Claiming India, by Jyoti Mohan

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: Claiming India, by Jyoti Mohan

Postby admin » Sun Nov 01, 2020 6:13 am

Part 2 of 2

Conclusion: Was India really ‘French‘?

In this dissertation, I have examined the French intellectual elite‘s efforts in the 18th and 19th centuries to understand India, and the relationship of this endeavor to the creation of colonial knowledge. From the early formulation of India as a great brahminical civilization, then as the home of Buddhism to the home of the Aryans and finally the creation of a complex Hindu identity full of contradictions, simultaneously advanced and oppressive, the study of India in France during the nineteenth-century proceeded side by side with French colonial expansion. Sometimes coincidentally, but more often not, India was used as an example to support the prevailing colonial ideologies of race, assimilation and association. She was also an intrinsic part of the continuing national rivalry with England, at once an example of British self-centeredness and of the superior French colonizing mission.

In the preceding chapters, I have examined the construction of an academic image of ‘India‘ which was distinctly French and marked by its reliance on the spiritual and religious aspects of India, its antiquity, and Aryan heritage. The work was inspired, in part, by the need for such an intellectual focus. While scholars have long paid attention to the literary and artistic impact which India has made upon France,878 and more recently have examined how the French popular press represented India,879 the roots of this familiarity with India, which lay with the Parisian school of Indology during the nineteenth century, have not been examined. In this dissertation, I begin the task of recovering the image of India that French universities and research institutions created.

According to S P Sen French historical writing on European activities in India really started in the last quarter of the nineteenth century880. After the success of their second colonial venture in the latter part of the nineteenth century, the French were enthused with writing about their colonies. However, I think Sen is mistaken in his analysis. Undoubtedly, a great burst of writing about colonies took place with the colonial expansion of Napoleon III and Jules Ferry, but a steady stream of writing from the eighteenth century characterized French images of India. What distinguished nineteenth-century writing was its compartmentalization into institutional forms- writing on colonies came to be demarcated into literary, historical, and Indological (linguistic, philosophic, religious and cultural studies on India) genres.

The missionaries‘ accounts offered a perspective on Indian religion which was corrupted by its association with Islam. Described as a religion which imbued its followers with a warlike, greedy quality, Islam eventually destroyed ancient civilizations such as India.

The French observers also saw India as a great example of the results of different races intermarrying and causing a degeneration of ‘superior‘ racial qualities. Mid-nineteenth century French anthropologists, particularly those who were anti-Semitic, used the ‘unfortunate racial history‘ which India presented. This history was one in which a presumably superior Aryan race, intermarried with inferior races and thereby lost its superior qualities and indeed, lost its superior civilization. Thus, in their view, India had become a sad example of a fallen race, indeed a mongrel race unable to reclaim its once-glorious Aryan heritage due to the dilution in superior ‘blood‘. While these writings focused entirely on India as an ‘other‘ exotic entity, far from the comfortable civilizing presence of France, the warning that French civilization could just as easily be corrupted by allowing lesser races to imprint themselves of French culture was a powerful argument in certain French circles.

Another important manner in which India helped to develop notions of ‘Frenchness‘ among apologists for colonial expansion was in her situation as a British colony during the nineteenth century. As colonies became an accepted part of ‘national wealth‘ French nationalism within the colonial lobby also became a fierce rhetorical and cultural expression of everything that was not British881. As Brunschwig points out, France aimed at building a colonial Empire in order to boost national pride rather than a quest for financial enrichment.882 Colonial policies like assimilation were geared to showcase the superior culture and colonial achievements of France and this aim was underscored by the proponents of Empire in France. Unlike England, where Empire was pursued by merchants, industrialists and financiers, the French colonial enterprise was taken up by geographers, journalists and intellectuals who saw Empire as a means to restore national pride after humiliating defeats to England and Germany during the course of the nineteenth century.

