledge but formation of character. It must strengthen racial values such as once slumbered in the Germanic essence. These values must be carefully cultivated upwards. The national state must lay claim to sole control of schools without compromise. State controlled schools must educate soil rooted citizens of state. The citizenry must become aware of what they are fighting for in life. The citizenry must understand the totality of values that are theirs, irrespective of any individual features.

The enormous and unique intellectual chaos of present day life is the consequence of the unbridled struggle of dozens of systems of thought for predominance. One system represents the bloodless humanistic system which gazes back into the past. Its systematic schooling of memory has throttled the real impetus of life. The realistic school pays tribute to the Zeitgeist of liberalist technology. Recently, it has made increasingly strong attempts to help the church to snatch the superintendence of schools back to Rome.

We have thus many school types. These systems are founded on different supreme values. There are the denominational schools which, in all seriousness, still wish to teach geography and mathematics on the basis of their old testament revelations. They must angrily admit that there is falsehood in their religious representation of Jehovah, their idea of creation out of nothing, and the fable of Noah’s Ark. The famed 6,000 years since the world creation began is contradicted by the eternity of the universe. We know now that millions of years were required for earthly formation. The establishment of the principle of free research has cost us the best blood of Europe. Still, today, the Roman church still preaches against such freedom of research. The church still teaches many things that already have been overcome by the understanding. Nonetheless, the Roman church still holds to these eternal truths, in spite of natural science as taught by scholars. This proves only one thing. It is part of the Nordic character to do research for truth or knowledge that governs actions. We are also inwardly disposed to reject dogmatic systems hostile to us. The host of Roman church scientists follow only one purpose, namely, making natural science, in fact all science, serviceable to the old superstitions. These had been smashed to pieces once and for all through Copernicus. Thus the Jesuit Hammerstein asserted that the church had acted fully in accordance with its right when it did not permit the use of the concept of race in natural history. He taught that history was not derived from tribal elders, since, as a result, the revealed doctrine of hereditary sin would collapse (Kirche und Staat, page 131). The ancient story of Adam and Eve has thus The Myth of the 20th Century 139

been quite openly elevated into a measure for all research! And recently Pope Pius XI expressly decreed, at the beginning of the year 1930, in an Encyclical concurred with by the Vatican Council, that healthy reason was only present in man only to prove the truth of the faith which had been laid down forever. The church is thus only logical when it stands against academic freedom. It recognises only a representation of world causation and human essence which have been laid down by the doctrine of revelation.

The position of the Roman church is seen most clearly in the world picture it presents in the instruction in history. For this, more than every other evaluation, is not an arranging of factualities. Roman history denies all its falsifications. It is self evident that the Roman church condemns every real historical nationalism. This is logical, for the abuse and misuse of history is a means to certain purposes.

That Luther was a degenerate rascal is taken as self evident to all Roman catholic teachers in all states. Canisius knows of the most repulsive debauchery which Luther permitted. The Evangelical faithful have become plague ridden men. The Jesuit work IMAGO PRIMI SAECVLI declares Luther to be a world monster and incurable plague. Pope Urban VIII calls him a despicable monster. So it goes on up to the present day. It is completely false to merely loudly complain about this, without understanding the Roman system in its core. It is a sad state of things for a science which has nothing else to offer other than eternal searching for truth. This truly sublime sentence of the Innsbruck Professor Joseph Donat (for further details, see Hönsbrück, The Jesuit order) reveals the lowest depths of an anti European world of spirit, against which everything which was true and great has fought and bled.

The old testament and its scientific truths have been proven false. Put together by Roman historical representatives, they are admittedly threadbare. This is true to such an extent that even any second year student could unveil these lies today. The continued domination of the Roman doctrinal principles shows how little man is determined by insight alone. It shows how strongly will, instinct and imaginative power can take effect. The Roman system turns with all its power at these qualities of the human soul. The Jesuit order is the tested tool to force the anxious ego into its service through the imaginative power. The Jesuit order blinds the future to things that, ordinarily, every honest man can discover on his own. The entire apparatus of the Roman church is active from the cradle to the grave in gaining mastery over our imaginative powers. It permits no pause to appear in this search for influence. It uses the magic of the sacraments. It extends its influence by creating sense confusing forms. For this purpose it also uses the power of the confessional.

Only Liberalism with its dissolving effect has hitherto confronted this closed system. Liberalism is an unhappy consequence of the scientific breakthrough by the Nordic soul of Roger Bacon by way of Leonardo, Galileo, and Copernicus. But beyond the demand for freedom of research, Liberalism has not thrust through to a positive core. In the final analysis, principles determined how much freedom in teaching was to be permitted in the liberal era. It taught the dogma that everyone is basically the same. It holds that all classes represent a barrier that hampers development.

Science without prerequisites is today approaching a tragic end. It had itself created the most unwholesome prerequisites to our racial decline. The interpretation of world history outlined at the beginning as racial history is the present day renunciation of this declaiming doctrine of humanism. The idea of German renewal confronts the Roman and Liberal as a clearly conscious demand on its own. It denies apparent knowledge without prerequisites. It combats the hysteria breeding summoning up of the imaginative power. It consciously recognises the spiritual and racially conditioned will. It demands the evaluation of past and present according to the judgement of this sole culture creating will. We must ask if the will has been strengthened or weakened through historical events or personalities. We no longer ask today whether Adam’s hereditary sins were conditioned through knowledge. We do not inquire whether the greatness of Frederick the Great is not measured in history, but whether he and his deeds were milestones on the way to German greatness. Our present generation, facing the facts in all honesty, demands a new evaluation of our past. We must reevaluate both what is political and what is cultural history. From this also, the rejection of the hitherto customary teaching freedom unrestricted for all professions in all directions resulted. Freedom of research naturally remains as an irreplaceable conquest in the struggle against Syria and Rome in all domains. History also, even the weaknesses of our great men, must not be quieted. What rises over and beyond, the eternal, the MYTHIC, must be felt out and shaped with a searching soul. Then a new succession of spirits will arise from Odin, Siegfried, Widukind, Friedrich III, the Hohenstaufen, Eckehart, Walther von der Vogelweide, Luther, Frederick the Great, Bach, Goethe, Beethoven, Schopenhauer, Bismarck, and their Germanic counterparts. Far removed from this spiritual racial line of German soul development stand Instistoris, Canisius, Ricardo, Marx, Lasker, and Rathenau. To serve this new evaluation is the calling of the schools in the coming German Reich. It is their noblest, if not sole, task in the coming decades. We must work until this evaluation has become a matter of course for all Germans. But the schools still await a great teacher of German history with the will to a German future. He will come when Myth has become life.

If, as a result, German evaluation of the past stands in general hostility to the Roman and Jewish Liberal, then the evaluation of great individual men must be adjusted accordingly. Here, in protection of the great Germans, lies the most important right of the folkish state to intrude into the school system. One must be clear about this. The Roman ideological system places its emphasis outside all folkish values. The Nordic system must also perceive the greatest embodiment of the nation, the genius, in a completely special light. It will only noticeably touch those who are alienated from our spiritual commands. The Jesuit writer Meyer represents Immanuel Kant, undoubtedly the most sublime teacher of the idea of duty, as a source of moral as well as of religious corruption in state and society. His colleague in the Jesuit order, H. Hoffmann, declares that Kant in no way solved the task of establishing true science. In this respect, it is entertaining to hear such words from the mouths of representatives of a world outlook which has suppressed all science wherever it had sufficient power at its disposal. Even more consistent is the Jesuit S. Kempf, who preaches that Kant shattered confidence in our thinking capacity. Completely clear is the leading Jesuit S. Pesch, who is so arrogant as to compare Kant with a pestilential breath which has poisoned the entire life of the nation. His thought is deceit and humbug. The Jesuit Cathrien emphasised that Kant’s doctrine of morality undermines the foundation of every moral order. Jesuit Brors attempted to convince Germans that scarcely another man has so harmed our Fatherland as Kant. According to Pater Duhr, who is revered by all deluded catholics, the Kantian virtuous hero is nothing other than a moral Nihilist. Duhr argued that a systematic work of thought must break the magic of Kant and destroy the world view of the repellent, decrepit old man of Königsberg. The Myth of the 20th Century 140

Roman church writers see in Martin Luther a blemish on the face of Germany, an Epicurean pig and an infamous apostate. They even call him a filthy sow, a violator of nuns and pig’s snout. (Vetter, S. J.) This may be passed over in view of the conditions of conflict in the church, but it is shattering to have to affirm that, up to our own times, leading church writers have occupied themselves with the besmirching of Goethe.