The colonial progress of France in the nineteenth century was very much reflected in the writings on India. The romanticism and military vainglory of the eighteenth century was present in most works of the period on India, which praised France for her efforts to understand and associate with such an ancient civilization. The Revolution was a huge break when France was too busy with her internal conflicts and the crushing colonial losses to England to pay much attention to her empire. Colonial dreams, which were resurrected with Napoleon, soon died a quiet death. The Restoration government under Louis Philippe was as timid as the King himself. Having concluded several peace treaties with England which stripped France of her most lucrative colonial possessions, France was in no position to challenge England. Colonization proceeded sedately and unremarkably. The proclamation of the Second Republic in 1848 and the rise of Louis Napoleon once again fired France‘s colonial dreams. New expansion into Africa with the conquest of Algeria and Senegal, and East Asia into Indo-China put France back on the list of colonial contenders. The period saw the introduction of colonial policies of assimilation, followed in the 1870‘s with the Third Republic and the stewardship of Jules Ferry in the 1890‘s, with the policy of association, which proclaimed France‘s greatness and uniqueness as a colonial power and also her real desire to civilize her colonies.883

The French colonial lobby pushed their spiritual and religious image of India in an attempt to challenge British dominance in India by pointing to the superior achievements of India in philosophy and intellect. German Indological work, deeply influenced by France884 presented India through a lens of Romanticism and spirituality, furthering this image. In addition one has to remember that nineteenth century Europe was still a land where French was spoken and understood more than English. Therefore the consumption and imagination of India on French terms was far stronger than the British representations of India even though Britain was well on her way to establishing her empire in India. In stark contrast to the image of British India suffering under constant famines, and back breaking poverty, the French comptoirs were consistently represented as peaceful, content towns- sleepy little outposts of la plus grande France.885 Indians were extended French citizenship and taught the glorious language and culture of France, all proof of France‘s superior mission civilisatrice. Simultaneously colonial leaders lost no opportunity to criticize British rule. As Albert Sarrault declared as late as 1931, ‘India is not governed, she is exploited.‘886 In contrast, inhabitants of the French comptoirs seemed content with French rule, possibly because of their belief in the French character which was inclined to emphasize the attributes of equality and legality and to a greater extent than in British India, those of fraternity and liberty as well‘887 Not only were the French treating their Indian citizens like equals888 but in their eagerness to preserve their civilization, French scholars were the leaders in Indology. The relationship between France and India was therefore not a simple imposition- if French was imported into the Comptoirs, Sanskrit was exported, underlining the French desire to preserve the civilization of India. The notion that this civilization was as artificial and imposed- a construct of those in power- as the selfsame British, was not important to address. This aspect of French intellectualism, more than any other single achievement, served to challenge British claims of ‘rehabilitating‘ India.

Despite British territorial dominance in India, the conception of India as a land of spiritual and intellectual greatness was still strongly French and continues to endure in Europe even today. This fact alone necessitates the study of how and why the French chose to involve themselves so closely with the study of India. This dissertation begins that fascinating journey into the politics of academic portrayals and their accuracy.



804 ‘Les Établissements français de l'Inde‘, L'Illustration (19 Sept 1931)