Maschler, a leading Jesuit, fulminates against Goethe’s heathen godless literature. He recommended a national education against the so called great classicists. Jesuit Doss is infuriated at the view that there would be no culture if one were not familiar with Goethe and Schiller. He says the mask should be snatched away from the idol and this would shatter Goethe and even many more idols.

Most furious of all is the impetus provided by the greatest art critic of the Jesuit order, the Swiss Baumgarten, who sent forth into the world two despicable pamphlets directed against German literature. In the eyes of this gentleman Schiller is a Bread literateur who hunts around for spicy historical material in order to fill his Revue and to earn his fee. Goethe appears in these pamphlets as a highly mediocre collector of fragments. All that Baumgarten has understood of Faust is that his entire brooding and striving revolves around Gretchen and Helena. Goethe’s other poetry is directed at the glorification of the most ordinary earthly impulses ..... Foolish theatrical adventures ..... sensual search for pleasure by this egoistic demigod, this secretive spirit who signifies a danger for religion and morality. As a result the Jesuits draw the conclusion that Goethe’s writings actually ought to be restricted in circulation. The schools may not participate in the Goethe cult. Let it be said, instead of ceaseless weighty pronouncements, openly to youth how low Goethe stands as a man, how hollow and superficial his world view, how immoral and depraved his principles of life were ..... (Baumgarten.) Youth and men will no longer take Werther, Wilhelm Meister and Faust as types of real German spirit, but as poetical shapes of a morally very degenerate time. In this manner, as equally narrow minded as degenerate, the greatest cultural strength becomes, under Jesuitical fingers, the one time market crier of Pfundersweiler. Indeed, Weimar in general, is, for the Jesuit Diehl a puddle of filth.

This entire struggle is directed instinctively, consciously, and unequivocally, through centuries of training, according to plan, against the great, type linked, personalities of a folk, to extinguish within the folk the guiding stars of its life, to rob it of its own ideals, and to constrict the flow of its organic life strength. The words of the Jesuit General Nickel from the 17th century, that a national spirit was an alien, evil minded, plague bringing wind, are, today, the basic conviction not only of Jesuitism but of the Roman church in general. Even in face of the national awakening they are not always able to see it through.

The national spirit declared Nickel in a circular letter to his entire order on November 16, 1656, a few years after ending of the 30 Years War, is the sworn and bitterest enemy of our society. We should shy back from it with all our soul, with all our heart ..... this pestilential spirit be rooted out. You should make efforts to do this through implorings and admonishments. At the end of the 19th century the renowned Roman catholic writer, Cathrein, declared: With the most infamous achievements of our times belongs the principle of nationality. In the Years of Salvation, 1920-1928, German Nationalism was described by Cardinal Faulhaber as the greatest heresy. The catholic congress in Constance in 1923 and the Roman and German printed press all agreed. The Munich clergyman, Dr. Moenius, under the protection of his superiors, rounded off this viewpoint in one sentence: catholicism breaks the backbone of every Nationalism.

Today the unerring powers of soul confront these disintegrating forces, so that steps can also be taken for overcoming this racial chaos. We must never, not for a moment, forget that everything, yes, everything, which we understand as folkish civilisation in the widest sense, had to be wrung from these forces in centuries long struggle. The reason for the alarm of the creators of racial chaos and their organisations is understandable. I say everything, down to the roots, in the Mother Tongue.

In the precepts of the Jesuits we read:

The use of the mother tongue in all things governing schools is never permitted .....

Wherever this most delicate stirring of a folkish soul makes itself perceptible, Rome has opposed it, brutally when it was in power. It was seemingly yielding and tolerant when it felt itself weak. When Rome later had to reduce its demands, the order attempted, in 1830, to at least eliminate poetry (!) and that at a time when the German Classics already existed and Goethe was close to the grave. In 1832, after 250 years of struggle, the arrangement of studies of the Jesuits permitted the teaching of the mother tongue, but under constraints, in order not to be completely pushed out. But here we must remark that, as Hönsbrück affirms, the latest official edition of the Statutes (Florence 1892) also contain the proper arrangement of studies. It has not accepted the improvements of 1832. Thus, officially, the order of 1599 still rightly exists. Concordats, Reich School Laws, and so on, are therefore destined to transform the German School system into a breeding centre, a melting pot of races. The leading Jesuit Duhr allowed these words to escape: “This remains a permanent principle: practising of the mother tongue is not to be recommended. A special school subject must not be made out of it .....”

These examples show the necessity of making uncompromising decisions in the school question. Despite practising tolerance towards forms of faith, no German statesman has the right to hand over the education of youth to a church. The consequence of this capitulation would be, at first, appearing cautiously, then increasingly stronger, the denigration of the great personalities of the German folkhood. That would be synonymous with the devaluation of the creators of our culture, in so far as the latter have not stood in service of a church. The support of catholic educational demands by protestantism shows that the latter, heeding only its domains, is not conscious of the danger it represents for the whole of Germany. Lutheranism has represented catholic church interests blindly against the German.

Man is nothing in himself. He is a personality only insofar as he is fitted intellectually and spiritually into an organic ancestral succession of thousands of generations. To strengthen and confirm this consciousness and hence cultivate the will, to allow others to inherit the experienced values, to fight for the whole—those things are the tasks of the state. Only by following this creed can we educate real citizens. To give a metaphysical foundation to our primordial feelings, to console the faulty and to strengthen the soul, those things must be the task of the churchman. That task demands the highest humanity. It is so demanding that it can also fill the life of the greatest personality. The preachers of every denomination are often impelled by the desire to make their ideas dominant over the whole. One may not expose these men to the temptation of seeking to influence the total vision of the folkish citizen. This is even less to be the The Myth of the 20th Century 141

case if, among them, representatives of systems are found, who in principle, are concerned with denigrating the great men of Germany.

All other school disputes and problems, however important they are, can be disregarded here. Only by way of summary can this much be said: the present day dispute about school has the same cause as the political conflicts. We no longer have a picture of what is German. The product of all the old parties could therefore never be a German school but only an uncreative compromise between catholicism, protestantism and Jewish Liberalism. It could only spiritually split the people.

The conflict over schools has certainly revealed most clearly of all the total collapse of our times. Simultaneously it has also proved the justification of the Germanic ideal which cannot compromise, but demands its own supremacy. Creeds are not a purpose in themselves. They are a changeable means to be used in the service of the vital nationalist feeling and of the Germanic character values. If they are not this, then this condition proves the sickness of the folkish soul.

Creeds have hitherto been templates which made efforts to imprint their spiritual essences onto the vital essences of the peoples. All spiritual battles have resulted from the competition of these value systems. The conflict of ideologies will not cease unless the peoples vanish along with their conscious values. Either the church creeds have triumphed or the folkish existence will force its biological laws upon the churches. In the first case one can abandon every life form that is true to racial type. In the second case a real civilisation will begin. The rejection of the Germanistic idea in Germany is a naked betrayal of the folk. A later time will place this crime on the same level as betrayal of the country during the war. It is therefore no wonder that the parties which committed the national betrayal of 1918, have also written betrayal of the folk on their black and red flags.

The prerequisite of every German education is the recognition of the fact that it is not Christianity which has brought us civilisation, but that Christianity has to thank Germanic character for its lasting values. This is a reason why, in many states, it does not reveal these values. The Germanic character values are eternal, according to which everything else has to adjust itself. Whoever does not wish that, abandons a German rebirth and utters his own sentence of death. But a man or a movement which wishes to aid these values to achieve total victory possesses the moral right not to spare opponents. They have the duty to overcome them spiritually, to cause them to perish organisationally, and to keep them politically powerless. For if a power impulse does not emanate from a cultural will, then it should not begin a struggle at all.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:39 am


Chapter VI. A New System of State

The great world revolution which began in August, 1914, overthrew the old gods and idols. This revolution has not only overturned the spiritual and political life of every people, but it also wiped away forever the frontiers of the prewar era. The provisional rulings in Versailles, which, in June, 1919, were recognised by representatives of an anti German subservience as the binding law of the Weimar republic, did not hinder, but hastened, the flood which shaped the world anew. The forcible reduction in German living space impressed upon all Germans with a fateful power their primordial life problem compelling a final solution. Out of liberal cowardice our leaders refused to recognise this before 1914, and, with the short sightedness of tradesmen, the whole of Germany was turned into a single machine. In many German states where factory chimneys reached into the sky, these were more numerous than the trees. This was done in order to feed the growing hungry millions, but it was done without a serious thought of conquering farmland for them where they could grow their own bread. The questions of living space and bread were solved earlier by the Saxons with the sword. This weapon was swung before the plough. The later internationalised descendants of these knights and peasants forgot, in preaching the economic permeation of the world, that they would not be there if they had not been the beneficiaries of the German sword.

Today a game of subterfuge no longer helps. No weak allusion to inward resettlement served as our salvation. Little was altered in the total destiny of the nation. Today only the will to create space for millions of Germans, transformed into a conscious goal, is of aid. This demands character. This demands the recognition that as long as France commands political power against us there can be no flowering of the German people. This tension can only be resolved by a far sighted European policy. If Germany abandons the ideas of space and political freedom, then East Prussia will sink in a bloody swamp. Then, from east and west, the enemy will draw ever closer to the heart of the Germanic essence. The first demand of a German policy will consist in the promotion of a true peace over and against the antipeace Treaty of Versailles and its consequences. That will also reveal the impetus for readiness for understanding among the other peoples.

From a racial political aspect it is therefore important to emphasise that the type determining French life today has almost no relationship to the type of ancient France. It must be regarded as the descendant of another racial stratum, the eastern round headed, as compared with the earlier Nordic western long skulled one. The Frenchman Vacher de Lapouge has already established this. He came to the conclusion that the kind of disposition among the present day French is completely different from that of the past. This reveals itself, says Lapouge, in the smallest details. It suffices to compare the poetry of Tingeltangels, a true negro poetry, with the folkish poetry of the middle ages, in order to make clear the spiritual retreat. Further, It is the first time in history, that a round headed race has attained rule. The future alone can instruct how this remarkable attempt will develop. The ideas of Democracy are the ideas of the eastern race which was earlier ruled by the Nordic race, to which the northern French, Germans and Slavs belong. These eastern forces openly triumphed in 1789 and 1871 in France, and 1918 in Germany. The struggle for German renewal is a struggle for the reestablishment of the validity of the Germanic heroic idea over and against democratic shopkeeper ideas. It is a struggle for the European racial strength and its freedom. The best of each people has cause, solely out of self preservation, to take up the same struggle within the confines of its own folkhood.

Thanks solely to the policy of the French parliament threatening the west with the aid of the whole of Africa, present day political Paris appears as a danger of first rank to the whole of Europe. When the Greek states once feuded, they fetched over new slave hosts from Asia Minor and Africa. By these slaves, rather than by internecine struggle, did Hellas’ nations perished.

This alien blooded intrusion was then paired with the vanishing of Nordic blood in Rome and with the ideas of a faceless world empire. Today, after the chaos of the world war and the ideas of world revolution, the idea of a raceless Pan Europe arises. The Myth of the 20th Century 142

The most vociferous preacher of this idea, Graf Couvenhove Kalergi, is part European and part Japanese. He is thus a suitable man to announce the old demand for an epoch of decline and for a faceless united state. The Pan Europe movement recognises the present status quo; in plain words, it recognises the predominance of France and its small eastern allies over an awakening Europe. Pan Europe should be called in reality: Francojudea. In this connection pan Europe rejects England, but draws in Indochina and all the African colonies of France.

Europe’s states have all been founded and preserved by Nordic men. Nordic man has been partly disintegrated and partly eliminated by alcohol, the world war, and Marxism. It is clear that the White race cannot maintain its position in the world if it has not created order in Europe. As a result, a demand arises which is felt a millionfold as necessary and which explains the successes of the Pan European propaganda: the securing of the European continent through a national foreign policy. From this originally correct idea, however, the exactly converse conclusions results. In order to preserve Europe, the sources of Nordic strength in Europe must be brought alive again, strengthened. This includes Germany, Scandinavia, Finland and England. Conversely, the influence of France, which in the south is already completely Mulattoised, must be halted so that it can no longer act as an advance area for the Africans. Presently, this is the case, and in increasing measure. It is necessary that the Nordic kingdoms mentioned, in addition to the United states of America, recognise the prerequisite of their own powerful existence. This would also make unnecessary an otherwise unavoidable conflict between the republic of the onward marching black white France and Nordic Germany. It will leave the former to its self chosen fate, without having threatened and poisoned the whole of Europe.

Moreover, a France with more insight would have the power to make itself healthy. Admittedly it can no longer do this on the basis of its one time Nordic traditions, but it certainly can do this in accordance with its Alpine western racial background. In terms of natural biological necessity, France has abandoned racial predominance in Europe. If it were to allow Poland, Czechoslovakia and others of the so called Little Entente to drop away, and if it took in hand a policy of the exclusion of negroes and Jews, and if it established a frontier conditioned by its own population, then France could also have its own culture unhindered by Germany, and it would be a strong factor in European politics. The hundred million Frenchmen admittedly ensure France the cheap fame of a temporary domination, but they also guarantee racial and state decline in the future. Can France still manage to meet such a test in a rational manner? This is the great question which no one wishes to try to answer.

Pan Europe as an organic foreign political fact can only exist after limiting the circle of effect around individual countries.

The meaning of history has not proceeded throughout from east and west. Rather, it has rhythmically alternated. Once Nordic Europe sent out fruitful waves of peoples which created states and cultures in India, Persia, Hellas and Rome. Then the eastern races infiltrated, seeping into Europe. They extended their rule into present southern Europe. Then the Mongol and Turkish swarms moved over European fields. The present collapse has offered a new feeling of life which will extend its effect. External compulsion supports this necessary alternation of direction. From west to east is the direction from the Rhine up to the Weichsel. From west to east, it must resound from Moscow to Tomsk. The Russian whom Peter the Great and the Empress Catherine cursed was real. Europe should not have been forced upon him. He must be satisfied with transferring his focal point to Asia. Only in this manner will he perhaps attain an inward equilibrium and not contort in false humility or lay arrogant claim to speak for Europe, which he alleges has lost its way, After elimination of the mixture of Babeuf, Blanc, Bakunin, Tolstoy, Lenin and Marx—called Bolshevism—he should utter these words not to the west but to the east where there is space for it. In Europe there is no longer room for it.

There will be no faceless and folkishless central Europe such as Naumann announced, and no French Jewish pan Europe. Nordic Europe will be the watchword of the future along with a German central Europe. Germany will be race and national state. It will be the central power of the continent, insuring the south and the southeast. The Scandinavian states and Finland will be a second league. They will secure the northeast along with Great Britain and guard the west and the overseas in those places where it is necessary to do so in the interests of Nordic man. This demands a foundation which reaches still further. We need to state one final fundamental demarcation. There exists today with justice a strong defence of Nationalism against pan European multinationalism or internationalism. A strong systematic current describes this as the defence of the western spirit. This western spirit is, essentially, nothing other than the mingling of the later France with the Jewish democratic ideas. These have found their political reflection in present day parliamentary systems. One should not speak abstractly of the rule of a so called west, but much more palpably of a Jewish French system of ideas.

The political development of England, for example, has proceeded in a completely different way to that of France, and whoever knows even a little of English history knows that England, during the course of centuries, in spite of its so called popular representation, has been ruled in a thoroughly aristocratic manner. The interesting link between aristocracy and a personal lack of national concern was conditioned through the security of the surrounding sea. These factors have determined English life. Only in recent times with industrialisation and the rule of finance capital has the French Jewish sickness infested the English. Italy has also been under this spell for decades. But it stands now in the sharpest contradiction to democratic ideas. Many democratic ideas, including Bank Capitalism, remain despite the beginning of Fascism.

The eastern spirit stands in stark contrast to our western declarations. Many who have our western values have unwittingly succumbed to this systematic eastern spirit. A great number of nationalist Germans also confess their belief in the western spirit without possessing deeper notions of this eastern spirit. The entire east is diversified throughout. One will need to speak here of the Russian character which stands in contrast to the Germanised peoples of Finland, Estonia and Lithuania. Poland has also developed its strongly outlined peculiarities. Inside Russia a host of oriental peoples struggle against the traditional forms of the Germanised state.

These movements of racial chaos can only be completely understood in connection with the Bolshevist movement. It is no accident if their Tartar Kalmucks like Lenin, Jews like Trotsky, and Caucasians like Stalin, alternately attain power. The Ukrainian south adopts the sharpest defensive position against Greater Russia. With a population of seven million it offers an autonomous group of weighty importance. To disregard all these currents, often very different in composition of blood, by applying to them the schematic words eastern spirit, and to then introduce this bloodless description into practical politics—these things would signify the destruction of all organic attempts at a German foreign policy. The Myth of the 20th Century 143

Things have even gone so far that a writer describing himself as Nationalist has declared that Germany’s mission consists in the spreading of the Asiatic eastern spirit. Even if East Prussia were lost, Germany’s mission would be fulfilled if Asia ruled from Vladivostock to the Rhine. Such ideas come to men who attempt, with bloodless construction, to approach vital questions of the people.