805 Patricia Morton, ‘National and Colonial: the Musée des colonies at the Colonial Exposition Paris 1931‘, Art Bulletin, 80 (June 1998): 357.
806 This was the crucial ideological component of French colonial policy and the key to Anglo-French colonial rivalry. 
807 Panivong Norindr, ―La Plus Grande France‖, Identity Papers. Contested Nationhood in Twentieth-Century France, edited by Steven Ungar and Tom Conley (Minneapolis and London: University of Minneapolis Press, 1996): 324 
808 Ibid: 235-236.
809 Rapport Général de Exposition Coloniale Internationale de 1931, présenté par Gouverner Général Olivier (Paris: Imprimérie Nationale, 1933), vol V, part II: 613.
810 Ibid: 614.
811 Ibid: 615. This statement leads me to view with suspicion Patricia Morton's statement that the colonial pavilions were scattered with no apparent regard to geography or manner or period of acquisition. In fact, this superficial disregard of logical systems of planning may have been a deliberate attempt of the planners of the Exposition to impress the viewer with the diversity and the vastness of French colonial presence.
812 Ibid: 624.
813 Ibid.
814 This conference was in addition to the numerous conferences discussing the resources, cultural, religious and moral progress of French colonies where French India was also studied.
815 Moignac was India‘s representative in the French Senate. Le Livre d'Or de l'Exposition Coloniale Internationale de Paris, 1931 (Paris: Librarie ancienne Honoré Champion, 1931): 175.
816 Burton Benedict ―International Exhibitions and National Identity‖ Anthropology Today, vol 7.3 (June 1991): 7.
817 André Demaison, A Paris en 1931.Exposition Coloniale Internationale "Votre Guide" (Paris: Editions Mayeux, 1931): 47.
818 Rapport Général, vol. 5, part II: 619. Quoted from Le Monde illustré, numéro de septembre 1931.
819 Rapport Général, vol. 5, part II: 620.
820 Ibid: 620.
821 Ibid: 617.
822 Ibid: 619.
823 Ibid: 625
824 Carol Breckenridge “The Aesthetics and Politics of Colonial Collecting: India at World Fairs” Comparative Study of Society and History, 31.2 (April 1989): 209.
825 Rapport Général, vol. 5, part II: 625.
826 Ibid: 134.
827 Ibid: 145.
828 Rapport Général, vol. 4: 359.
829 Rapport Général, vol VI, part I.
830 The gurukul was the system of ancient learning. The pupil actually lived with the teacher for a period of some years, performing household tasks and learning simultaneously until the teacher had decided that the former‘s education was complete. Although this system had become obsolete in India by the nineteenth century and Western forms of schooling were in vogue, the field of performing and applied arts, still followed the old system of gurukul education. There are still some schools which operate on this basis, most notably, Tagore‘s University- Shanti Niketan. While the gurukul system had many advantages, there was a lack of exposure and multi-culturism, the student being bound to learn the techniques of only one teacher which was what Shankar attempted to resolve by establishing an Academy of dance in 1939.
831 Rapport Général, vol 5, part I: 145-146.
832 Ibid: 98.
833 Emile Bayard, L‟Art de Reconnaître les Styles Coloniaux de la France, (Paris: Librarie Garnier Frères, 1931).
834 Ibid, preface: VIII.
835 Ibid: 433
836 Ibid: 430.
837 Ibid: 4-5.
838 Patricia Morton, ‘National and Colonial: the Musée des colonies at the Colonial Exposition Paris 1931‘, Art Bulletin, 80 (June 1998): 372-73.
839 Rapport Général, vol. 6, part I: 323-24.
840 The Drain of Wealth Theory was first propounded by Dadabhai Nauroji, an early Indian nationalist, who pointed out that colonial exploitation was not merely composed of the visible economic drain through unequal trade, high tariffs and taxes. The Drain also took the form of payment by the colony for the administrative structure, payment of the salaries of British officials in India, remittances to Britain by these personnel and the creation and extension of India government bonds to these personnel. 
841 Albert Sarraut‘s Mise en valeur des colonies françaises (1923) Preface. Quoted in Raymond Betts, Tricouleur: The French Overseas Empire (Gordon and Cremonesi, 1978): 40.
842 André Demaison, A Paris en 1931. Exposition Coloniale Internationale "Votre Guide" (Paris: Editions Mayeux, 1931): 176-77.
843 L'Illustration, 19 Sept, 1931.
844 Ibid. Also see Le Guide. Exposition Coloniale Internationale. Paris 1931.(Paris: Édition de l‘Imprimerie Union, 1931): 54.
845 The members of the committee were by and large supporters of British rule in order to rule their kingdoms at least nominally, and most had British residents at their courts. However they played important roles in the organization of the nationalist movement underground, while remaining outwardly loyal supporters of the Crown.
846 Rapport Général, vol I, p. 347.
847 Ibid: 350-51.
848 Ibid: 351.
849 This image of an unsullied India before the British ravished the fabulously wealthy land was glorified in colonial paintings depicting the French conquest in India under Dupleix, Lally and Bussy in the eighteenth century. The French campaigns in India were reproduced and prominently displayed in fantastic paintings and frescoes in the Retrospective Section of the Musée Permanent des Colonies. See Rapport, p. 622.