Our mission is thus. One group in Germany declares that one must realise Nationalism. Another answers, only after the former Marxist parties had betrayed Socialism. A new movement is summoned to realise Socialism. There now exists no abstract Nationalism just as there exists no abstract Socialism. The German people is not there in order to defend any kind of abstract schema with its blood. Conversely, all schemas, systems of ideas and values, are in our eyes only a means to strengthen the life struggle of the nation outwardly. They must enhance our inner strength through a just and purposeful organisation. We have therefore to welcome Nationalism when it arises tied to definite inward values of our people only. We must ensure that the powers of our lines of destiny do not arrive in hostile contrast with the components of the German folk. Thus, an enthusiasm for Nationalism may be able to bring about a movement of renewal. We can affirm that, for example, the south Africans of mixed race, or those of mixed race in the East Indies, also make Nationalist revolutions. The blacks of Haiti and San Domingo experienced a Nationalist awakening. Under the slogan of self determination, peoples of all inferior elements on this earth completely and systematically lay claims to freedom for themselves. All this interests us either not at all or only insofar as a far sighted German policy promises to strengthen what is Germanic. Within this Germanic awakening, a strengthening of the German people is possible.

Today the entire world looks tensely towards the far east with a very correct feeling. There, many thousands of kilometres distant from Europe, events are taking place which nevertheless touch our own destiny directly. In the Chinese struggle against the white race, even if at first directed principally against the Anglosaxons, we see the most outstanding characteristic of an anti European movement as it spreads through the entire world. We can establish that, after the world war, the Blacks appeared with a completely different self confidence than they had at the time when they were placed under the English and French flags. In many points of Africa secret political societies arose which operated with the aim of conquering the whole of Africa for the Blacks.

In America a similar movement is in progress led by Garvey and Dubois. At Black congresses the expulsion of the Whites from the whole of Africa as a political goal is planned completely openly. A similar movement can be identified among the Egyptians. At present the Egyptian movement is suppressed by England energetically. So it is also with the freedom movement of the Indians.

Without question India is in a great state of change, undergoing enormous fermentation. The Indian, in accordance with his temperament, at first conducts the struggle purely defensively. The leader of Young India, Mahatma Gandhi, declares again and again that he does not think of a violent revolution against England. However, alongside him an activist wing is at work, at first under the leadership of Das, then under the direction of the national Bolshevist pundit Nehru. The latter seems to be getting the upper hand. The possibility of an upsurge of many hundreds of millions of Indians is thoroughly established. The Dutch government, for its part, has already had to suppress dangerous uprisings in their colonies on Java. These rebellions involved many natives. But the entire anti European struggle has appeared most clearly of all in the Chinese rebellion which was led with the strongest of energy by many millions.

The seething movement among the Black peoples is a direct consequence of the world war. On the shoulders of the directors of the Entente Powers is the monstrous crime of having mobilised blacks and the racially mixed against the German people. After having insulted Germany for decades in many ways, the Allies threw the insult by making war against a Reich of the White race. The greatest and most direct guilt undoubtedly involves France. After the war France occupied the Rhineland, the cradle of Europe’s culture, using black troops. The military delegates in the French parliament quite openly declared that the French were a people of a hundred million, and did not have at their disposal two armies, one White and one Black, but a single army. With this programmatic declaration, French policy has equated the Black race with the White and, as 140 years ago when France introduced the emancipation of the Jews, so it stands today at the head of the bastardisation of Europe through the Blacks. It will, if this goes further, scarcely still be regarded as a European state, but rather as a forerunner of Africa, led by Jews.

After November, 1918, England believed that it had completely achieved its war aims. The German colonies were stolen. The whole of German private property in all countries was confiscated by the Allies. The German merchant fleet was hastily handed over by the pathetic heroes of November, 1918. The German battle fleet lay sunken under the waters in Scapa Flow. Economically, a defeated Germany no longer offered any competition. As a slave of the Entente nations, it had to provide forced labour for decades. Nevertheless, it is true today that Great Britain has not only not won this war, but that it approaches the gravest convulsions throughout its entire Empire.

The participation of the British colonies and of the so called Dominions in the world war against Germany had enormously increased the self confidence of the south Africans, Canadians and Australians. Just as once the United states separated from England, so the separatist forces in the so called Dominions are today much strengthened. London can only avoid the disintegration of the British Empire by agreeing pliably to all the wishes for self government by the Dominions. England today is actually no longer a centrally directed state. It is really a league of states. The forces unleashed under the slogan of self determination are no longer to be controlled. Admittedly, the Jewish city, in league with the Liberal and Labour parties, could cherish the hope of striking a favourable business agreement with Jewish Bolshevist Moscow. The unconcealed Bolshevist activity in England has, as consequence, developed a sudden defensive action by the entire people, including the British workers. The liberal Jewish attempts have always been energetically rejected. The strong anti Bolshevist current within the Conservative party pushed England into an ever stronger policy hostile to Moscow. Moscow, for its part, under the pressure of historical necessity, as it were, had to bring into effect its strength in the east. Earlier, Bolshevism, in the hope of dragging all Europe with it, had made efforts to overrun principally Germany, and, with it, all central Europe, by force. Thanks to the energetic strength of German resistance and, in part, also by Poles and Hungarians, this assault was warded off initially. But since Soviet Bolshevism could not be inactive politically, unless it wished to abandon the slogan of world revolution forever, then it had to test its powers in another direction. Here it struck first at Turkey, which at the beginning utilised an alliance with Moscow. Then later it released itself more and more from Bolshevism and can today be regarded as a resolute national state. Thus The Myth of the 20th Century 144

nothing other was left to Moscow than to send out feelers further to the east, into Mongolia, Manchuria and even further to south China.

In China the preaching of the social revolution won support in circles of the exploited Chinese proletariat. When one knows the terrible conditions of the Chinese working class, then one will grasp that, to these many millions, Moscow appears as the main fighter for a better standard of life. This social revolutionary current linked itself with a nationalist, anti European revolutionary propaganda, for which the Chinese intellectuals had already prepared for decades. The name of Canton embodies these currents. They comprise the self reliance of China and the expulsion of all Europeans. This is the general situation which the European powers under England’s leadership confront in China. In order to grasp the great struggle in its depth, there must be some brief references to the forces at work in the past.

One may evaluate China and its life forms as one will, but it is a fact that in spite of different racial contrasts, China, in differentiation from partitioned Europe, was created from a single spiritual centre. Philosophy, religion, morality, state doctrine and life corresponded organically to one another. China has had the luck, irrespective of certain popular views, to be able to develop a culture to its primal forms again and again. In spite of the fluid teaching of Taoism, Buddhism penetrated from outside but changed very little. China and Confucius are ideal essences coinciding with race and people.

Confucius embodied the Chinese spirit in the most complete way. He is the teacher, the saint and the statesman all in one. There therefore exists a Confucian religion just as a Confucian state. If one understands this then one can see its significance and compare it to European states where the ideas of folk and state have feuded with the ideas of the church for centuries. This, then, is the reason for the inner strength of China. The characteristic of the Chinese ideal is that it first adopts an attitude of reserve toward metaphysical speculations. It also energetically rejects every extremist doctrine of a moral nature. The securely formal, extremely polite, correct and learned gentleman has been the ideal of the whole of China irrespective of the fact that, under this, enormously strong passions often slumbered. The work by the Confucian Chungyung, Book of the proportioned middle, expressed in its title exactly what the great teacher wished for. One should choose no great sorrow and no great joy, one should help people, foster love of peace, practice justice, be parsimonious and work zealously in society through setting a good example for virtue.

That which is noble is that which is the ideal of Confucius. Just as he taught, so is he also said to have lived. In the Conversations, Confucius is exhaustively described by his adherents. With lesser officials he spoke in a correct manner, with higher ones softly but determinedly. In the presence of a prince he showed respectful unease. In performance of his services he was zealous in keeping strictly to the ceremonial. During eating and in bed he did not speak. He also sacrificed when he had only a small amount of food. He sat only upon a correctly rolled mat. He showed the highest esteem toward old age. In short, whether pilgrim or minister, Confucius always remained the same in bearing and discipline. Thus Chinese racial discipline had attained consciousness in one man, Confucius. It has proven to have an enormous, type forming, power. This power has been continuously effective through two millenia. The Chinese people were in the real sense a folk because they possessed an all determining true to type ideal. One fact cannot escape our attention: The Chinese state of over three hundred million people has revered one type not only in words, but in life. All attacks on unity paled against Confucianism. This system had been systematically supported by significant philosophers who truly believed in the message.

Lao Tse may seem greater to us than Confucius. Nevertheless he passes beyond the mild medium of his rival. He sought the primal metaphysical ground of being, which he found in Tao, that is, in the sense of the right path to world reason. Confucius also used the word Tao. However, he guarded against drawing the same conclusions as Lao Tse. The latter’s teaching was a work for illuminated spirits, whereas Confucius wished to give the broad masses path and form. So he triumphed over Lao Tse. Confucius emphasised that he wished to bring nothing new. He only wished to revere and purify the old since it had been neglected. In this doctrine he showed directly from the beginning that he laid great weight on tradition. That was something which the ancestor honouring Chinese has always respected. One proof of consistency is seen in the directive that makes the father responsible for the deeds of his son. For this reason, a personality which has provided significant services is ennobled along with the forefathers who made that life possible. On the other side, Confucius punished not only an ill doer but also his father. This fact again shows how the personal is not only systematically suppressed in favour of the typical. Indeed it is disregarded. All this shows an enormous capacity for spiritual tenacity which crystallises around an average idea. This is certainly a contrast to the true Nordic European who considers every case to be individually unique, organic and therefore worthy of examination.

Into this closed Chinese world came a western trading, intruding imperialism in the 19th century. It was linked with missionary activity which was as energetic as it was unjustified. Calico and opium, waste products of Europe, infiltrated into China. These things destroyed first of all the equilibrium of Chinese life in the harbour cities. Later they penetrated deeper into the land. Overawed at the western technical greatness, even the cultured Chinese decorated their dwellings with the stale trash of the great warehouses of the European west. They sent their sons to Europe and America in order to learn the new wisdom there. The young Chinese were infected by economic subjectivism and personalised European thought. Their liberal activity then contributed its share to the present disintegration of China. But protests were felt. The Boxer uprisings were only the most brutal symptoms of this.

The Chinese and later the Japanese intelligentsia headed a movement which aimed at the racial renewal and liberation of the east. The Japanese writer Unosuke Wakamyia wrote that the new Greater Asia movement pursued the purpose of securing Asiatic culture and economy from European intrusions. The program of the Asia Gi Kwai Society likewise demanded the uprising of all Asiatics. Count Okuma founded the pan Asiatic Society after the Russian Japanese war. In his speeches he spoke of the coming decay of Europe. The 20th century, he thought, would witness the ruin of the western states. In 1907 he elaborated the idea through the Indian Japanese Society that the eyes of India were directed hopefully at Japan. This idea was substantiated by the Taimin, a newspaper in Osaka, which demanded Japanese help in revolutionising of India. Professor Kambe of the University of Kyoto saw in Japan the leading state in the coming, unavoidable conflict with Europe.

In the year 1925 the great world revolution began in the east. The western powers had to force Japan to its knees in order to complete their world domination. For this they needed a defeated China. Simultaneously, Bolshevism ignited the social revolution. As never before the instincts slumbering in China were awakened. China today has lost its Mythic, type forming, ideal. The Myth of the 20th Century 145

Hundreds of self seeking rivals were incited by foreign powers to make war against each other. Existing disputes can not be overcome in the name of the Confucian ideal. They can be stirred up by new, foreign slogans. Modern liberal anarchism also disintegrates the Chinese type, The most weighty upheaval whose outcome cannot be predicted is in progress. But if what we see does not deceive us, the bloody conflict will end with the expulsion of Europe from east Asia. It is inevitable that both missionaries and opium dealers and other dubious adventurers will have to leave China. It was not in the name of necessary protection that the white race broke into China, but in the service of profit seeking by Jewish traders. As a result the white race has dishonoured itself. It has disintegrated an entire culture and precipitated a just rebellion against itself. China fights for its Myth, for its race and its ideals. This is just what the great renewal movement in Germany seeks to do in its war against the trader race which controls all the stock exchanges today and determines the actions of almost all those who govern.

The historical development of the great struggles in China begin with the compulsory importation of opium. The Chinese government very soon recognised the harmfulness of this product and, by 1729, forbade the smoking of opium or its cultivation. These prohibitions were made more severe again and again, but this effort by the Chinese government encountered the resistance of the English East India Company. The proceeds from the sale of opium were in fact intended to bring order to the wretched finances of the company in India. Behind it were the business minds of the gentlemen of the East India Company. The English state, consistent as always, sustained these efforts with its political power. After he had been defeated, the Emperor Tao Kuang declared:

I cannot prevent the import of this poison. Men who seek gain and who are depraved wish, out of greed for profit and sensual desires, to cancel my wish. But nothing will cause me to draw my income from the vice and misery of my people.

The centre of the entire English opium trade was Canton. That was the city in which the present day Chinese freedom movement began. Within a short time the proven opium smuggling increased here to 1,700 casks a year. The volume grew when the Chinese government carried out a house search among the English merchants. There, they were able to confiscate no less than 20,000 casks of opium. At the end of the 1830s a great conflict developed between the British government and China. English cannons had to be used to protect the opium smugglers. China was conquered. The Treaty of Nanking of 1842 established that Hong Kong was to be handed over to England for all time. Canton, Amoy, Nigpo, Fuchow and Shanghai had to be opened up to British trade. In addition, China was forced to pay 21 million dollars in war reparations. Apart from this, England sold Chinese smugglers’ ships the right to fly the British flag.

These conditions sharpened further. In the year 1856 the Second Opium War began; this time with the participation of France. The ensuing Treaty of Tientsin humiliated China and justified the Opium War completely for the allies. This crippling of China in the interests of the folkish destructive capitalist system had necessarily, and in accordance with Nature, to lead to the increasing tension, and today we face the great explosion.

It is not easy even for an expert on these conditions to evaluate all the forces which interplay with one another in conflict today according to their value and their arms. Recognised experts contradict each other on very important points concerning a judgement of the different Chinese parties and personalities. That is only too natural, since the true driving force of the leading men cannot be interpreted directly.

Two points seem here to be just as important as were hitherto too little heeded or not all. Since the end of the world war we have seen the almost total victory of international finance, which is almost completely Jewishly controlled. The policy of the possessors of this capital is directed toward controlling the still independent island of Japan and its high finance. The meeting at Washington in the year 1921 obligated Japan to give back its conquests in both the Russian Japanese and the world war. Additionally that document compelled Japan to restrict the armament and size of its fleet.

In order to gain complete control of Japan, it was necessary to secure China as a military deployment area. This could be attained either directly with help of Angloamerican influences—that is, cannons—or with the help of paid Chinese troops in the service of high finance. We come here to a fact extremely important for present day world politics.
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Re: The Myth of the Twentieth Century, by Alfred Rosenberg

Postby admin » Thu Jun 18, 2015 12:39 am


Before and during the world war, Jewish high finance had declared that its policy coincided with the policy of Great Britain. England had conquered south Africa for the Jewish diamond dealers such as Lewis, Beith, Lewisohn, and the rest. It had handed over control of all financial transactions to Jewish bankers such as Rothschild, Montague, Cassell, Lazards, and the rest. It had allowed the opium trade to fall increasingly into Jewish hands. The Jew Lord Reading, whose real name was Isaacs, took care of important loan negotiations with the United states of America. Finally, England, through the Balfour Declaration, took over the safeguarding of Jewish interests in all states. The Frankfurter Zeitung knew exactly at the time what it was saying when it declared that the Balfour Declaration had been the yeast of English victory. Although Jewish finance capital had come to weigh heavily on English life, the Conservative forces were at least strong enough to take an active role in all lands against Bolshevism through strong anti Communist propaganda. Jewry now provided the answer, although not directly in England itself. Outside Great Britain this answer was the Communist incitement all over the world against England. Furthermore, the Jewish press initially gave complete support to the Chinese south. The international Jewish press next called for an anticolonial congress in Brussels in March, 1927. It then began whipping up all colonial peoples in the east, first the Indians, then the Chinese. This entire action, whose outward effects we can follow daily in the Democratic and Bolshevist press, has openly the one purpose of forcing England into more and more concessions to universal Jewry. On the other hand it also has the goal of carrying through with help of the Chinese generals the anti Japanese deployment in China. Then it plans to subject rebellious Japan, which is still independent of high finance.