Ironically it was acceptable for France to wage a war of colonial conquest on India but the British were described implicitly as marauders and looters.
850 André Demaison, A Paris en 1931.Exposition Coloniale Internationale "Votre Guide" (Paris: Editions Mayeux, 1931): 176-77. The reference to manufacture is obviously to the introduction of modern industry, transport and communication by the British in order better to exploit the resources of India.
851 Ibid: 177.
852 Ibid: 176.
853 Patricia Morton, Hybrid Modernities: Architecture and Representation at the 1931 Colonial Exposition, Paris (Cambridge Mass. and London, England: The MIT Press, 2000).
854 See Aurel Stein, ‘The International Colonial Exhibition in Paris and the Indian Visitor‘, The Asiatic Review, 27 (October 1931). 
855 Ibid: 599. 
856 Ibid: 599-600.
857 Ibid: 601.
858 Claude Farrère, ‘Angkor et l'Indochine‘, L'Illustration, 23 Mai, 1931.
859 Rapport Général, vol 6, part I: 320.
860 Le Livre d'Or de l'Exposition Coloniale Internationale de Paris 1931 (Paris: Librarie ancienne Honoré Champion, 1931): 177. ‘Dans l‘Inde anglaise, il s‘agit d‘un soulèvement national, d‘une rebellion organisée contre- disons le mot- le système britannique d‘exploitation de la terre et des gens, contre le cravache anglaise. Dans l‘Inde fançaise, la conception de colonisation a toujours été différente et les méthodes diamétralement opposées.‘
861 Maurice Larrouy, ‘Les possessions océaniques‘, L'Illustration, 23 Mai 1931
862 Frances Parkinson Keyes, ‘Tricolor and Stars and Stripes Float Together Over The Greatest Show on Earth‘, Good Housekeeping Magazine, November 1931: 196.
863 Burton Benedict, ‘International Exhibitions and National Identity‘, Anthropology Today, 7.3 (June 1991): 8.
864 Carol Breckenridge, ‘The Aesthetics and Politics of Colonial Collecting: India at World Fairs‘, in Comparative Study of Society and History, 31.2 (April 1989): 201.
865 Le Livre d'Or de l'Exposition Coloniale Internationale de Paris 1931 (Paris: Librairie ancienne Honoré Champion, 1931): 176. This tiny colony was the object of much attention on the part of the mother country (France) in the past. Unfortunately by the nineteenth century when France claimed her vast colonial Empire in Asia and Africa, the position of French India had been reduced to a mere mention in histories of past colonial enterprises.
866 Ibid: 176. ‘Cette petite colonie qui nous est si chère par tant de souvenirs devrait être l‘objet d‘une plus grande sollicitude de la part de la mère- patrie. Aujourd‘hui l‘Inde Française apparaît malheureusement trop comme le parent pauvre dans notre fastueux empire colonial.‘
867 André Demaison, A Paris en 1931.Exposition Coloniale Internationale "Votre Guide" (Paris: Editions Mayeux, 1931): 176.
868 Le Livre d'Or de l'Exposition Coloniale Internationale de Paris 1931 (Paris: Librairie ancienne Honoré Champion, 1931): 176.
869 Ibid.
870 Taya Zinkin, French Memsahib, (Dorset, United Kingdom: Thomas Harmsworth Publishing Co, 1989), 1. Zinkin was French born and educated, and later married an Englishman, Maurice Zinkin, who was part of the Indian Civil Service.
871 According to Beinart and Hughes, at least twenty four palaces were built to represent India at the various British impetrial exhibitions between 1886- 1939. William Beinart and Lotte Hughes, Environment and empire (Oxford, OUP, 2007):225.
872 See Denis Judd, Empire: The British Imperial Experience from 1765 to the Present (Basic Books, 1998)
873 British Empire Exhibition: The Businessman‟s Opportunity (London, Wembley: Waterlow and Sons ltd, 1925) :12
874 See Tapati Guha Thakurta, ‘Careers of the Copy: Travelling Replicas in Colonial and Postcolonial India‘, Firth Lecture, Annual Conference of the Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth, ―Archaeological and Anthropological Imaginations" (Bristol University, April 8, 2009). Website: Accessed on 10/16/2009. Thakurta has discussed this aspect of ‘displaying India‘ in more detail.
875 Ibid: 20-21. Cited from Official Guide, British Empire Exhibition, Wembley, 1925 edited by G C Lawrence (London: Fleetway Press, 1925): 74-75.
876 Elizabeth M. Collingham, Curry: a tale of cooks and conquerors (Oxford: OUP, 2006): 153.
877 John Mackenzie, ‘The Popular Culture of Empire in Britain‘, The Oxford History of the British Empire edited by Judith Brown and William Louis (Oxford: OUP, 2001). 
878 For example, Lisa Lowe, Critical Terrains. French and British Orientalisms. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991); and Binita Mehta, Widows, Pariahs and Bayadères. India as Spectacle (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press and London: Associated University Presses, 2002).
879 For example, Kate Marsh, Fictions of 1947: Representations of Indian Decolonization in French-language texts (New York: Peter Lang, 2007); and Nicki Frith, ―Competing Colonial Discourses in India: Representing the 1857 Kanpur Massacres in French- and English-Language Texts and Images" Unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Liverpool, forthcoming 2008.
880 S P Sen, 'French historical writing on European activities in India', in Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon edited by C H Philips (London, 1961).