Japan is itself naturally clear about the backgrounds of the policy both of Moscow and of international finance. Out of an instinct for self preservation, Japan must strengthen its Manchurian forces, although not to such an extent that they become independent of Japan. Japan’s officers had earlier provided the Chinese North Army with all the modern technical innovations. Completely irrespective of how the situation may develop in the future, Japan must stake everything on promoting a division of power in China.

As far as the Cantonese movement is concerned, it was led by a party which calls itself Kuomintang, which is much the same thing as a National Reich Party. Canton was the central point where China had to feel the power of modern colonial imperialism most painfully. Here national revolutionary Chinese energy had its greatest effect. It goes back to Dr. Sun Yat Sen, who was thoroughly The Myth of the 20th Century 146

schooled in European national ideas. He was the actual founder of the Kuomintang party. Sun Yat Sen has written down his ideas and his principles. There is little doubt that he wished to overthrow China’s ancient traditions in order to initiate a national renewal. He especially wished to eliminate every external interference. He alludes penetratingly in his speeches to the fact that nothing hastens the decline of a country more than the economic repression of a nation. Such repression was practised by the Anglosaxon nations, and here he particularly singles out the Jewish spirit. But Sun Yat Sen committed a catastrophic error in his assessment of Soviet Russia. In it he saw the state which had appeared at the moment of supreme danger in order to fight against injustice in the world. China has to thank this uncritical defence of Bolshevist power for its terrible years since Sun Yat Sen’s death. This pro Bolshevist policy was continued after his death until the healthy soil linked interests of the Chinese were able to oppose energetically this destructive effect without the danger of these revolutionaries being banished from the great trading cities.

As teachers gathered around Sun Yat Sen, a Chinese intelligentsia educated in Europe and America made themselves familiar with a foreign world of thought. They returned as a national revolutionary group to their fatherland. But if the Jewish world press could scarcely contain itself out of sheer rapture over the Cantonese leaders, then we must recall at once that these national, revolutionary intellectuals were no longer regarded as true native born Chinese. Many had cast aside an old tradition and had come over to non Chinese ideas about Democracy, sovereignty of the people, and the like. These ideas they had learned in Europe and America. In a certain sense they resembled the Russian liberals who had released themselves from the old Russian forms in order to then introduce a Democratic revolution which was not even rooted in the nation. Finally they were pushed aside by the forces of the chaos they had stirred up. Something similar is also in preparation in China. It is clear that, at the moment when the inner discords of the south became stronger, the position of the Jewish capitalist powers improved. Loans and pledges, railways, and so on, are other ways to render an opponent brittle, especially an opponent who is financially poor and whose army cannot be sufficiently cared for over a long period. In spite of all evident appearances of corruption, the attempts at a nationalisation of China are admirable. How they will end, no one can foresee.

In the Chinese conflict, the European states also show the same noticeable uncertainty as they have in other colonial uprisings. This is all the more understandable since even in London itself diverse forces struggle with one another. The still unbroken national will of the English is linked with British trading imperialism. It is opposed to the methods and often the interests of Jewish finance capital. These forces work strongly on English foreign policy, and Jewry has naturally not delayed setting firm policy where possible within the Conservative party.

The question now arises for us, both as Germans as well as members of the white race generally: what position do we adopt in regard to China?

The Briton of old was less rigid in his ideas of state than the European on the Continent. He could afford this loose life form because he was the inhabitant of an island. However, he has never been a shopkeeper. The Englishman, Germain, was therefore right when he declared:

The world conquering Englishman who, glittering in his virtues and terrible in his passions, rough and brave simultaneously, raises his hand and ..... erects a world empire as a creative master people.

This mastery still exists today, even if greatly eroded by the city.

In judging British policy and its future colonial activity, the racial materials of these colonies and realms are of interest and decisive. China has just been dealt with. Trading imperialism in its attitude to this ancient cultured people has been disastrous for both parties. Definite demands result in an organic future, but we will see more of this later. Things stand completely otherwise, however, with India, Egypt, Syria and South Africa.

Every European sees in Old India a land of his dreams. In the midst of a time of technical dehumanisation, some of the best of us have become immersed in the ideas of Jajnavalkya and Çankara. Some are enraptured by the hero Rama, the god Krishna, or the poet Kalidasa. As a consequence, these Indian seekers preached Europe’s salvation through the ideas of old India. They did not even notice that this Aryan India had once perished from the ideas of the later Upanishads with their endless widening of the heart. A completely different phenomenon could be observed which already reveals world political consequences: the inflaming of Indian Nationalism against the nationally conscious European British. In the course of repressions during the victorious march of western national ideas, many souls in disintegrated India awoke to folkish self awareness in all expressions of life.

Indians began not only to study the religious books, but became enthused again for the heroes Rama and Arshoona. Indians today travel Europe, praise the splendours of their people, and demand their freedom. Rabindra Nath Tagore sees the salvation of the world coming from this form of nonviolent Indian Nationalism. Gandhi preaches constant passive resistance as a popular movement. Alongside these ideas go more powerful aspirations. Asceticism could not long suppress Aryan thought, announces to our astonishment the modern Indian preacher Vâsvâni. Youth must immerse itself in history; they will then find that great patriots were always creative, dynamic spirits. The history of heroes must be taught to the Indian. History is still taught in the light of development of the Indian race, says Vâsvâni.

Here we see a vital feeling, much like our Nordic, intruding. It is, however, weakened by the remark that neither skin colour nor ancestors, but character, formed the Brahman. Here an entire tragedy is revealed wherein the Indian rises above the rest of the 300 millions of his people. If one wished to describe the history of the Aryans, he would have to admit that today the Aryan has vanished except for a few very small traces. He has left behind heroic songs and a profound great philosophy. Later, this thought was carried to extremes, to boundless, junglelike idiocy that promoted a racial chaos. A few reborn Indians, newly inflamed by European impulses of will, may be capable of creating a people from among this dark primal population. The general community has only a dim comprehension of such ideas, and probably will not understand until it is actually created. The appeal by the sacred old university of Nalanda with its 3,000 teachers sounds just as melancholy as the proclamation by the Radian Splendour of the India of the coming time. Immediately after the proclamation of these ideas, one reads from these prophets statements that the ideas of nationality and race are false idols. The disciplined strength of Aryan Indian thought and life forms are a product of the Aryan Nordic race. This influence on The Myth of the 20th Century 147

Indian philosophy is admittedly enormous, but the racial substance from whose soul once the ideas and state had arisen, has vanished except for a few small fragments. Therefore India recently has produced only the tired Gandhi with his pacifism; not a militant leader embodying a new idea.

Besides this, there is the fact that powerful sections have been torn out of the Indian religious structure by Islamic thought. Solely for the reasons mentioned, these ideas can scarcely be fitted together again. Whoever knows the essence of the Koran and its ramifications for the souls of the hither Asiatic peoples will judge that the subrace, alien to Aryan India, will be a very faithful tool of Islam. The Indian religion is tolerant to the point of self dissolution. Islam is fanatical to the point of self sacrifice.

The Indian asserts that softness is harder than hardness; like Lao Tse he says: Be humble and you will be master of mankind. These discourses led to the race perishing ideas. The spiritual greatness of heart degenerated into the most desolate sorcery under alien hands. Everywhere the alien idea has triumphed. Once the will to power reigned supreme. The conflicts between Hindus and Mohammedans, which prospered in order to form a common front against England, will be whipped up again to commit murder at the moment when the British leave the country. Even if all of the thousand reproaches which the Indian raises against England can be justified, the fact nevertheless remains that England exists as a centre of power. It alone prevents a torrent of blood from being shed. Soon it will fall into worse times than have ever prevailed before. Gandhi, Das, Vâsvâni, and the rest, were only possible because of a European presence. No one will be more satisfied than us when they and their supporters build places of education for their people, provide doctors, satisfy the hunger of the people, and preach reverence for the ancient heroes. But that India needs a master’s hand over it is beyond question.

From the Nordic as well as the German viewpoint, British rule over India is thus to be supported. We can permit this to occur without any ulterior purposes. We can allow it to happen with the fullest sympathy for the great India of the past and its present teachers. Those attempts must be rejected which utilise a sentimental rapture over Gandhi, promote an assimilation of India, or wish to extend it into an English Dominion. Such an attempt will bring racial mixing and, as a result, also the decline of the Whites. Such a policy was introduced in 1929 by the Labour Party government. Great Britain in its own interests and in those of the White Race must not give way, if it is not to experience a collapse like its predecessors in the conquest of India. Once the Portuguese ruled here. They built splendid buildings in Goa, and even today these provide the traveller with an intuition into the former political power of this people. Nevertheless, primeval forest and jungle vines have become master over this city. Snakes curl on the flagstones of the ancient palaces. The mixed population number half a million, some of which have light skins, while others are the blackest brown. This provides evidence of a human decline. We must not fall into the swamp and fever of India which can engulf our White Blood. We must not slide subconsciously into this dark, tenacious, but unfruitful, native race.

Seen outwardly, the Islamic world is split today. In Arabia the most bitter religious feuds rage between different sects. Indians of the kind of the helpless pacifist Gandhi stretch their arms towards him in the sense of an Indian national brotherhood. Angora has become National Turkish and refused to continue to play the game of worldly arm of Mecca. In addition we saw the abolition of the Caliphate through the overthrow of Kemal Pasha. But in spite of this, a violent intellectual mood arises in the Islamic world which is not sufficiently heeded by European nations today. Above all it is not understood in Cairo. Ancient El Akbar University is actively anti European and anti Christian in the modern propagandistic sense. It trains a fanatical youth. From Cairo many thousands of religious works and hundreds of thousands of leaflets are sent all over the world to nourish the Moslem priesthood in Africa and east Asia with hatred. They preach an aggressive spirit of the sharpest kind. Experts declare that a single bookshop in Cairo sends 5,000 works monthly to Java alone. The battle of Islam has been won. It is only the people we do not yet have in our possession, declares a large Moslem newspaper in Madras as an echo of this recruiting work. From Sierra Leone on the one side and Borneo on the other side we are asked about the beauty of Islam, rejoices another paper in Dakna. In India alone three Koran translations are in circulation, one of which was printed in Calcutta in one year, edition of 20,000 copies. British West Africa today numbers nearly 2 million Moslems among 16 million inhabitants. Half of Togo is Moslem, and Nigeria is two thirds Moslem. The Dutch Indies has 36 million Mohammedans among a population of 50 million. Everywhere that racial mixings take place in European colonies, Islam finds enthusiastic adherents among the mixed elements. At the same time it promised the Blacks their freedom through a common struggle against Europe. The Indian Vâsvâni writes: I say to you Europeans: be on your guard! Ancient Indian wisdom says: Guard yourselves from the tears of the weak! Already the weak in the east, the Hindus and Mohammedans in India, Egypt, Persia, Algeria and Afghanistan suffer under the rule of the selfish aggressive imperialism of the west. Before this coming purified hatred of the Black races and bastards, led by the fanatical spirit of Mohammed, the white races have more than ever all cause to be on their guard.

England remains in Suez as the protector of Nordic Europe from intrusion by hither Asia. Simultaneously, it keeps Islamic power contained within the circumference of Mecca, in India, Egypt and Syria. This is a signal act of European self preservation. As far as Constantinople is concerned, the Balkan peoples here represent a barrier whose vital interests demand a permanent arming against Turkey. Behind them lies the Ukraine which will not permit an absolute rule of the Turks.

In regard to air power, Gibraltar has lost its importance for Great Britain. Nevertheless it cannot permit France to become master in adjacent Morocco. The necessity has arisen for a closer cooperation between London and Madrid. The necessity of expansion by Italy, which must keep its folkish strength close to the Motherland, falls into this realm of vital interests. Italian policy, if it wished to be organic, lies in Tunis, Tripoli, and the adjacent several islands. In the west of the Mediterranean there is the necessity of a London Madrid Rome alliance which can exist as a complement to a system of Nordic states [Berlin, London, Oslo, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsingfors] without hindering the latter in any way.

The British Dominions are becoming more and more independent. However, this does not prevent them from having close relations with England under certain, specified conditions. South Africa must remain in Nordic hands to secure an alternative sea route to India. The laws now directed against Indians will one day also be applied to Blacks, those of mixed race and the Jews, in order to make possible an organic life in the south of Africa and to create there a fortified stronghold should the black awakening become dangerous.

This Black awakening is still derided. However it is only short sighted people who do this. The Myth of blood has become alive in another form, under the black skin. It is not only Marcus Garvey who raves about the one time palaces in Timbuctoo and on the Nile. He The Myth of the 20th Century 148

has support from thousands of other blacks who have been awakened spiritually.

In spite of many splinter groups, black centres working consciously for a new African Kingdom have already been formed spontaneously in many parts of the world. In Ethiopia, in Liberia, in west Africa, this racial movement is in part strengthened through religious ideals for which the blacks have to thank the Christian missionaries, even if only indirectly. A black god, black redeemer and a black virgin Mary are already ideas in circulation. More important are the centres of financially strong negro organisations in America. The most extreme is the Garvey group. The party of Dubois is apparently more moderate. Even more cautious are the declarations of the New negro League. In 1925 a progressive league was founded to fight against the White race which calls itself the negro Champion. Dubois stated its aims:

However wild and horrible this shameful war was, it will be nothing in comparison to the struggle for freedom which black, yellow and brown mankind will conduct against the white, until disrespect, insult and repression have ceased once and for all. The black race will only permit the present treatment to occur for as long as it must, but not a moment longer.

And even more clearly Garvey gave expression to the Black longing:

What is right for the Whites is reasonable for the Blacks: namely, freedom and democracy. If the English have England, the French France, the Italians Italy, to which they admittedly possess a right, then the negroes demand Africa—and they will also be ready to shed blood for the sake of this demand. We will set up laws for all negro races and a constitution which makes it possible for everyone to shape his own destiny as a free man ..... The bloodiest of all wars will come at the moment when Europe turns its strength against Asia. Then the moment will come for the Black world to seize the sword for the final liberation and reconquest of Africa.

The Blacks at present still do not possess a strong power. The Myth of blood has also awakened here, and its strength will have swollen enormously within 50 years. Until then Nordic man has to ensure that Blacks no longer exist in his states. Neither can he permit any Yellow men, Mulattos or Jews in his state. This points up the problem of America.

In the United states the racial policy will have world political effects, in exactly the same way as once the idea of Democracy determined the life of almost all states. North America is the area in which freemasonic Human Rights were first realised. Brother Washington became the archetype of this philosophy. The American declaration of freedom was the model for the Droits de l’homme of the Paris revolution. Admittedly in order to further capitalism, the battlecry of Rights of Man was heard, and the liberation of the Blacks was accomplished in the southern states.

Today every single American curses this Black liberation. The American liberal is bound and determined to force his ideas on America, for as a state, the antiquated Liberalism thumps the dub of Freedom on all citizens even if it must be beaten in with rubber truncheons. The Black question stands at the head of all questions of existence in the United states of America. If the insane principle of the equality and equal rights of all races and religions is one day finally given up, there is yet hope. Then the necessary conclusions with regard to the Asiatics and Jews will result of themselves. Healthy instinct has almost overcome the democratic doctrine in social life through erection of racial barriers. However, we can not tolerate a policy that permits Blacks to appropriate civilisation, open stores, become lawyers, and organise themselves politically. Blacks now guide enormous sums into their common cash boxes. They begin to consciously experience the dream of a black world empire from Cairo to the Cape. It is particularly in this respect that American legislation should intrude, and, with clear aim, introduce a resettlement of the Blacks to Africa. After deprivation of political civil rights, they should begin a planned expulsion, increasing year by year, of blacks to central Africa. That would be a beneficial enterprise in the long run because every Black could easily be replaced by a white. The United states of America would become much more uniform as a result. If all this does not occur, them the present day 12 million strong blacks will, in a short time, number 50 million. As the troops of Bolshevism they could deliver a decisive blow to white America.

The yellow peril in California has likewise made the race problem a burning issue. It is a world political example of how little a question of law can play a role in race struggles, in fact in an elementary migration of peoples. Japan is overpopulated. It must resettle people in order not to suffocate. That is its life right. America’s white upper stratum has the right of self preservation and it must preserve its west coast from a yellow flood. The question cannot be solved through the ideas of the dishonourable rule of money, which, thanks to racial discord, builds its bank palaces. The honourless rule of money must, by necessity, strive for world rule by creating world debt. A racially organic demarcation on the earth, however, signifies, by necessity, the end of international gold currency. This would result in the end of a Jewish messiahism that has nearly been realised through the rule of the world banks. It intends to perfect its ideas in the creation of a Jewish centre in Jerusalem. The diplomacy of all peoples must arm its people for the coming confrontation between the United states and Japan. The black man already waits quite consciously for that!