881 See Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992). Colley describes the definition of British national identity in opposition to ‘the other‘ which was France. Similarly, French national identity too was shaped by Anglo-French rivalry and hence French identity came to be defined in terms of things ‘not British‘.
882 Henri Brunschwig, French Colonialism 1871-1914: Myths and Realities. (London: Pall Mall Press, 1966). Revised ed.
883 See Thomas Power, Jules Ferry and the Renaissance of French Imperialism (New York: Octagon Books, 1966).
884 Although Germany and France were bitter rivals during the nineteenth century in Europe, France was the first country to actively embrace Indology as an academic discipline with established Chairs in Sanskrit and Indic studies. German Indologists were among the first foreign students of these French Indologists in the early nineteenth century and took back the ideological framework of Romantic thought in viewing India with them. Thereafter they continued to work with a strong Romantic current, which is reflected even today.
885 Pierre Loti, for instance, described Pondichéry as ―this tiny corner of old France, lost on the edge of the Bay of Bengal". Pierre Loti, L'Inde (sans les Anglais) (Paris: Calman-Levy, 1903): 227
886 Cited in Jacques Weber, Cent ans de colonies", in L'Aventure des Français en Inde. XVII – XX siècles. Edited by Rose Vincent (Kailash Editions: 1995): 203.
887 Joseph Minattur, Justice in Pondicherry. (New Delhi: The Indian Law Institute, 1973): 1-2.
888 The granting of citizenship and the so-called advancement of the Comptoirs under the French was also questionable. However these issues have only recently begun coming to light in the work of scholars such as Narayani Gupta, ‘The Citizens of French India: the issue of cultural identity in Pondicherry in the XIX century‘, in Les relations historiques et culturelles entre la France et l'Inde XVII- XX siècles. 2 volumes. (Sainte-Clotilde, 1987), Jacques Weber, ―Chanemougam, the King of French India", EPW, Feb. 9, 1991, Jacques Weber, Pondichéry les comptoirs de l'Inde après Dupleix. (Paris: Denoël, 1996), L S Vishwanath, ―Social Stratification in Colonial India", in K S Mathew (ed) French in India and Indian nationalism 1700- 1963. 2 vols. (Delhi, 1999), vol 1.
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Re: Claiming India, by Jyoti Mohan

Postby admin » Tue Nov 03, 2020 1:35 am

Part 1 of 2


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Re: Claiming India, by Jyoti Mohan

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