The struggle now revolves around China as a region of military deployment. A new world war will be unavoidable if states are not shaped on the basis of the racial Myth. America must remove the yellow race from the blossoming west. It is a future place for the culture of the Nordic race. This is of vital necessity and it stands above all other paper rights. We also demand the recognition of the racial rights of the cultured Japanese people, but not in America. It results from this that a coming North American racial state must abandon its possessions in east Asia. The Japanese from California can be resettled there. The American naval base on the Philippines will be regarded as a way of securing of American trade in east Asia. Simultaneously it could be a base for attack in case of a war. That is certainly necessary from the viewpoint of the cartel imperialism of today. This is no longer vitally important for North America once it has separated its alien racial components and begun to consciously arrange itself in its enormous living space between the Atlantic and the Pacific. The era of boundless expansion has ended with a world war and with the world rule of money. Today we begin the era of inner concentration which will produce a racially organically sectioned state system, To grasp these ideas consciously, and to work for their carrying through, all philosophers, historians and statesmen of all peoples are called upon today. The folkish idea is falsified today by the international capitalists. In that struggle between the states, every measure, indeed every idea, which can have a settling effect is suppressed.

Contemporary pacifism is revealed as a completely untruthful movement. In fact, pacifism rests on democracy, that is, in practice, on the rule of money. Its prattling about world disarmament is a swindle designed to divert the people from the actual causes of their The Myth of the 20th Century 149

pustulent wounds. World peace will not come with the disarmament of armies and fleets, but with the complete destruction of dishonourable democracy and faceless ideas of the state. Peace will come when we can change the world economic system which is today undermined by finance in the name of the people. These things have brought about the decline of all states. This decline will continue if the religion of the blood is not vitally experienced, recognised, and realised in life. A consciously Nordic European raced America, purified of Blacks and Yellows and Jews, is a thousandfold stronger than an America disintegrated by this alien blood, even if it still possess great colonies and naval strong points. England’s world policy was possible not only because of its position as an island, but because the Saxons and Normans created a united people whose centre was racially pure. Today when, in London, the Jews of the City influence policy and provide proletarian leaders, British policy has already lost its consistency. If England’s house is not cleaned, then it will not avoid a catastrophe. And, as a result, the Chinese problem arises anew.

A statesman who has only Nordic European and Nordic North American interests in mind will support the battle cry which is directed against the present European and American states: east Asia to the east Asiatics! Japan and China are to be judged differently than India, Africa, and so on. They must retain the possibility of at least allowing their peoples to live. It is necessary that there stand at their disposal the entire living space from Manchuria to Indochina and Malacca along with the adjacent islands. To forbid immigration to North America and Australia to the Yellow races, but at the same time to wish to colonise or rule the far east, is a Capitalist insanity, which begins to avenge itself today in the smouldering revolts in China. It is possible that the misused technology of the Whites still triumphs today. It is possible that the Yellow man is pushed back, throttled. But then he will necessarily turn his face in other directions and will follow the tracks of Ghenghis Khan, Tamerlane and Attila. What Lenin and Trotsky have not achieved in order to bring the forces slumbering in Bolshevism to their final victory will be realised thanks to the world policy of Europe and America. Whether contemporary, disintegrated and, for a long time, powerless Russia can stem the advancing yellow flood of millions is more than questionable. Bismarck’s words, The Yellow men will one day water their camels in the Rhine, may find fulfilment.

The salvation from the abyss, however, lies in exactly the opposite direction than, for example, Spengler sees. It is not the captains of industry and the Caesares who rule over personalityless masses who must affirm destiny. We recognise that this future is already half past. Everywhere powers are born which, out of the decline of the old, already shape a new picture of the world. These forces are not reversible. These powers of our soul and of our blood are our destiny. This is the striving for world discovery in the 15th and 16th centuries, and after human culture and the world state in the 18th and 19th centuries. The United states of America, according to the universal agreement of all travellers, is the magnificent land of the future. It has the great task of throwing aside all outworn ideas which date from before its foundation. It can proceed with youthful strength to set up the new idea of the racial state, such as some awakened Americans have already apprehended, like Grant and Stoddard. They saw the necessity for the expulsion and resettlement of the Blacks and the Yellow men, the handing over of east Asiatic possessions to Japan, the working toward a Black colonisation in central Africa, and the resettlement of the Jews to a region where this entire group can find a place.

The attempts of imperialist powers in the last decades to rule the furthermost corners of the world with cannons and to keep the exploited peoples in order were not signs of strength but a proof of weakness, in the same way that a disproportionately large police force in a state does not show a strong structure, but rottenness instead. Europe and America entered east Asia on the pretext that they had to preserve their trade in China, thereby saving hundreds of thousands, indeed millions, of jobs at home from collapse. That view is untenable; the only valid conclusion is that they did this with contemporary imperialism’s lust for robbery. Such a greatly populated land as China is dependent on the export of its products. No American warships are necessary in order to load tea and spices and to exchange European wares for these products. China signifies, for centuries ahead, a giant market for the chemical and technical products of the west. In order to maintain the possibility of utilising the riches of its own soul, China will need to conclude trade agreements in its own interests, in order to create work, service and order in its land, and without being forced into this by opium dealers from Calcutta and Bombay. It will naturally know how to defend itself if usurious world bankers wish to regard all cultured peoples as terrain for loans, good enough to drudge to pay interest upon interest. International bankers will attempt to appoint a finance minister to dictate policy for the entire land, in the same way as the Dawes Dictate was introduced into Germany.

The present day debts of states are already regarded like private legal agreements. In spite of the impossibility of fulfilment for many peoples, a rupture of many tribute agreements would easily bring the gravest conflicts with world states, or, more correctly, with the bankers directing these world states. The encroachment into the so called German Reich Railways or Reich Bank had, until 1933, likewise brought with it grave foreign political developments. Thus the railways, money and the entire Reich bore without justification the adjective German. The only things German about them were the slaves working. The control was in the hands of Frenchmen and Jews.

This situation was untenable in the long run, and, if a release from tension occurred, it would be due to an alteration of the world political situation. The greedy representatives of Democracy alone could cause such a relaxation of tensions. After Germany, one state after another fell into the mesh of that world political system of robbery. Simultaneously, an awakening also begins. This watchfulness, on the basis of the German revolution of 1933, will necessarily lead to solutions.

It is not an International private syndicate (Rathenau): not world economic trading, nor trusts laid upon all peoples as the goal and meaning of world history; not a raceless league of peoples which has to announce the Nordic German renewal in European and world political respects; but a racially determined state system. Our state, our philosophy and our folk stand in symbiotic relationship to one another, not wishing to perish in endless mixing of forms in shapeless chaos, such as is the necessary consequence of former democratic Marxist world politics. Our state system was founded on the basis of this organic structure to ensure the political rule of the White race all over the globe.

The idea of a racially based world policy signifies in relation to east Asia its independence. It also suggests the release of other nations from the present system which controls them. These states have been for a long time four fifths under Jewish control. This new idea of the Nordic west confronts Judaism as the sole dangerous opponent of a faceless Pan Europe, chaotic world justice, and the folkish less freemasonic world republic. No other idea has any validity. And after this world political evaluation of the struggling forces The Myth of the 20th Century 150

there will be yet again a confirmation of the state system alluded to. Its foundation corresponds to the interests of the powers forming Nordic culture and states. There will be a German Scandinavian block whose goal will be the security of Europe from the Communist flood and the prevention of the formation of a concentrated danger in the east. There will be an alliance of the block with England, whose rule over India can likewise only be provided through prevention of Asiatic political power. Despite existing tensions, we will give common support to a White racial policy in North America provided that America withdraws its demands for tribute from Germany and England. There will be a military alliance with the leadership of Italy. In the far east there will be a system of yellow states which will work with the White race to preserve the important White interests in North America and in Europe. To what extent this racial will can accomplish its goals only the future will reveal.

Germany itself will then finally attain its badly needed living space in Europe for its 100 millions. In respect to metaphysics, we will seek the inward creative freedom of our people which is linked to our political independence. Only our durability and the strength of the national concept of honour can provide this independence. Therefore the call for one’s own space, for one’s own bread, becomes the prerequisite for the achievement of spiritual values and the formation of German character. In the great struggle for existence with honour, freedom and bread, of such a creative nation as Germany, the German people must expect the consideration which has already been granted to less significant nations. The soil must be made free for farming by Germanic farmers. As a result, the possibility of breathing freely arises for the German people who now are pressed together in the narrowest space. And as a result, the foundation will be provided for a new cultural epoch of the Nordic man.
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